Newspaper Page Text
5c per oopy, $1.00 per year. Ultimate Interests of Farmers and Wage-Slaves Identical ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL STATUS OF THE FARMER Hy JOHN M. POWERS t Marcus. Waßh.) To the Kditor of The Washington So cialist: The questions dealt with on page 4. in your issue of February 26, under the title "Interesting Questions," especially the question relative to the farmer and his status in the class struggle deserve more than passing notice. While I agree with you in your classification of the farmer as a pro fit monger, because he has produce to sell at a price higher than he paid the farm laborer for producing it, or more properly helping to produce it, I do not quite agree that the farmer's pro fits would be greater, if farm machin ery, groceries, etc.. were cheaper, and I will add taxes to the list, with the assertion that: Whether taxes are high or low generally speaking, makes no material difference to the farmers as a class. It is conceded by all well informed students of eco-' nomics, that the wage earners as a class get only sufficfent -wages to meet their economic necessities, i. c., to secure enough food, etc., to keep themselves in wealth producing con dition, and to propagate more slaves. Now, while the farmer is not a wage slave in the strict sense of the term, he most certainly is a land slave, and the economic law above referred to applies to him just as much as it does to the wage slave. Therefor I disagree with you. when you imply that the farmers interests are in lower prices for what he buys, and higher prices for what he sells, the farmer in buying and selling is in &jx entirely different position to that of the merchant, or any others in the true profit mongering class. On the contrary, he is in the same position as the wage slave, i. c., he has noth ing to say about the price of his pro duct when he sells it and also nothing to say about the price of such neces sities as he is compelled to purchase from the manufacturer or dealer. The farmer is as much at the mercy of the four vampires interest, rent, profit, and the state as the wage e?,rn er is, and it is to his interest to abol ish these things. Of course he will not admit the above, but neither will the wage slave admit it, in fact both resent any pro paganda in that direction; neverthe less :he facts are not altered. I do not pretend to law down any course of tactics to my comrades in this great educational movement, i. c., the Socialist movement, but I do believe that the time of those desir ing to reach the ultimate goal, would be better employed, in trying to bring the farmers to a realization of what: his interests really are, than in split ting hairs, trying to segregate the farmers from the workers, and place them in the capitalist class. I will say for the benefit of those that may read this that I do not deal with the' farmers in this matter as individuals, but as a whole. You have said that "the question! is too complex to treat of fully," and agreeing with you on that I will not attempt it, but will conclude with saying: The desire on the part of cer tain wage-slaves to place the farmer in the capitalist class does not result from an intelligent understanding of the class struggle, but is a species of craft-consciousness, compounded with a little sclssor-billites. Our friend Bill Scissors is a very superficial thinker, he sees a foreign er with a job, and at once cries out "drive out the foreigners," he thinks the foreigner is the cause of his own unemployment. The fellow that blames the farmer for any part of present conditions is pretty much like a Gompersite or like Bill Scissors himself. The real cul prit gets away with the swag, while the fight between the workers, as to their religions, nationalities, and crafts goes on. WHOEVER YOU ARE WHEREVER YOU ARE If you are a real Red thil paper needs and invites your support. Get your name on our sub. list, if it's only for a three-month's term, at 25c. There is great work ahead of us. Help us to help others on the straiglit anc narrow path of Marxian Socialism And do ft NOW! Washington Socialist THE FARMER AND THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT Comrade Towers has written a very clear answer to our editorial In the Issue of February 16. which wo pub lish in another column of the present number. While we agree with comrade Powers on nearly all points, yet we feel that there are two elements of the problem which are not considered by him In his reply. First of all, wo must remember that we are not dealing with an ideal farm er, but a real, live, everyday, general ly capitalist-minded average member of his class. And this average farm er, even when he is a member of the Socialist party, is, as a matter of fact, very much interested in reducing taxes, and in measures which are be lieved by him to tend toward reduc tion of the average cost of living—to a lowered cost of farmer's supplies. It is not what is theoretically true, but what the average farmer, even though he votes a Socialist ticket, thinks is true, that determines his re lation to the class struggle and his views on political measures. The average Socialist, consciously or un consciously, tries to adapt the plat form and tactics of the Socialist party to conform to his. own Individual eco nomic needs, whether he be a farmer, a petty merchant, or a