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The Washington socialist. (Everett, Wash.) 1914-1915, April 16, 1914, Image 4

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Page Four
Entered as second-class matter March !), 1911, at the poatoffice
lit Kron'tt Washington, under the act of March !>. 1879.
Published every Thursday by the Washington Socialist Publish
ing Co., 1012 California Street, Everett, Washington.
Maynard Shipley - - Editor and Manager
Advertising Manager: K. (>. Crosby.
Mailing Force: Tillie Koeder, Martha McCormiok, Gertrude Cort,
Emma Spink. -j
Yearly subscription 1 . $1.00
Six months .50
Three months .25
Single copies ... --I:^^.-^ - ............ .OR
After having made war on the humble homes of his employees
in the steel works of Pennsylvania for a number of years, Mr. Andrew
Carnegie now comes forth with $2,000,000 to be added to his previous
donations to the world's peace fund. Says he in a letter te the vari
ous religious bodies :—
"Certain that the strongest appeal that can be made is to mem
bers of the religious bodies, to you 1 hereby appeal, hoping you will
feel it to he not only your duty, but your pleasure, to undertake the
administration of $2,000,000 of 5 per cent, bonds, the Income to be
so '.used as in your judgment will most successfully appeal to the
people in the cause of peace through arbitration of international
disputes; that as man in civilized lands is compelled by law to submit
persona] disputes to courts of law, so nations shall appeal to the Court
at The Hague or to such tribunals as may !>•• mutually agreed upon
and how to tin verdict rendered, thus insuring the reign of national
peace through the international law."
rons; again Andy.
It' you really want to abolish war. turn over that $2,000,000 to the
Socialist Party of Europe and America, and we will publish and dis
tribute enough good propaganda to. spike every rifle and cannon in
the world, removing at the same time the cause of wars. Profits!
"What doth it profit the average wage-earner in these days of
Wilson prosperity and Carnegie philanthropy that the wealth of "the
nation" increases at the rate of three hundred thousand dollars an
hour! That the sun never sets but that the workers of the land have
produced over five millions of dollars of wealth more than they will
be permitted to use!
Row much has been added to the security of the working-class
now that their capacity for production is twelve times greater than
a few years ago? "What consolation to the millions who were receiv
ing less wages' in 1900 than in 1890, and whose present wages fall below
the actual cost of living, that the wealth of the United States is nine
teen times greater now than in 1S40? Of what advantage to the
wage-slave is a rise of I<>'; in his daily stipend, when the cost of living
increased, at the same time, more than 40%
While the labor necessary to the production of the nation's
wealth is fairly evenly shared by its actual producers, the fruits
thereof are most unequally and unjustly distributed. The Twelth
Census (1900) reveals the fact that while seventy per cent, of the per
sons engaged in gainful occupations (the wage-earning proletariat),
owned but lour per cent, of the national wealth, another group, the
plutocracy, who formed less than one per cent, of those engaged in
gainful employments, and who really do nothing in the way of useful
labor, had appropriated more than seventy per cent, of the wealth.
Thus their possessions were increased in inverse ratio to their share
in its production. In other words, of the ninety-five billions of dol
lars in national wealth, in 1900, the plutocracy, numbering a little
over two-hundred and fifty thousand persons, owned sixty-seven
billions, while the holdings of the proletariat, comprising more than
twenty millions of wage-slaves, amounted to only about four billions
of dollars. The middle-class, numbering about eight arid one half
millions of those engaged in gainful occupations, formed about
twenty-nine per cent, of the total, and owned twenty-five per cent,
of the national wealth, about twenty-four billions of dollars.
Many members of the middle class, like the plutocracy, produce
nothing, their energies being devoted to exploiting the workers of
what little is vouchsafed them by the capitalists of the first group—
the parasitic plutocracy.
