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The labor journal. (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, January 24, 1913, Image 1

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Mention the Journal to the
merchant who solicits your patron
age through these columns.
Vol. XXII.
Low Prices
High Qualities
Brodeck's Clearance
■ Sale
of Men's, Young .Men's and Boys'
(Suits, Overcoats, HatsA
Shoes and Furnishings/
To prepare a general clean-up to mnlte room for Spring stocks.
(Sec the Window Displays)
The Brodeck Co.
January Clearance Sale
This great sale ends this week —Bargains will never be better -
Notice the specials we are showing in—
Warm Blankets at
Reduced Prices
Oood size cotton blankets: gray,
white or tan; worth fine, Janu
ary Clearance Sale 55c
11-4 Double Bed Blanket, Gray
only, worth $1.00: January
Clearance sale 85c
HeaVy 11-4 Cotton Blanket,
Cray, White or Tan, regular
$1.86 quality; January Clearance
Sale $1.10
Extra size 11-4 Double Bed
Blanket," Gray, While or Tan,
worth $1.10; January Clearance
Sale 95c
Wool Blankets Reduced
In white and light colors, only, always a good value at $6.50,
January Clearance Sule $4.98
Extra'heavy, all wool, blankets in plaids; medium and dark colors,
$7.00 value, January Clearance Sale $5.50
Full double bed size, wool blankets, in gray, white, tan and all
plaid combinations; special value worth $10.on, January Clearance
Sale $7.50
W. H. CLEAVER e^e^ y
Successor to Dolson & Cleaver
is easier lo carry than a wallet filled with currency, silver or
Jt adds dignity to your transactions and gives, mucb satis
Checks are of no value except to the person in whose favor
fan yon afford t<> keep youi money nt home or in your
pocket, when you can have, without expense, a check book on
1 Uis strong hank 1
4 P« Cent Interest Paid on Time and Savings Deposits
Union Made by
!!aferkorn Cigar Go,
Riley-Cooley Shoe Co.
Both Phone. 766 1 7 12 Hewitt
These Arc Features of
50c white crib blankets; blue or
pink borders; January Clear
ance Sale .f. 39c
12-4 Blanket, full 2 yards wide,
Cray or Tan, worth $1.50; Janu
ary Clearance Sale $1.19
Heavy Wool Nap 124 Blanket,
Cray, White or Tan, worth
$3.25; January Clearance
Sale $2.59
$3.50 and $4.00 wool nap blan
kets; extra heavy; gray, white
or tan, January Clearance Sale.
5c Cigars
Devoted to the Interest
(Courtesy ot The National Socialist.)
Direct action and anarchism have
much in common. Both lay emphasis
on a series of oppositions. Both are
anti-parliamentary, anti-patriotic, anti
militarist, anti-votes, anti-dues, anti
insuranee, anti-contracts. Both be
lieve in a vague federalism of ill-de
fined and hastily-grouped workers.
The revolutionary unionists declare
for the general strike, which is a form
of the insurrections urged by the an
archists. The sabotage of the revolu
tionists bears a striking resemblance
to the anarchists' propaganda of the
deed, even when it leads to assassin
ation. Leadership is abhorred by
both, but an inner circle of daring
revolutionists is advocated by both.
"We must form," said Bakunine, "not
indeed the army of revolution —the
army can be anything but the peo
ple—but yet a sort of staff for the
revolutionary army * * * No
very great number of such men is
requisite. A hundred revolutionists.
firmly and seriously bound together,
are enough for the international or
ganization of all Europe."
Ths deia of an inner clique to lead
the ignorant and inert mass plays a
gnat part In both the anarchist and
syndicalist movements. Bakunine
formed a secret society in the midst
of tlu? International Workingmen's as
sociation, and after that organization
was abandoned in IS7I the anarchists
continued to advocate the same tac
tics In subsequent conferences. To-
day we find Pouget, the leader of the
French syndicalists, insisting that the
enlightened minority in the French
labor unions should be the unre
strained guardians of the organiza
tion. He says: "The conscious min
ority will act without taking account
of the obstinate mass of the uncon
scious who have not yet been ani
mated by the spirit of revolt and
may be considered as human zeros."