wage-slave. The exceptions prove the rule. Now then, as a matter of fact, is not a low average cost of production to the farmer's immediate advantage? Are not improved farm implements adopted precisely because they actu ally reduce the cost of production? And is not this reduction in the cost )f production necessary to successful competition in the world markets? [f the average cost. of production in ;he United States is greater than in Argentina, g Canada,... Russia^ or else where, how can the American farmer i sell his products at all? And we (enow that even the cost of production! :an be obtained by the average farm ir only when a foreign market can be found, annually, for nearly a bil lion dollars worth of American farm products. As applied to domestic sales, it would not matter, as comrade Powers iffirms, whether the cost of the farmer's living, or the amount of his laxes. were higher or lower, since he would, on the average, get but the ;ost of his keep anyhow. Rut with ihe foreign market closed to him, through his inability to meet comp^ t'tion abroad, he could not even sell his products at their cost price! So lie would have to go out of business, jiist as does the small manufacturer md petty merchant, when in compe tition with the great corporations. Now the average wage-slave of the industries does not care whether the small farmer survives, as such, or not. W~hat he wants is legislation that will improve his condition, as an indus trial wage-slave, dependent upon the capitalist for a chance to work, for the opportunity to use nis labor-power in exchange for what he calls "wages." He imagines that if he can buy flour and potatoes and bacon and eggs cheaply that he is that much better off. But the farmer thinks he will be better off if these products sell at a relatively high price. Also he believes there will be more profit for him if he can buy his own supplies at a low figure. So here we have a conflict between the apparent, or assumed, interests of city wage-workers and the self-em ploying farmer. And insofar as a foreign market is concerned, it would seem that the farmer is justified in wishing to see the price of his supplies at a mini mum, so that he may at least be able to dispose of his products even at cost price. But just because of this harrowing struggle for existence, or profits, the farmer's need for Socialism is as great as is that, of the average proletarian who has nothing but his labor-power to sell. Here then, the identity of Interest! between city wage-slave and small farmer is complete. The con: fltctlng immediate interests are insig nificant as compared with the ultim ate Interests, which are paramount for bol li classes of useful workers, rural j and industrial. Hence all farseeinf , self-employing agriculturists and all ' intelligent and informed city wagf workers are Socialists. WORKERS OF THE WORLD UNITE! YOU HAVE NOTHING TO LOSE BUT YOUR CHAINS. YOU HAVE A WORLD TO WIN COMMISSIONERS CLAY AND KELLY AID AND ABET IN VIOLATION OF CITY ORDINANCE Shull Lumber Co. Are Favored by "Class-Conscious" Officials At City Hall COMMISSIONER SALTER STANDS OUT FOR IMPARTIAL EN FORCEMENT OF LAW BUT IS OUTVOTED IN COUNCIL The Shull Mill company believes In political action. The Shull Mill company believes In electing to office men who will repre sent their class-Intercuts, who will do their bidding, as city officials; they vote for men who will enforce the city's ordinances rigorously where members of the working-class, or poor people, are concerned, and who will, to borrow Commissioner Clay's pre gnant phrase, "take the bit In the mouth" when the ordinances are con trary to what "influential" citizens want. Mayor Clay and Commissioner of Public Health and Safety Kelly have both taken "the bit in the mouth" for the benefit of the Shull Lumbar Co., and are flagrantly overriding the express provisions of the city's ordinances. The Shull Mill company have open ly violated section 107 of the city ordinances, requiring that all chim neys and smoke flues shall be con structed of brick or stone, with en closing walls not less than four inches thick, and, if less than eight Inches thick, shall be lined on the inside with will burnt clay, terra cotta pipe not less than one inch thick. This ordinance Is in force, legally, today. And Is being rigorously en forced on all citizens excepting the Shull mill people. No working-man could violate this ordinance without being immediately arrested and fined. The Washington Socialist wants to know of Commissioners Clay and Kelly why it is that there is a sheet iron pipe Issuing from the side of the boarding house at the Shull mill, in open, flagrant violation of an ordin ance that has not been abrogated, an ordinance that is in full force at this moment in all cases where the class that put Clay and Kelly Into office are not affected by its enforcement. We want to know why it is that "in fluential" citizens can with impunity over-ride the city's ordinances, while the officials who have taken their oaths to administer the laws impar tially, without fear or favor, "take the bit in the mouth," sit tight, and vote together to ignore their own ordinances, thus aiding and abetting men to whom they owe political fav ors, or from whom they expect t6 re ceive political favors, to violate the laws of the city. DEPENDS UPON WHOSE OX IS GORED Last week the Shull Lumber Co. made