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T* Washington Socialist in ..,., Him ■' I i iiii.il.. i -iii.ii ■ ■■ ■ Entered as second-class matter March 9, 1911, at the postoffice at Everett, Washington, under the act of March 3, 1879. "" IND. PHONE 478Z Published every Thursday by the Press, Committee of tho Socialist Party of Snohomish County, 1612 Call fornia St., Everett. Wash V v Maynard Shipley. Editor. ._, 11. W. Watts. Business Manager. Yearly subscription, $1.00; six months, 50c; three months, 25c; single copies, to. ■ CRIME AND ITS CAUSES A revolver manufacturer's adver tisement contains the following state ment: ;;; •,'.- Society trains criminals as care fully as It does lawyers or doc tors —and graduates more of them. There will always be crim inals as long as the training schools of crime exist -rum holes, prisons, , opium Joints and gang infested corners. ; That is as far as the advertiser goes In his explanation of crime. . It leaves unexplained , how , the graduates of "rum holes, prisons, opium Joints, and gang-infested corners" will pass their time after these have been abolished. It is easy to say that they will be en gaged in honest work, but hard to prove. Thousands of men are today unemployed and looking In vain for work who do not frequent such places. Opportunities for work would not be increased by their abolition. That would Only Increase competition for, whatever jobs there are. , It is true that society trains crimi nals. It trains them by so liimting op portunities to earn an honest living that; many are involutarily unem- ' ployed. .. Even without the evils men- ' tioned in the advertisement, many of . these unemployed would be compelled to resort to crime. The process may be hastened or Intensified by the ' rum holes" and other places, as it may also be hastened by increasing the supply i of the latest improvement in revol vers; but that is as much as can be fairly charged against them. The limiting of opportunities to live with-, out crime, is the cause of crime which , must be removed. Limitation of opportunities is the result of laws that encourage monopo lization and withholding from use of natural resources. In a country big enough and rich enough to give -the entire population of the world oppor tunities to produce all that is needed to supply wants, there Is no excuse for an involutarily unemployed class. That such a class, nevertheless exists is because of the laws mentioned. The remedy Is to make unprofitable the withholding from use of natural opportunities. This can be done by taking over for public use the nation's land and its giant machinery of pro duction, in so far as they are socially necessary and collectively used, leav ing only small holdings and individual- . istic petty machinery of production in the hands of the private individuals who prefer to compete with "the peo ple," by their anarchistic, isolated ef forts. NOTED WITH REGRET We publish in this issue an abstract . from the last word and testament of editors De Forest and Marvin Sanford, of Santa Cruz, who have just publish ed their last issue of the Santa Cruz j Free Press. While these comrades seemed to us to overestimate the re volutionary value of "organization on the economic field," a la L W. W., as compared with the efficacy of politi cal action, they were consistent advo cates of genuine revolutionary Social ism, untainted by the yellowness of California opportunism and mere of fice-chasing state-capitalism. We deeply regret that the prevailing hard times made it impossible for them to continue the work so nobly begun by the Santa Cruz Free Press. But the seed sown in their five months of earnest propaganda will sprout and multiply year by year, increasing its fruit in geometrical ratio as long as capitalism shall last. Thus the re-j suits of their all too brief work is, after all, imperishable, like all work honestly done and inspired by revolu tionary ideals of a free society yet to be. Thankful are we if any little word of appreciation from us has helped to j make lighter their burden or cheer them in their efforts. OF COURSE IT IS! ' ' You didn't know that your subscrip tion money was due? Of course not; j that's only natural. Now then, send in your P. O. order for a dollar, and we'll credit you with a year's paid-up sub. If the number on your address plate is less than 233, your sub. has expired, or will have expired within a week. Remember, we need your help to day! "PROSPERITY" AND THE WORKING CLASS When the politician speaks of the "unparalleled prosperity" which abounded throughout the land White his particular parly was in power, ho moans that tho capitalist class was increasing the value of their holdings at a rapid rate of development, and that a greater number of wage slaves were employed at a (merely) living wage that the number of unemployed men, women and children was reduced to a minimum Do the workers really benefit by what are "good times" for