And Pouget concludes: "Thus ap
pears the enormous difference in
method which distinguishes syndical
ism from democracy; the latter, by
the mechanism of universal suffrage,
gives direction to the unconscious *
* * and stifles the minorities who
near within them the hopes of the
future. The syndicalist method gives
a result diamentrically opposed to
this. Impulsion is instilled into the
conscious, the rebels, and all favor
ably inclined are called upon to act
and to paiticipate in the movement."
The position here taken by Pouget is
incorporated into the very constitu
tion of the French federation of la
bor, which makes it possible for a
closely organized minority te com
pletely control that organization. The
trade union with a score of members
has the tame voting power in the
federation as the trade uuiou with
lft.ooo members. Opposition to ma
joiity rule has always been as much
a cardinal principle of the anarchists
as it is of Tammany Hall, and it to
day stands as the policy and prac
tice of the French unions.
The anarchists in the international
fought, as the revolutionary union
ists do today, for what is called
purely economic action. They had
no faith in political parties, in par
liamentary methods, or, in fact, in
' any effort to capture public powers.
For instance, the anarchist, Bordat,
1 said before the Lyons tribunal in
j 1893, what most of the revolutionary
; unionists today would thoroughly as
sent to. "To send vvorkingmen to a
parliament," he declared, "is to act
|i like a mother who would take her
daughter to a brothel." "Working
class candidates," said Bakunine,
"transferred to bourgeois conditions
of life and into an atmosphere of
i completely bourgeois political ideas.
ceasing to be actually workers in or
der to become statesmen, will become
bourgeois, and possibly will become
even more bourgeois than the bour
geois themselves. For it is not the
men who make positions, but, on the
contrary, positions which make the
men." Such have been the criticisms
of tho anarchists levied agalnßt
working class political action. Any
one who will turn to the literature
of revolutionary unionism will find
again and again the same thought.
In advocating trade union action,
however, the anarchists always op
posed officials and Bought a decen
tralized federation of groups. The
chief purpose of the vague organiza
tion they advocated was little more
than to enable the workers to keep
in touch with ieach other and to
serve the needs of a quick and wide
spread insurrection. They believed
that the world was on the verge of
an upheaval, and that mere agitation
lution that would usher in the new
order of society. Parliaments would
then disappear, but trade unions
were necessary, for, as I'rof. 11 ins
declared at Basle in 1869, they rep
resented in the germ the organiza
tion of the new social system. "Ba
kunine glorifies," says Pechaaoff,
"the 'essentially economic' tactics ot
the old English trade unions, and has
not the faintest idea that it was these
very tactics that made the English
workers the tail of the liberal party."
The revolutionary unionists today
believe, as the anarchists always
have believed, that the world is ready
for a tremendous upheaval. The new
order is waiting to be born, and the
sole work to. be done is to arouse In
the people the will to start the revo
lution. How much like the views ol
the syndicalists, as given in an earl
ier paper, ore the following declara
tions of Bakunine and Kropotkin!
"The revolution, as we understand
it," said Bakunine, "must on its very
first day completely and fundamen
tally destroy the state and all state
institutions." The workers must
then procede to the "confiscation of
all productive capital and Instru
ments of labor in favor of the asso
ciations of laborers, which will use
them for collective production."
"The first act of the social revolu
tion," says Kropotkin, "will be a
work of destruction. * * * The
government will be overthrown first
And following that "the people will
also, without waiting for any direc
tions front above, abolish private
property by forcibly expropriation.
* * * 'The reorganization of pro
duction will not be possible in a few
days,' especially as the revolution
will presumably not break out in all
Europe at a time. The people will,
consequently, have to take temporary
measures to assure themselves, first
of all, of food, clothing, and shelter.