earnest protest at the city hall for strict enforcement of the law as against the shlngleweavern. This week they have called upon their ser vants in office to "wink the other eye" while they continue to violate section 107 of the building ordinance. Those in authority recognize "their master's voice," and vote that the ordinance be "suspended" for the benefit of their friends the Shull Mill Co. But they have no legal authority to suspend this ordinance for the benefit of their friends. FIRE CHIEF SILENT Will the chief of the fire depart ment please stand up and tell the voters of Everett why he makes no protest against this dangerous viola tion of an ordinance enacted to pro tect the homes of Everett from con flagration? Does political influence reach even Into the fire department? If the working-class of Everett shall have learned by next election day that only a Socialist official can be de pended upon to enforce the city's ordi nances where the rich and influen tial are concerned, the "bit" will not have been taken into Kelly's and (.'lay's teeth in vain. VICTORS AND VANQUISHED By EDWIN MAHKHAM (In The Nautilus.) He drew a circle that shut me out—■ Heretic, rebel, a thing to flout. But Love and I had the wit to win: We drew a circle that took him in. EVERETT, WASHINGTON, TIHIHSDA V, MAKCII '>'~ I!) 15.. SALTER BROILS TWO BROTHER OFFICIALS Socialist Commissioner Starts Fire and Then Watches the Smoke (From Kvonlng Herald) A motion Introduced} by Commlß- Hlonor Kelly Uilh morning at a b»;b- Hlon of the city council terminated tv placing Mayor Clay and the commis sioner who launched the motion In a Homowhat embarrassing posit ion. Thn motion proposed that the .Shull I,urn bnr & Shingle compaty should be granted a 80-days' permit to leave Kb Stovepipes standing in the bunkhoußO on Fourteenth street, Without, neces sitating tho construction of brick ohimneys. Tho tight spot in which tho two commissioners found them selves was when Commissioner Halter said it was a clear IransgreKHlon of a city ordinance; then, to make affairs more tangled for the two commission ers, a man presented himself at the session to ask for a special privilege, Commissioner Salter suggesting that tin1 same permission should be ac corded the Individual uh had been given the corporation. The Shull mill management has erected a bunk and cook house on the Fourteenth street wharf, As a tem porary affair the company used ordin ary pipes for Its stoves. The munici pal building Inspector moved against that action, declaring that under the ordinance a permanent chimney should be erected. For 8 time It ap peared as though a warrant would bo asked for Manager Nelson's arrest, but the council visited the scene of action and decided against the drastic measure proposed. When the motion was presented this morning and Mayor Clay said that the mayor of Seattle frequently found it necessary to make slight departures from city ordinances, Commissioner Salter said: "Sure, it is up to you two commis sioners to give them "j;ermli!rioß to violate'the building ordinance." That was just a trifle sarcastic, but Mayor Clay replied: "This is only a temporary expe dient. If they are using the bunk house at the expiration of 30 days, then I will be in favor of compelling the construction of a permanent chimney." "We might as well go back to the old method," said Commissioner Sal ter. "It used to be that special per mission could bo obtained by some people." A vote taken on the proposed mo tion resulted in Commissioners Clay and Kelly supporting it, while Com missioner Salter voted adversely. About that timo a man entered the council chamber, who Salter intro duced as follows: "Here is a man who wants permis sion to break an ordinance, and I sug gest that you allow him the priv ilege." The man in question asked for au thority to establish a peanut wagon on the sidewalk on Hoyt avenue in front of the Wisconsin block. That reQUMt was clearly contrary to the ordinance. The two commissioners talked with the aspirant for a long time, suggesting other locations for his peanut wagon, while Commis sioner Salter, who precipitated the uncomfortable situation, sat back and seemed to enjoy himself. The application of the peanut mer chant was turned down. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL MO MENT AND HOW TO PROFIT BY IT We have the names of over 500 old party wage-slave voters in this office, and can get more if necessary. We also have a standing offer to send this paper to any address for five weeks for 10 cents. What we want now is 100 Socialists to send in a dollar each, so that we can send this paper to these 500 voters and get them interested in the mission of the working class. The elections will soon be upon us and with the present shingleweavers strike and the debauchery of the poli ticians in Olympia the workers are In a mood to listen to our message. Moreover, this $100 will act as an "Elastic Currency" so that we will be able to meet the printing bill when collections are hard to make, as at present when our advertisers feel the hard times, and we suffer in conse quence. We need that $100 RIGHT NOW. Who will be the first to respond? THE A HARMLESS AGITATOR" Objects to Rubber Hose As a Sub- BRAWN TAKES PLACE OF BKILL IN GOLD BAR PUBLIC BCHOOLB It Ib an established principle of So clallst philosophy and pedagogy that brute force, violence in any