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The Washington socialist. (Everett, Wash.) 1914-1915, June 17, 1915, Image 4

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_»**• Pour. '-"'-"••
T* Washington Socialist
in ..,., Him ■' I i iiii.il.. i -iii.ii ■ ■■ ■
Entered as second-class matter
March 9, 1911, at the postoffice at
Everett, Washington, under the act
of March 3, 1879.
"" IND. PHONE 478Z
Published every Thursday by the
Press, Committee of tho Socialist
Party of Snohomish County, 1612 Call
fornia St., Everett. Wash V v
Maynard Shipley. Editor. ._,
11. W. Watts. Business Manager.
Yearly subscription, $1.00; six
months, 50c; three months, 25c; single
copies, to. ■
CRIME AND ITS CAUSES
A revolver manufacturer's adver
tisement contains the following state
ment: ;;; •,'.-
Society trains criminals as care
fully as It does lawyers or doc
tors —and graduates more of
them. There will always be crim
inals as long as the training
schools of crime exist -rum holes,
prisons, , opium Joints and gang
infested corners. ;
That is as far as the advertiser goes
In his explanation of crime. . It leaves
unexplained , how , the graduates of
"rum holes, prisons, opium Joints, and
gang-infested corners" will pass their
time after these have been abolished.
It is easy to say that they will be en
gaged in honest work, but hard to
prove. Thousands of men are today
unemployed and looking In vain for
work who do not frequent such places.
Opportunities for work would not be
increased by their abolition. That
would Only Increase competition for,
whatever jobs there are. ,
It is true that society trains crimi
nals. It trains them by so liimting op
portunities to earn an honest living
that; many are involutarily unem- '
ployed. .. Even without the evils men- '
tioned in the advertisement, many of .
these unemployed would be compelled
to resort to crime. The process may
be hastened or Intensified by the ' rum
holes" and other places, as it may also
be hastened by increasing the supply i
of the latest improvement in revol
vers; but that is as much as can be
fairly charged against them. The
limiting of opportunities to live with-,
out crime, is the cause of crime which
, must be removed.
Limitation of opportunities is the
result of laws that encourage monopo
lization and withholding from use of
natural resources. In a country big
enough and rich enough to give -the
entire population of the world oppor
tunities to produce all that is needed
to supply wants, there Is no excuse
for an involutarily unemployed class.
That such a class, nevertheless exists
is because of the laws mentioned.
The remedy Is to make unprofitable
the withholding from use of natural
opportunities. This can be done by
taking over for public use the nation's
land and its giant machinery of pro
duction, in so far as they are socially
necessary and collectively used, leav
ing only small holdings and individual- .
istic petty machinery of production
in the hands of the private individuals
who prefer to compete with "the peo
ple," by their anarchistic, isolated ef
forts.
NOTED WITH REGRET
We publish in this issue an abstract .
from the last word and testament of
editors De Forest and Marvin Sanford,
of Santa Cruz, who have just publish
ed their last issue of the Santa Cruz j
Free Press. While these comrades
seemed to us to overestimate the re
volutionary value of "organization on
the economic field," a la L W. W., as
compared with the efficacy of politi
cal action, they were consistent advo
cates of genuine revolutionary Social
ism, untainted by the yellowness of
California opportunism and mere of
fice-chasing state-capitalism. We
deeply regret that the prevailing hard
times made it impossible for them to
continue the work so nobly begun by
the Santa Cruz Free Press. But the
seed sown in their five months of
earnest propaganda will sprout and
multiply year by year, increasing its
fruit in geometrical ratio as long as
capitalism shall last. Thus the re-j
suits of their all too brief work is,
after all, imperishable, like all work
honestly done and inspired by revolu
tionary ideals of a free society yet to
be. Thankful are we if any little word
of appreciation from us has helped to j
make lighter their burden or cheer
them in their efforts.
OF COURSE IT IS!
' '
You didn't know that your subscrip
tion money was due? Of course not; j
that's only natural. Now then, send
in your P. O. order for a dollar, and
we'll credit you with a year's paid-up
sub.
If the number on your address plate
is less than 233, your sub. has expired,
or will have expired within a week.
Remember, we need your help to
day!