First, the populace of the insurgent
cities will take possession tit' tin
dealers' stocks of food and of tie
grain warehouses and the slaughter
houses. Volunteers make an Inven
tory of the provisions found and dis
tribute printed tabular statements b>
the millions. Henceforth, free till;
ing of all that is present in abuud
ance; rations of what has to be mea
sured out, with preference to Up
sick and the weak; a supply for de
ficiencles by importation from the
country (which will come in plenty
if we produce things that the farmei
needs and put them at his disposal),
and also by the inhabitants of ttt<
city entering upon the cultivation of
the royal parks and meadows in the
vicinity. The people will take pcs
session of the dwelling houses in like
manner. Again volunteers make listi
of the available dwellings and dis
tribute them. People come together
by streets, quarters, districts and
agree about the allotment of the
dwellings. But the evils that will at
first still have to be borne are soon
to be done away; the nrtisans of the
building trades need only work a few
hours a day, and soon the overspaci
ous dwellings that were on hand will
be sensibly altered and model houses,
entirely new, will be built. The pro
cedure will be followed with regard
to clothing. The people take posses
slon of the great clothiers' establish
in. tits and volunteers list the stocks.
People take freely what is on hand
in abundance, In rations what Is
limited in quantity. What Is lack
Ing 1b supplied In the shortest of time
by the factories with their perfected
I quote the above statements of the
two chief anarchists to illustrate the!
similarity between their views and
those advocated by the syndicalist
The latter are extremely vague re
garding the actual procedure of the
general strike. Some of them believe
that the general strike may be solely
of Organized Labor
forced in discussion to agree that a
pi aoeful general strike would surely
meet with defeat. As Buisson says:
"If the general strike remains the rev
olution of folded arms, if it does not
degenerate into a violent insurrection,
one cannot see how a strike of fifteen,
thirty or even sixty days could bring
into the industrial form of govern
ment and into the present social sys
tem changes great enough to deter
mine their fall." To be sure, the rev
olutionary unionists do not lay so
much emphasis on the abolition of
government as do the anarchists, but
their plan leads to nothing less than
that. If the capitalist class is to be
locked out —whatever that may mean
—one must conclude that the workers
intend in some manner without the
use of public powers to gain control
of the tools of production. In any
case, they will be forced, in order to
achieve any possible success, to take
the factories, the mines, and the mills,
and put the work of production into
the hands ot the masses. If the state
interferes, as it undoubtedly will, in
the most vigorous manner, the
strikers will be forced to fight the
state. In other words, we shall see
the general strike become an insur
rection and the people without arms
carrying on a civil war against the
armies of the government. We might.
at course, pass over with light hearts
much of the above interesting and
harmless speculation were it not for
lite violent and bitter attacks made
by both anarchists and syndicalists
upon any form of political party ac
tion. We can afford to be tolerant to
ward any positive proposition and
even adverse criticism, except when
they menace organization. When,
however, a group of men conspire to
create suspicion and to promote dis
trust of all socialist party action, we
are forced not only to defend our
selves, but even to put the proposals
of our opponents under critical analy
sis. And the genetal strike of the
syndicalists is only the insurrection
of the anarchists in disguise.
Indeed, syndicalism, as a whole, has
been defined as anarchism in dis
guise Certainly the entire forces of
anarchism have been turned to the
service of the syndicalist movement.
Emma Q Old man, Alexander Berkman.
and other anarchists in New York
have recently formed a syndicalist
educational league, and from now on,
even in this country, every assault
made by the anarchists upon
the socialist movement will be labeled
"syndicalism" or "direct action." The
marriage of anarchism and syndical
ism is, of c.inrse, a natural and legit i
mate union, and we must expect to
see In the near future' under its new
guise an extensive growth in anar
chist propaganda. So long as the an
archists were excluded from the
unions and divorced from every sec
tion of the labor movement by the
Marxian elements, they could only
keep alive their doctrines by indivi
dual acts of violence Rut in recent
years the anarchists have not only
gained a strong position in the labor
movement of the Latin countries, they
have also gained at hearing in other
countries through policies which, how-
ever old in their philosophy, bear new
and striking labels.