form, can not bc> made to serve humanity as a BiibHtltute for brains, or skill. In the little burg Gold Bar, as also In thouHandn of other places where most of the populace have not yet come under the civilizing influences of Socialist education and administra tion, the brutish attempt Ih still being mads to use. brute force as a substi tute for pedagogic skill. Thn average capitalist-minded school teacher is notoriously stupid, Ignorant, and reactionary, wherever you go. In many respects the typical school teacher Is the most hopeless element In Hoelety, so far as any real BOOial progress Ib concerned, insofar as It depends upon their attitude and intelligence. So wo are not surprised to learn that the very mediocre (not to say medieval,) teachers of Gold Bar are trying to make up for their own lack of pedagogic ability by beating the children of the workers over the head with a 3-4 inch rubber hose, as an aid to good spelling, the faculty of at tention, etc. Now comrade Kufus Wren is not a pedagogue, but he is, like all other Well-grounded Socialists, opposed to the rubber-hose method of imparting knowledge, improving the memory, strengthening the faculty of attention, or even as an aid to good behavior. He has children in the Gold Bar school that need education, but he will take chances on their receiving enough brutal treatment from the capitalist system when they leave school to go out and begin the bitter battle for bread, and does not approve of the hose system of discipline. So, — says the town sheet, the Gold Bar "Our good citizen Rufus Wren last Sunday carried a rubber hose around our streets proclaiming that that was what they educated the children with in our local schools. That may be true. If it becomes necessary to ad minister corporal punishment to a child a piece of rubber hose is highly recommended. Children have not changed much since Rufus was a child and it is likely that when he attend ed school, if he ever did, he got well beat up with a hickory rod, and see what a good citizen, political leader and author Rufus is." All of which means that Rufus I Wren is a plain, poorly-paid working man, and not a mill-owner, or he would not be referred to in such con temptious,terms. His objection would be taken seriously, As it is, the coun try editor need not remind us that "with all that Rufus' kicking does not carry much weight or have much in fluence. There are some men in the world, who, if they were dogs would bite the hand that feeds them." Just so. A wage-slave, or under dog, should be grateful for whatever scraps are thrown from the master's table, and should be duly grateful that each crust or bone is not accom panied by a kick in the rib 3, or a whack over the head with a garden hose. Comrades everywhere, organize and capture the public schools for the working-class, then, as school direc tors, you will be in a position to pro tect your children from the brutality of stupid capitalist-minded school teachers. CHILD MURDERERS The child labor commission, of Massachusetts reports that in one Bos ton school district 125 of the 2,128 children at school go to dump-heaps, freight yards, markets and ash bar rels in search of food, fuel and clothes. They pick in all sorts of weather, with bare toes sticking out of their shoes on the coldest winter days. Their hands shake so that they can barely hold the bags. The ashes crack the skin. In the face of this systematic mur der of little children, there are mil lions of people who claim to be Chris tiaiiß and who yet vote for the antl- Christian capitalist system. Socialism, they say, is against reli gion. Against the kind of "religion" that permit! the murder of little chil dren, Socialism undoubtedly is. Ev ery true Christian is a Socialist; even if not every true Socialist is a Chris tian. stitute for Brains SHOW YOUR COLOR! Seconds Wanted on Anti-War Referendum LET'S SEE WHERE THE SOCIAL IST PARTY OF THE U. S. STANDS ON INTERNATION ALISM AND MILITARISM The American Socialist of March 20 contains the Local Everett No. 1 resolution defining the position its membership stands pledged to take In the event of a declaration of war by the capitalist class of this country, either offensive, or defensive. And they're always "defensive"! The Socialist party of the United States will by this national referen dum, if it receives sufficient seconds, be. given an opportunity to ascertain where its membership stands on the question of what action we shall take, as a party, in the event of war. IMPORTANT POINT It should be borne ih mind that lo cals which second this referendum do not thereby declare themselves In favor of its provisions. What we must have is an expres sion from the entire party member ship, not a small committee, as to what stand the majority of Socialists intend to take in the even of the United States becoming involved In war. Let us not be trapped as the Social ists of Kurope were, so that our capi talist enemies may gloat over us as they did over "the collapse of the In ternational." If we are real Socialists, standing for our CLASS, anywhere and every where, rather than for their and our exploiters, here and elsewhere, under whatever flag, let's stand up like men and women and be counted! The attitude of the party's official committee, as given in its Bull Moose report, recommending limited arma ments, is not representative of the