the bosses? They do, bo far as Immediate com fort is concerned. And this Is what gives color to the bourgeois conten tontlon that "what benefits tho em ployers benefits the employes," Or, as wo often hear tho phrase, "The In terests of Capital and Labor arc Iden tical." When "times are good" ton tho bosses, wages rise and unemploy ment decreases. But the profits and power of tho employing class rise still faster, leaving thorn stronger and the wage workers, relatively, weaker. Karl Marx has explained this prob lem in such clear language that we conclude our statement in his own words (quoted from "Wage Labor and Capital"): CAPITAL AND WAGE-LABOR , ; IN DIRECT ANTAGONISM "Thus we see that even If wo con ; fine ourselves to the relation between capital and wage-labor, the interests i of capital are In direct antagonism to j the interests of wage-labor. •' . ", "The relative wage may decline, al- though the actual wage rises, along with the nominal wage, or money price of labor; if only It does not rise in the same proportion as profit. For In stance, If when trade is good, wages rise five per cent, and profits on the other hand thirty per cent, then the proportional or relative wage has not increased but declined. "Thus If the receipts of the laborer increases with the rapid advance of capital, yet at the same time there Is a widening of the social gulf which separates the laborer from the capi talist, and also an Increase in the pow er of capital over labor and in the de pendence of labor upon capital. '. "The meaning of the statement that the laborer has an interest in the rapid increase of capital is merely this: THE FASTER THE LABORER INCREAS ES HIS MASTER'S DOMINION, THE RICHER WILL BE THE CRUMBS | THAT HE WILL GET FROM HIS TABLE; AND THE GREATER THE NUMBER OF LABORERS THAT CAN ' BE EMPLOYED AND CALLED INTO EXISTENCE, THE GREATER WILL BE THE NUMBER OF SLAVES OF j WHICH CAPITAL WILL BE THE OWNER. I "We have thus seen that even the most fortunate event for the working class, the speediest possible increase of capital, however much it may im prove the material condition of the laborer, cannot abolish the opposition between his interests and those of the bourgeois or capitalist class. Pro fit and wages remain Just as much as ever in inverse proportion. "When capital is increasing fast, wages may rise, but the profit of capi tal will rise much faster. The actual position of the laborer has Improved, but it is at the expense of his social position. The social gulf which sep arates him from the capitalist has widened. "Finally, the meaning of fortunate conditions for wage-labor, and of the quickest possible increase of produc tive capital, is merely this: THE FASTER THE WORKING CLASSES ENLARGE AND EXTEND THE HOS TILE POWER THAT DOMINATES OVER THEM THE BETTER WILL BE THE CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH THEY WILL BE ALLOWED TO LABOR FOR THE FURTHER IN CREASE OF BOURGEIOS DOMIN ION AND FOR THE WIDER EXTEN SION OF THE POWER OF CAPITAL, AND THUS CONTENTEDLY TO FORGE FOR THEMSELVES THE GOLDEN CHAINS BY WHICH THE BOURGEOIS DRAGS THEM IN ITS TRAIN. j "But are the increase of productive capital and the rise of wages bo in dissolubly connected as the bourgeois 'economists assert? We can hardly believe that the fatter capital becomes the more will its slave be pampered. j The bourgeoisie is too much enlight ened, and keeps its accounts much too carefully, to care for that privilege of the feudal nobility, the ostentation of splendor in its retinue. The very con ditions of bourgeois existence compel it to keep careful accounts. "We must therefore inquire more closely into the effect which the in crease of productive capital has upon wages." We recommend to our readers that they take vp this argument here as further explained by Marx, beginning at the bottom of page 24, opus cit. (For sale by this paper, sc, postage prepaid.) "SURPLUS VALUE" AND PROFIT" SURPLUS VALUE The value of labor-power Is not the value of labor. The value of a man's labor Is the total wealth produced by that labor. The value of his labor-pow er Is that part of the wealth which ho produces which Is necessary for him to reproduce his labor-power and which ho receives as wages. From the beginning of capitalist production there has boon a growing difference between the value of labor-power and tho value of labor; that is,l between wages and product; and the surplus of wealth or social value which the laborer produces over and above the amount of his wages and the capital consumed in the process of produc tion, and which he does not get, w called surplus value. . I It is a part of this "surplus valuif" which the laborer produces, but does not get, accumulated In the hands of the proprietary and employing class, generation after generation, that forms the capital of the world today. PROFIT The capitalists' profit is only that part of the surplus value designated "Dividends," which seldom includes all of surplus