And it is perhaps Inevitable that the
views of the anarchists should gain a
larger and larger following Political
action is slow, and many of the voting
er, the more petulant and Impulsive,
are Impatient Furthermore, the so
cialist movement has become so ex
tensive that while it is fundamentally
more revolutionary, it no longer ap
pears revolutionary. Its tone is quiet
er. Its reasoning is saner, and its
members include a multitude who are
no less determined because they are
less given to fanaticism. Great halls,
theatres, and lyceums are now the
ho i s of the party.
Introductory Note. Owing to the
timeliness of the following article —
The Shingle Weavers' Union just hav
ing closed its annual convention at
Portland, Ore. —the article promised
for this week has been postponed till
next week. The following are ex
tracts from international President J.
(i. Brown's report to the convention
and go more into detail about the
planned organization of the timber
workers than anything hitherto pub
Next week's issue of the Labor
Journal will contain the article, show
ing some of the more serious obsta
cles, likely to be encountered within
labor's own ranks, in endeavoring to
organize the timber workers, ob
stacles that must be overcome and
will be, if treated with the care and
intelligence the men in the lumber in
dustry are known to possess.
The increasing concentration of cap- j
ital in the lumber industry lias made
it harder and harder for the shingle
weavers —being the only branch organ
ized and representing but a small
fraction of the men employed—to hold 1
their own against these growing for
ces. This condition had compelled
thought about the possibilities of ex
tending our jurisdiction to include all ]
workmen engaged in the industry.!
This matter was first considered in
connection with the suggestion of
fered at the Sedro-Woolley convention]
by General Organizer ('. O. Young. By
instructions of the convention the sub
ject was fully investigated during the
year. Many conferences were held
with many different persons in many
different places. A strong effort was
made to work out the details of an ex
tended form of organization which
j would meet the needs of the woods
: men and saw mill workers and at the
same time not jeopardize the organi
zation already in existence. . . .
Plan of Organization.
I feel that if the workers in the
lumber industry were organized on a
departmental plan, allowing shingle
weavers as now organized, with the
addition of those working around shin
gle mills not previously eligible to
membership included, to constitute
one department, the men employed iv
sawmills to constitute another depart
ment, and the woodsmen a third, we
would be approaching the problem
from the most practical side.
To my mind the proper method of
procedure in beginning the work of or
ganizing is to use the present estab
lished shingle weavers locals to act as
a nucleus or centre around which the
other and now unorganized men
in the industry can be brought togeth
er. By starting mixed locals of this
sort the new members will have the
benefit of the weavers in the manner
of carrying on the detailed affairs of
the union. This method would also
prove valuable in keeping the newly
organized men from becoming victims
of desiging employers.
To guard the principle of autonomy
of each branch of the industry and
permit the particular business of the
organization to be done by those most
familiar with the details of the sev
eral departments, I would suggest
that a measure be incorporated givine
to each local branch the right to vote
on and decide separately those ques
tions not of a sufficient magnitude to
properly justify a decision of a joint
executive board or an international
officer. This law could apply equally
well in either mixed locals or after
they have become segregated.
This segregation should take place
when the mixed locals have become
so big as to become unwieldy, or when
for any other reason it appears that
the business of the organization can
be better managed or conserved by
such action.
When more than one local of either
department or of the same depart
ment, are organized in the same city
or in places adjacent to each other,
a joint executive board should be ere
ated by the election of delegates in
such numbers as may be desired or
agreed upon. From the delegates so
chosen, the officers of the board
should be selected, after which regu
lar meetings should be held to con
sider such matters as may be passed
on to them from any of the locals
Where only mixed locals are organ
Ized, the body as a whole can con
sider questions In which the several
departments have a common concern,
and upon which joint action Is de
sired. . . .
Initiation and Dues.
The rate of dues and initiation fees
to be fixed, for the new members we
hope soon to ha**» in our Minks, will
Is the official organ of the Trade*
Council, and is read by the labor
ing men and women of Everett.
stract justice, the rate ot dues ought
to he based upou a percentage of the
earnings of the workman. This policy,
however, it has been possible lo em
ploy only in the oldest and best dis
clplined unions. We may hope, some
time, lo reach this same point, but for
the present, perhaps it should be con
sidered from another angle.