According to Mr. Carnegie's "Gospel of Wealth" it is not to be
regretted that the average wage-earner realizes so small a share of
the wealth he produces. That the average wage-slave should hand
over to the non-producing capitalist $2,GOG of the $3,124 he produced
in the manufacturing industries in 1909, taking as "his share" $518
thereof is in strict accord with "business" ethics. This is the
bourgeois method iff giving the laborers "work". It contemplates
"the development of the country's resources", and leaves the workers
themselves without any !
It is true, of course, that when capital increases at a rapid rate,
wages may rise, but. as Marx long ago pointed out, the profit of cap
ital will rise much faster, and it is seen in our day that the cost of
living rises faster than the rise in wages. Again, even if the material
condition of some laborers has improved, as Mr. Carnegie alleges,
this only occurs at the expense of their social position. The social
gulf wicfa separates the "operative" or laborer, or even the skilled
mechanic, from his industrial master is continually widening; so that,
as Mr. Carnegie himself points out. "rigid Castes are formed" and
the owner of wealth has become "little better than a myth" to the
producer thereof.
The fact that the poor are becoming ever more conscious of their
dependence upon the pleasure of capitalists for the opportunity to
work even for a bare Jiving, does not, according to Mr. Carnegie, offer
any obstacle to the harmonization of the relations of rich and poor,
of master and man, their interests being, we are told, "identical".
It is true that, there were some 23,000 strikes during the twenty years!
ending with 1900, and "God knows" how many since: but these little!
misunderstandings were all due to the workers not knowing their
place in the bourgeois economy. Unfortunately, they had not yet
learned of Mr. Carnegie that social progress can be made only by the
"strictest economy", on the part of the benevolent capitalists, "in the
matter of wages . Moreover, they probably did not realize that
"The contrast between the palace of the millionaire and the cottage
of the laborer with us to-day measures the change which has come
with civilization". We must have this contrast of poverty and toil
on one side, and of inordinate wealth and leisure on the other, says
Mr. Carnegie, or all of us will be reduced to "universal squalor."
Once, the product of labor belonged to the producer: now it belongs
to the owner of the instrument of production:—
"The price we pay for this salutary change is, no doubt, great. We
assemble thousands of operatives in the factory, in the mine, and in
the counting-house, of whom the employer can know little or nothing,
and to whom the employer is little better than a myth. All inter
course between them is at an end. Rigid Castes are formed, and. as
usual, mutual ignorance breeds mutual mistrust. Bach Caste is with
out sympathy for the other, and ready to credit anything disparaging
in regard to it. Under the law of competition, the einqloyer of thoti
ands is forced into the strictest economies, among which the rates
paid to labor figure prominently, and often there is friction between
employer and employed, between capital and labor, between rich and
poor. Human society loses homogeneity."
No, Mr. Carnegie, human saciety does not, under capitalism, lose
homogeneity; it attains it. It is individualism that is lost.
The workers, as mere appendages to ponderous machines, are reduced
to a homogeneous mob; they are merely so many "hands" and are
What We Do Want.
With this Issue We greet the comrades of I his slate under OUT new
name, The Washington Socialist All Red Curd members and locals
who owned slock in The Common w call h will lie given the same mini
her of votes in the new ordain/ation thai thej held in the old Cora
inoiiwcalih tlompany,
Now, comrades, we waul to make Ihis paper a Btiite | iper, right
away! Not, as sonic may at once assume, to run in compel il ion wilh
the proposed official party owned state paper, but to be turned over
to the comrades of Washington whenever they see fit lo formally
launch a parly owned press. The Washington Socialist is, of course,
owned and controlled by pari> members now, not a.s a profit making
institution, but as a Socialist making concern, run for the good of the
Socialist Party In particular ami for the protection of the working
class in general.
No one connected with The Washington Socialist has any selfish
interest in the paper, aside from Ihe benefit I" be derived from the
aii'Miieiitaiion of workingclass solidarity and the further enlighten
liienl and exaltation of the wane workers of this State. None of us
can secure his own freedom while a single worker remains psycho.
logically and economically manacled and enslaved. We all under
stand this, and work accordingly, determined to do our share toward
the total overthrow of slavery, mental, moral, political and industrial.