class-conscious, revolutionary Social- 1,750,000 CHILD SLAVES TOIL 3,500,000 MEN ARE IDLE One million seven hundred and fifty thousand children toil for a mere pit ance in the mills, mines and factories of the United States. The product of their hands under sells the product of adults, and thus may the employer of child labor out bid in the market the product of the employer of adult labor only. The child works more cheaply. These children should be at school desks. Here are the illiteracy figures in the Southern States, which district lags behind the rest of the country in emancipating its children: Illiterate Chil dren per 1,000 pop Louisiana 115 South Carolina 83 Alabama 77 Virginia 57 Kentucky 59 North Carolina 68 Georgia 57 Tennessee 54 Florida 50 Arkansas 47 The men, able to work, willing to work and should be at work. The benches occupied by 14-year old boys and girls rightfully belong to the logical family breadwinner — the father. Never was there a time when child labor called for more drastic action on the part of those in power than to day, when the cities are clogged with idle men, gaunt and hungry, kept from available jobs by cheap, juvenile labor. "BOY SCOUTS TO KILL MEN HERE" Philadelphia.—Boy Scouts, taught how to shoot and use guns when there "are mobs to control," is part of Judge J. Willis Martin's idea of the useful ness of the movement, as expressed at a meeting which opened a cam paign to raise |50,000 for the enroll ment of 10,000 more boyß in the move ment. It is estimated that more than 300, --000,000 acres of our land are owned by foreign and domestic capitalists. One hundred and twenty million acres of this is rented, the balance being owned ky the great railway corpora tions. ists of this country. The real Red is not concerned with the question of more or less armament, but with the question of how many of our party members are actually Socialists—how many will refuse to kill their working class brethren for the benefit of the capitalist class. This is the question for real Rede, for Internationalists, who are the only bona fide Socialists. WHERE WE STAND Let us put this referendum to a vote throughout the United States. Let us ascertain for a certainty just where we stand on this all-important issue. In the face of this national question, all other issues of the Socialist party pale into insignificance. Whether the Socialist party of the United States is for or against war, IN PRACTICE, not in THEORY ONLY, is what we are all entitled to know. Let every Local in the country sec ond this national referendum, printed in the American Socialist of March 20, page 3, column 1. Then see that every dues-paying party member votes "yes" or "no" on it. Let there be no evasion of duty on this question of questions. If we stand READY TO SLAUGH TER MEMBERS OF OUR CLASS at the behest of the capitalist class, to protect THEIR property interests, or to aid in the capture of more markets (and profits) for the wealth we create and do not get, then let us come out in the open and say so. Then we should follow such a decision by drop ing our red emblems of International Brotherhood of the Workingclass with the Black Flag of Death and Capital ism, relieved only by the hideous skull and cross-bones, so truly emblem atic of all that Capitalism means to the workers of the world. THE War Is The CLASS War! MODERN INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT EUGENE V. DEBS East and west, north and south, aa far as the globe is humanly inhabit able, extends the conquest of modern industrial development. The remot est regions are penetrated and the most ancient nations are awakened to the new life. One after another the nations of the far east, so long dormant under the influence of oriental civilization, are being industrialized and taking their places in the international procession of modern development. The transformation of Japan into a modern industrial nation in the short space of a single generation is one of the marvels of our age, Eugene Brieux, the French writer, has paid a recent visit to Japan and in writing of what he saw there he says: "Indus trial development here, as elsewhere, has created socialism, and misery has I given birth to revolt." In this terse utterance the famous Frenchman has described the process of the social revolution. Capitalism, being based upon exploitation and the use of modern machinery, necessarily creates the conditions which make so cialism inevitable, and as a logical sequence socialism follows in the wake of capitalism all around the world. WORKERS TAKE THE RISKS In Massachusetts, under the indus trial accident law, nearly $2,300,000 was paid last year by insurance com panies to injured employes and rela tives of those killed. There were 95, --963 non-fatal accidents and 608 fatal cases reported. The men of the Plasterers' Union and the Lathers' Union of Boston have notified their employers that after May 1 they will only work five days a week. The carpenters have notified their employers of the same to take place from June 1. Other unions are taking the matter up. The Austrian government has decid ed to organize a grain monopoly on similar lines to that established in Germany. Prisoners of war are re placing the peasants who have been sent to the front. Encyclopedia Britannica says: "The ethics of Socialism are identical with the ethics of Christianity." No. 220.