value; but even bo, It is an apparent paradox of capitalist production that if the rate of surplus value remains stationary, or even raises, the rate of profit may fall. The rate of profit Is calculated upon the total amount of capital Invested, while surplus value is the difference between wages and product. The In creasing expenslvencss of machinery and the growing quantity of raw ma terial worked up by the laborer by means of this machinery make nec essary larger and larger aggregations of capital in proportion to the number of laborers employed; so that while the value created by the worker is greater, and, therefore, the surplus value Is greater in proportion to his wages, the mass of surplus value pro duced by the comparatively fewer workers employed forms a smaller rate of profit calculated on the en larged capital. So the rate of profit falls while surplus value actually in creases. This is the tendency of capi talist production, and where this con dition is aggravated by stock water ing the result is a stupendous robbery of the workers with only a moderate return to the Investor who purchases the stock In the open market. The only escape for the capitalist from this falling rate of profit is In an ap proach to monopoly, and to this end the firm is enlarged into the stock company, and stock companies are as sociated in trusts and combines. As monopoly approaches perfection the rate of profit again tends to approxi mate the rate of surplus value, as is shown by the enormous profits of the greater trusts. IS YOUR CONSCIENCE CLEAR? By MI LA TUPPER MAYNARD This ghastly nightmare in Europe among our brothers and comrades should set us all searching our in most hearts to see if each has done his part in efforts to make this kind of abomination forever impossible. What can we do? The most sure and effective way is to strengthen the Socialist organization in your particu lar locality. Does this seem an antl climax? A prosey way to meet heroic issues? Per haps; but it is the true way, none the less. Just so long as the people do not know better than to tolerate war in industry (competition), they will have to endure or always be in danger of meeting that other mur derous warfare with machine guns. Do you want this deadly nightmare, this unbelievable horror called war to vanish? Then work the harder to overthrow that more cruel, long drawn out torture, Capitalism. Going to business meetings when your back aches and you would pre fer to go to bed; distributing bills, getting subs, talking tactfully and per sistently for the making of new con verts, paying dues promptly and meet ing all the expenses of the party as surely as you do the grocery bill — these are some of the prosey, but very real and sure ways in which you can help to make war forever impossible. TWO PARALLEL CRIMES The writer of the German reply to President Wilson's note has perhaps made a study of the excuses that have been and still are being offered in extenuation of the Ludlow massacre. if he believed these acceptable to the American people, it need occasion no surprise that he thought he was offer ing a valid excuse for the slaughter of Lusitania innocents. —The Public. The Socialist position in brief is: Nobody but the workers can help the workers—or in plain slang: "It's up to you" to help yourself. THM W_JB__rOTO V _<>o_Ai__r_ MARXIAN WEEKLY ALL IN I STARVED TO DEATH IN MEMORIAM DIED— On Saturday, May 29, 1915, the Santa Cruz Free Press, aged five months; cause. STARVITIS. _-_■__-_-■■■--■_■_■-■_-■■■■ OUR LAST WORD IS, SOLIDARITY Just five months ago, the Free Press was born (being a reincarnation of the World Issue), and If anyone had told us that so many and varied ex periences could bo crowded In so short a space of time, into the pub lishing of a paper in a quiet town, wo would have given him credit for being a good Joker; but experience has made us more careful about being too hasty In our Judgments, In reading,the farewell editorial of tho late editor of tho New Age, we noticed that ho had resigned because of a nervous breakdown, Induced by overwork and worry. Since then, sev eral Socialist papers have commented upon the announcement in an under standing | and sympathetic manner. Wo, too, felt a large measure of und erstanding sympathy for this com rade, and while we are, Indeed, sorry that he is suffering from a nervous collapse, we are somewhat consoled by , the knowledge that he went through this experience— llko which there is no other —and escaped the bughouse. , . If work, and worry, and , and fault-finding from some Socialists because the Free Press was too.radi cal, and from others because it wasn't radical enough, are enough to produce nervous breakdown, the Free Press would be suffering from that com plaint now, except for the saving qual ity of an abnormally large sense of humor. This Is the last issue of the Free Press, not because of a nervous break down, not because we are moved by criticism, not