\\ c have no other interest in this paper. Kill it. upbuild it, Ignore it.
I waste ii, or boost for It, It i> yours, Do what you wish, to it or for
lit. We stand ready to do all of our part io make The Washington
Socialist an Instrument of power and enlightenment for the workers
of Washington.
What Are You Doinf>?
The cause we are working and Fighting for is yours. We there
fore invite your earnest cooperation in helping us to make of this
paper the kind of paper we need in ihis stale. Not some time in the
future, when we can make a big splurge and go into debt for a lot of
machinery and pay big salaries, bul right now, To Day! Are you
doing your duty To-Day? And if you're not doing ><>ur duty to -day,
what assurance has any one thai you'll do it some time in the future,
after a big expense account is piled upon JTOUI
Now till we ask of you is simply this:
The Washington Socialist needs the ready money to tide it over
the expense of the next two issues.
We ask every subscriber to advance his subscription for three
; motnhs, not more. This will not work a hardship upon any one, and will
divide the responsibility of re-establishing the paper. If we do not meet
'with a generous response to this reasonable request, NOW, it will re
quire an almost superhuman effort to pay merely expenses of printing.
We have met the demands so far by purchase of sub-cards in lots of
from two to five dollars; but for the next two weeks we will need a
I willing response from individual subscribers. So send in a twenty
jfive cents extension to your subscription — NOW! Use this coupon.
You will never miss so small a sum, and it means volumes to us.
I, the undersigned, enclose twenty-five cents, for which please
extend my subscription 3 months
.Mr. Vollmer, of lowa, the recently elected Democratic congress
man, considered it his duty on March in. in a speech in the house, to
prove the prosperity of Farmers of his state. Prosperity is not worth
much that can not lie personally experienced, but must be proven by
statistics. So it need not surprise .Mi-. Vollmer, il1 after ;iil his speak
ing, some of his constituents feel as unconvinced of their prosperity
as before. Moreover, his arguments were of a kind that must leave
unconvinced non-residents of lowa. He did not show general pros
perity whet) lie said that hind in his country has risen "from .■*•">() to
$250 per acre, and is still iroitiLr up."' Neither did he show it when
he -aid: "There is not a town of any size in the .Middle West, which
has not its quota of retired farmers who have grown wealthy by rea
s f the increase in the value of lands." lie could have proven
lowa prosperity could he have truthfully said that the men who till
the soil in his county gel by reason of their labor, and not through
I ownership of land, increase iii earnings equal to increase in rents from
; lands L'oiiiL'- up from ifCii) to *-•">(! per acre. He would have shown that
iabor in lowa is profitable, could he have truthfully declared "There
is not a town which has not a quota of retired farmers grown wealthy
from the sale of their labor products and from nothing else." Hut
all that, he did show was I hat in lowa, as elsewhere, there is prosperity
for those who have power to appropriate what others produce, and
: that some farmers may cease to work farms and work the farmers who
replace them, instead. One need no longer wonder why the census
of 1910 shows a dvcline in lowa's agricultural population. If the
Republican congressmen, whose "calamity howls" Mi-. Vollmer was
answering, were unable to reply to him, then they ought to make way
for abler representatives.
Mr. Vollmer was not altogether unaware of the weak points of
his position, lie admits that his prosperity touting "does not hold
true of all tenant farmers, due In the unearned increment and its
tendency in higher rents to absorb the profits of farming as active
business. That is not a matter of astonishment to students of the
•ingle tax."
Hut one need not he a -st udeni of single tax to wonder why a con
gressman should boast of increased land prices, when he believes, as
does .Mr. Vollmer, that the increase is "due to increase of population
in tin- world at large at geometric ratio, while the increase of culti
vated area is only at arithmetical ratio." If the failure of cultivated
area to keep pace with population were due to a shortage of land. Mi.