I am of the opinion that the average
wages of loggers and woodsmen Will
compare, in a measure, favorably with
those of shingle weavers. If this is
true, the rate of dues for this class oi
men might be fixed at the same rate
as now paid by the shingle weavers
In the saw mills, on the other hand,
but a very small percentage of the
men get the wages of either the
shingle weavers or the loggers. It
would seem, therefore, that the
Imonthly dues for these men should
be somewhat lower than tor the oth
ers, with the same percentage of the
local dues being paid the interna
We can believe that the rate of ini
tiation allowed by our present inter
national laws to members of newly
j organized locals, if made to apply to
mew members coming into the depart
jmenta to be formed, should not be
Iburdensome. However, no exorbitant
'initiation should be charged, since it
|is of vastly more importance to get
(the men than the money. This is de
tail which, upon an exchange of views,
w ill no doubt, become clear.
The scale of wages to be adopted as
; the official one for the men in the
] new departments w ill be rather a
difficult matter. The one in opera
> tion already for the shingle mills will
! answer the purpose of that depart
ment, with such changes as may seem
desirable and necessary. In consider
ing this as affecting the other depart
ments, it will probably be the better
plan to have the matter of wage scale
j for woodsmen and saw mill workers
locals to work out, assisted by the ad
vice of the officers of the interna
tional. This course seems the wisest
one to adopt, because of the lack of,
'or very meager, representation of
these branches of the industry in our
convention. By the time of the next
convention it may be hoped that we
shall have enough locals of saw mill
i and woodsmen organized, which will
■ be represented, to insure them a voice
in this and other matters vital to
their interests.
During the early stages ot the civil
war many of the reverses sustained
by the union army was directly trace
able to the lack of preparedness of the
forces when they engaged In battles.
Much time was later spent in properly
drilling the soldiers in military tac
tics, and by that means the early dis
asters due to the premature encoun
ter! with the better disciplined enemy
were overcome.
The chief dangers we shall encoun
ter in organizing on the enlarged
scale will be the likelihood of engag
ing in premature strikes. The oppres
sion heaped upon saw mill and log
ging camp employes in the past has
been so flagrant that many men will
be inclined to give way to their long
accumulated indignation by exerting
their new-found strength by strike in
an effort to obtain redress of their
orying grievances. The experiences
of the federal soldiers at the battle of
Bull Hun ought to serve as a warning
and indicate the wisdom of "making
haste slowly." On occasion, too, it
happens that meu of fiery tempera
ments, and sometimes even emissaries
of the employers themselves, precipi
tate struggles which prove the undo
ing of young though, perhaps, strong
and prosperous unions. To insure
success we ought to organize as thor
oughly as possible before making de
mands of a radical nature. By doing
this we are sure, ultimately, to meet
with the same splendid success that
has marked the growth of the Shingle
Weavers' union even in their isolated
position. Merely because a thing is
right, merely because a grievance de
mands redress, is by no means proof
that success would follow a strike. In
the last analysis, power is the only
factor that will insure certain success.
Let us then develop a power sufficient
to cope with the forces against which
we shall have to contend. The gen
eral feeling of confidence which it is
our privilege to possess in the ability
of the Shingle Weavers' union to pilot
the new movement should be justified
by the care we exercise In behalf of
the men we shall draw into our organi
zation during the coming year.
Letters on Proposed Legislation Flood
New Department
That the University f Washing
ton bureau of municipal research has
attracted nation-wide attention is in
dicated by the fact that material and
Inquiries concerning employers' lia
bilities, "blue sky." insurance laws
and a great many other things are
pouring into Dr. Hermann Ttrauer's
office daily from all over the country.
There has also been a prompt re
sponse to all the requests this de
partment has made for Information
which would prove of Interest to thla
state. Drafts of bills concerning
NO. 50

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