because a paper of pro test is not needed in Santa Cruz; but because we are at the end of our re sources, and cannot longer support it with our own means. This is a simple statement of fact, and is not Intended as finding fault with anyone. It gives us great pleasure to men tion that comrade Maynard Shipley, of the Washington Socialist, cheered us with kind words at a time when kind words meant much; and while we do not agree with comrade Ship ley In regard, to the relative import ance of industrial and political ac tion, still, we believe comrade Shipley to be honest, a man among men, a comrade worth while. The temptation to write on, is great. (Our eyes are full of water now.) We could make of this a veritable "Hu man Document," but we have two good reasons for not permitting our selves to be tempted to do so. In the first place, we do not believe that anything we could say or do, would rouse the workers of Santa Cruz to action; secondly, our story would not be believed —so we refrain. In closing, our message to the So cialist party is: "No Compromise; No Political Trading." To the indus trialist, our message is: "Organize! Organize!! Organize!!! Solidarity! Solidarity!! Solidarity!!" IT MAKES SUCH A DIFFER ENCE WHO GETS HURT While we are all sick, and tired, and disgusted with the devilllsh spirit that torpedoed the Lusitania, we ought to be more sick and tired, and disgusted with all the fuss, and de sire to go to war to avenge it, on the part of jingoists and hypocrites. What Is at the bottom of all this? Are the lives of thousands who toil to feed, clothe and shelter the few of "wealth and note" to be given up for vengi ence? Thousands of lives are snuffed out, year in and year out, through the criminal negligence of the em ploying class; yet, do we see the jingoists calling for war to avenge their untimely death? Did we hear of any desire for pre paration for war to avenge the work ers who lost their lives in the Tri angle shirtwaist factory fire? No. Yet these workers were the victims of the most hideous criminal negli gence on the part of the owners of that horrible fire trap. Did we hear the war alarm when from time to time the miners of this country have gone to their death because the mines were operated in an unsafe condition? Did we hear of any effort on the part of the powers that be, to avenge the death of the men, women and chil dren who were foully murdered at the tent colony of Ludlow? No. Why? These were only working mules; not people of "wealth and note." —Santa Cruz Free Press. A BOOK WORTH WHILE Is Temperate and Convincing LABOR IN POLITICS by Robert Hunter, published by tho Socialist Parly. Paper. Price 25 cents, prepaid. For sale by Washington Socialist, 1612 California street. It Is hard to write about Robert Hunter's latest book without becom ing enthusiastic about It. For years, the gulf which has separated the So cialist and Labor Union movements in the United Slates lias been the despair of many members of the Socialist party. The Socialists have often criti cized the attitude taken by the Am erican Federation of Labor and Its principal officers towards working class political action. This criticism has sometimes been more bitter than It has been Intelligent. Robert Hunt er's criticism, however, is of a dif ferent nature. With masterly logic, he shows the untenableness of Mr. Gompers' position. Ho quotes (iomp ers himself as saying that the United States "Is no less than two decades behind many of the European nations in tho protection of the life, limb and health of the workers." Hunter sums up his case as follows: "Thero are, as it appears to me, cer tain main reasons for the failure of tho political methods of the A. F. of L. First, no two persons In the Fed eration agree as to what those meth ods are. Second, the methods do not succeed In electing to office efficient representatives of Labor who remain faithful to Labor. Even when 'card men* are elected to office, they have not the political Independence neces sary to enable them to fight vigorous ly the battles of Labor. They owe al legiance to capitalistic parties, politi cal bosses and j individual financial backers to such a degree that they are forced sooner or later, either to be tray Labor or to relinquish any ambi tion they may have for a successful political career. Third, the methods do not develop self-reliance, independ ence and Integrity in the labor move ment. Instead of weaning the work ing-class from Its bondage to the capi talist parties, they fasten more and more securely the chains which bind it to those parties. They violate the spirit of Trade Unionism, and, while Labor struggles for Industrial freedom, these methods force It to remain in political slavery. In the corruption of men, In the loss of leaders, in the be trayal of Labor, In the suspicion and distrust engendered among the . rank and file, in the weakening of the class spirit, and in the undermining of class solidarity, the