Vollmer mighi be excused for showing so little concern over the farm
ers who work the land, and so much pride over the farmers who work
.the cultivators. Hut with only 21 per cent of arable land under culti
vation, this growth of land monopoly shows a condition that little
justifies boasting.
It is a pity thai all of Mr. Vollmcr's Republican Progressive col
leagues seemed as blind as he to this fact and thus lost an opportunity
to show the fallacy of partisan prosperity touting,
BO regarded by the capitalists. "A thousand dumb animals, in human
form - a thousand slaves in the fetters of ignorance, their heads
having run to hands," indignantly exclaims Eugene Debs, "all
these owned and worked and fleeced by one stock- dealing, profit
mongering capitalist!" The instruments of production having fallen
into the hands of a few capitalists, the millions of wage-earners must
henceforth live on a ".lead level" of social ami moral inferiority:
mere Wealth-producing machines, "hands", allowed to retain just
so much for themselves of their own product as will keep them lubri
cated, and, in some cases, make possible the propagation of more
"operatives", more "hands"
Here one sees the typical tradinv: class philosophy stript of all
its specious sophistry, exposed in all its brutal candor, its hideous
pessimism: The many must he immolated on the altar of .Mammon,
that the few may curry on the work of widening the gulf between the
rich and the poor, between the moiling producers of wealth and the
parasitic takers ami enj overs thereof! The palaces of the few, says
.Mr. Carnegie, should be "homes for all that is highesi and besi in
literature and the arts, and for all the refinements of civilization,"
while millions of half-starved and poorly clad men. women and
children wear away their broken and impoverished lives in endless
labor for the privilege of living in a hovel while earning a palace for
the philanthropic multi-millionaire 1 And this, forsooth, is the system
which Mr. Carnegie pronounces "-nod", "unalterable"; these the
conditions which we must "accept and welcome", ami which it would
be a crime lo attempt to uproot!
The evolution or Industry has ho in-1 i
n ■ ed iii« productive powers of labor I
tlnil the worker now creates values far '
in excess of wimt in' reoeivee, Were ™
he io receive nil thai he produces the
Capitalist would OMUM to hire him, ,
Mini the run prodool of ihe toil or tilt
worker would he the properly of Ihe •
workers ihemietTM. (
II In the bUltllSH of the capitalist I]
cliihh to eternally drive the worker to j
ever greater productivity anrl to (to '
manage things that' the product of this '
emiienH I'ffort on the part of labor !
Khali reimiln willi the capitalist class. J
In lilm greed for greater galim the capl- ' »
tallli fights for low wages and lOOg !
hours, lie I'eiK oomtnlMloae to to- 1!
vcHii^iite the actual necessities of the <
working men nnd woirien bo tliat he i i
may deterinine Ihe more eaHily just ',
what 1h the least that they can live '
on and yi't he efficient workers. It i
is nil a matter of bUSiMH with him. ; (
Hut Oltttide on the street, owing top
Ihe lirlii hum- Ipced or modern indus- ■
Iff, there BOTM on weiiry llmbl the ]
iirniy or the unemployed. Thin ever- '
growing hoHt, the hoperul, tlfe crushed. •
tho young, tho old, the male and the ',
Female, le the reserve army of cap!-,;
tallsm. Ah :i recruit in the vast army : •
oi despair, i bave r<it keenly its decra- '.
iljilion I know at, first hand its hSB-lj
ncr paagl and its lonj? til^hts of be- '
numbing stupor out In the cold. The i
little ttiiil these workers live on is a
part of the Insurance premium of cap
italism. For when tho workers on the
Job try to gel more of what, they pro
iluee or try to reduce the hours of1
luhor, a ||go in tjie window brings in
swarms of privates from the army of
the unemployed. The places of the
workers, who dreamed of bettering
their conditions are soon taken and
ihe mills of greed grind on relentless
Why the Worker* Are Mentally Blind
80 vast has become the modern in
dustrial process and so Intricate the
social arrangements that the workinfi
class, with Its present brand of edu
ratlon, is dassd in the presence of Its
own product. Taught to use the Intel
lectual weapons of by-gone centuries
and to handle tho machinery of today
la It any wonder that the right hand
does not always know what the left is I
doing? Never permitted a real glimpse .
of the industrial hell that awaits them
la it any wonder that the boys and
girls lose their bearing when they
leave the fools' paradise of the school
room and go out into life? Trained to
think the thoughts that the bourgeoisie
wishes them to think they become not
only a menace to themselves but to
the whole working class as well.
Filled with the idea of "going into
business" the boy and girl go into the
factory to get a start. There they find
the speeding up process awaiting
them. In some cases, as for instance
in the silk mills, they will find that
they will have to do more work for
less pay than was done twenty years
iino. In the railroad business, in the
stores, in almost every line of human
effort the nerve racking, soul destroy-1
ing speeding up process is the rage.
Inside the factory walls a feverish
nice with power driven machinery,
outside a starving army of despair.
This is the fate of 90 per cent of the
worker! who today are in school be
ing filled with prejudices that will
blind them to their fate.
The bourgeoisie pedagogues tell us
that we should fit the children for
life. For what kind of life, my back
ward-looking friend? is it not just
possible that we should devote some
time to the fitting of life to the chil
dren as well as fitting the children
for life? Ilesides can we claim that
blinding children to the real facts of
life is fitting them to meet those
A Most Startling Fact.
And the most startling fact of mod
ern life is the class war, a war that
ragei around the entire world between
the employing class and the working
class, a war as pitiless as death,
Kipling, the gifted genius, has seen it
in its horror; London has visualized
its grim horror in the Iron Heel. You
cannot, pick up a paper but there are
notes from the battle field, pictures of
machine guns being used against the
strikers, shattered workingmen's resi
dences, mine guards, detectives, mil
itiamen, thugs, or some other graphic
reminder of the class war. Tt is here
about us in Washington. At the Ta
coma smelter, at the Robinson mill in
Everett, in the Arlington schools the
class lines are drawn. It is war, a
war in which even where guns are not
being used lives are being ruined.
In this class war the school is an
outpost of the capitalist class. To
allow an enemy to control and direct
the minds of the future fighters in our
own army were sheer folloy. Any per
son that believes in the perpetuation
of capitalist society is your enemy,
not necessarily a personal enemy, but
certainly your class enemy.
"Unsuccessful attempt, to rob the
lowa State treasury." Maybe the po
liticians had been there first.
Patronize Washington Socialist
Advertisers and Tell Them About It
We need your iiefp NOW! But we do not ask for donations.
BUT srHSCKII'TION CARDS, and sell them as fast as yau can. Thus
you'll help us and help tin- cause at the same time.
Better Clothes
for Men and Boys
The New Canyon Wood Go.
And Keithly Fuel Co. Under One Management -
Can now supply you with anything you want in either
coal or wood.
A Trial Order Solicited
Both Phones 37
Let Us at 11 Your Attention to
" The most wonderful finisher of wood yet discovered. You can
pound it with a hammer and not injure It in the least. Hot water
has no effect on It. A child can apply it. Let us show you.
Curraiv Hardware Co., live.
Corner Broadway and Hewitt Everett, Wash
Amusement Parlors
Wetmore and Hewitt
Driesslein & Becker
When in Rome Do
As the Romans Do
Likewise, When in Everett
Visit the GRAND
Staple and Fancy Groceries
Phones 342 2933 Broadway
We Give Green Trading Stamps
Socialism requires that the process
of production and distribution should
be regulated not by competition, with
self-interest for its moving principle,
but by society as a whole, for the good
of society.—Dictionary of Political
Thursday, April Hi, ID 14.
2820 Rockefeller Aw.
Wall paper, paints and
glass, paßerhanging, paint
ing, kalsomuung. Esti
mates furnished. AH work
Everett, Walk
Phone. i M. tlB, In*. 8»Z
Thirty Years Experience
2620 Oake*—Tel. Ind. 51SY

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