political methods of the American Federation of Labor are so demoralizing that in time they may actually ruin the trade-union move ment itself." ' No one at all interested in the La bor movement can read this book with out keen interest It is filled with argument which is of the greatest value to the social teacher and agita tor. One cannot but express the hope that it will lead to a better understand ing between the political and econ omic wings of the labor movement in America. THE RED FLAG AND "EATS'' By HENRY BERCOWICH The Red Flag stands for a perma nent meal ticket. Uncle Sam is say ing so every day wherever his big fleet of warships is anchored. At 12 o'clock, beg pardon, eight bells, the Red Flag is hoisted upon one of the turrets of all the ships. "What's that red banner hanging out there?" I asked one of the young officers. "Tell me, why do they fly the Red Flag now?" I repeated. "That's the signal for the big eats," said he. "Why we stand for that, too," I re turned, "and for good clothing and comfortable houses and schooling and music and art and literature" "We? Who in the world are we?" the young man wanted to know. "The Socialists, of course." "Oh, you stand for anarchy, or some thing," he replied. "See here, young man." By this time we had quite a crowd around us. "You say that the red flag there means something to eat. Uncle Sam gives you, besides clothing all you need to live on. When we carry the red flag it is said we mean riot and 'destruction. Just look at the business you are in." "What business?" "Killing people," I answered.. "Well, we must protect the coun try and keep" Just then someone who had ventur ed alone in a canoe on the river fell overboard. Our young man threw a life preserver toward the unfortunate canoist and for half an hour was too busy to talk. After the wet one had been safely fished out, I went away. I had come to be impressed by the size of the fleet. I thought only that It all depends on who does an act to make it right. SCREEN DOORS! FOR LESS Choice of three Patterns of Screen Doors; any size, at $1 gg^ ■ — : I WE CARRY A COMPLETE LINE OF GARDEN HOSE, LAWN /•,: MOWERS, REFRIGERATORS, ETC. Croquet Sets Up From _„ _„'• 'f^r^iif ; $1.50 V ."""*■ mmttmmmmm ——■__■*—— -mm^M-m-m-M*—■**—"—^—^■__■_■_» Curran Hardware Co. HEWITT AND BROADWAY PASTIME | Amusement Parlors —■__i—_■_—_i—— . j FOR GOOD TIMES Wetmore and Hewitt f Driesslein & Becker *mmmm ™■—l—'■"'■"■■__■■-■——— ■__^_«__i ■■...-. j . . . : ————— —rrrzSi HHfl_l_HH_l I princess Boater I ■ NEXT MONDAY AND TUESDAY I ■ THE WORLD FAMOUS STAR " I _H _■_•*_._*'* -__*_*_' ' I I HEUie. 3anis I I IN I H - -A __ . - __ ' ■' . - __1 I I ''I&ettjlht Searcl) I I ■» '^_T^_«L'' I : ****'♦ I ■"*.*.'■ :,: 'A'-. I I PARAMOUNT SPECIAL I I , ■ C _'»<-- •«•'-_' :■'■' - -;'' BE SURE TO SEE IT I ■ ''..,-".'■.,''...,.■. H ■ ' ————— " • _-—_-_—-_-—_ ____________________________________ T. -'.'"'"'' 'F " .^''^-'^ ■'.-..'--^'^.■•".^:.V.^..^«-:^0..;...».^v..,— ..; .-■—; ; •*: . : ,..<„...^ I ' * '".''-■■ •"-■*■- ■ ■. -■:*- -'^- ■ -_—_——_—™ , I ifc>ran6 Ol)eater I I NEXT MONDAY AND TUESDAY I ■ The Biggest Sensation of the Season I I Ola Iff umpire? I H The Los Angeles Girl Who Became Princess Hassan, the ■ I Wife of An Egyptian Ruler, in Her Exposure of Life in I I the Egyptian Harum, Entitled H I "lender tye " I I (Trescent" I I DON'T MISS IT I PICNIC AT OLYMPIA The Socialist Local at Olympia gave an all-day picnic at Priest Point park Sunday, June 6. Sports, consisting of many races, were enjoyed by a large and enthu siastic crowd. Comrade Martin C. Flyzik, presi dent of District No. 10 of U. M. W. of A., delivered a very interesting ad dress. Comrade Flyzik made a very strong appeal for the members of or ganized labor and Socialists to work together for the great common cause. NEW WASHINGTON LOCALS New Locals have been organized this month in the following places: Local Wymer, Kititas county; Local Marx, King county; Local Wallula, Walla Walla county, and Local Denl son, Spokane county. The fellow who stays out of the union and the party of .his class be cause he fears his "standing" in his community will be injured, is hardly worth a half a whoop in that iceless region the ministers tell about. Dur ing all the ages all of the gods have hated and despised cowards. There was never a master who ever respect ed a slave. Thursday, June 17, 1915. BUTTER POP CORN Made by a machine that auto matically pops and butters the corn and turns it out so whole ... •■•'.-.-; ' some, crisp, delicious and temp ■ ' ■ ........ tingly good, that everyone that tries it always wants more. BUY IT AT THE NEW STAND c^ 'i .7 ,„.' - ' Next Door to the BROADWAY THEATRE Buy a bag before taking in the - show. . ,—. The man or woman who is not will ing to work for the Co-operative Com monwealth does not deserve it. And the fellow who is brainless enough to suppose that it will come as a gift to him, wouldn't know how to live in it if he had it.