"PROSPERITY" AND THE
WORKING CLASS
When the politician speaks of the
"unparalleled prosperity" which
abounded throughout the land White
his particular parly was in power, ho
moans that tho capitalist class was
increasing the value of their holdings
at a rapid rate of development, and
that a greater number of wage slaves
were employed at a (merely) living
wage that the number of unemployed
men, women and children was reduced
to a minimum
Do the workers really benefit by
what are "good times" for the bosses?
They do, bo far as Immediate com
fort is concerned. And this Is what
gives color to the bourgeois conten
tontlon that "what benefits tho em
ployers benefits the employes," Or,
as wo often hear tho phrase, "The In
terests of Capital and Labor arc Iden
tical." When "times are good" ton
tho bosses, wages rise and unemploy
ment decreases. But the profits and
power of tho employing class rise still
faster, leaving thorn stronger and the
wage workers, relatively, weaker.
Karl Marx has explained this prob
lem in such clear language that we
conclude our statement in his own
words (quoted from "Wage Labor and
Capital"):
CAPITAL AND WAGE-LABOR
, ; IN DIRECT ANTAGONISM
"Thus we see that even If wo con
; fine ourselves to the relation between
capital and wage-labor, the interests
i of capital are In direct antagonism to
j the interests of wage-labor. •' . ",
"The relative wage may decline, al-
though the actual wage rises, along
with the nominal wage, or money price
of labor; if only It does not rise in
the same proportion as profit. For In
stance, If when trade is good, wages
rise five per cent, and profits on the
other hand thirty per cent, then the
proportional or relative wage has not
increased but declined.
"Thus If the receipts of the laborer
increases with the rapid advance of
capital, yet at the same time there Is
a widening of the social gulf which
separates the laborer from the capi
talist, and also an Increase in the pow
er of capital over labor and in the de
pendence of labor upon capital. '.
"The meaning of the statement that
the laborer has an interest in the rapid
increase of capital is merely this: THE
FASTER THE LABORER INCREAS
ES HIS MASTER'S DOMINION, THE
RICHER WILL BE THE CRUMBS
| THAT HE WILL GET FROM HIS
TABLE; AND THE GREATER THE
NUMBER OF LABORERS THAT CAN
' BE EMPLOYED AND CALLED INTO
EXISTENCE, THE GREATER WILL
BE THE NUMBER OF SLAVES OF
j WHICH CAPITAL WILL BE THE
OWNER.
I "We have thus seen that even the
most fortunate event for the working
class, the speediest possible increase
of capital, however much it may im
prove the material condition of the
laborer, cannot abolish the opposition
between his interests and those of
the bourgeois or capitalist class. Pro
fit and wages remain Just as much as
ever in inverse proportion.
"When capital is increasing fast,
wages may rise, but the profit of capi
tal will rise much faster. The actual
position of the laborer has Improved,
but it is at the expense of his social
position. The social gulf which sep
arates him from the capitalist has
widened.
"Finally, the meaning of fortunate
conditions for wage-labor, and of the
quickest possible increase of produc
tive capital, is merely this: THE
FASTER THE WORKING CLASSES
ENLARGE AND EXTEND THE HOS
TILE POWER THAT DOMINATES
OVER THEM THE BETTER WILL
BE THE CONDITIONS UNDER
WHICH THEY WILL BE ALLOWED
TO LABOR FOR THE FURTHER IN
CREASE OF BOURGEIOS DOMIN
ION AND FOR THE WIDER EXTEN
SION OF THE POWER OF CAPITAL,
AND THUS CONTENTEDLY TO
FORGE FOR THEMSELVES THE
GOLDEN CHAINS BY WHICH THE
BOURGEOIS DRAGS THEM IN ITS
TRAIN.
j "But are the increase of productive
capital and the rise of wages bo in
dissolubly connected as the bourgeois
'economists assert? We can hardly
believe that the fatter capital becomes
the more will its slave be pampered.
j The bourgeoisie is too much enlight
ened, and keeps its accounts much too
carefully, to care for that privilege of
the feudal nobility, the ostentation of
splendor in its retinue. The very con
ditions of bourgeois existence compel
it to keep careful accounts.
"We must therefore inquire more
closely into the effect which the in
crease of productive capital has upon
wages."
We recommend to our readers that
they take vp this argument here as
further explained by Marx, beginning
at the bottom of page 24, opus cit.
(For sale by this paper, sc, postage
prepaid.)
"SURPLUS VALUE"
AND PROFIT"
SURPLUS VALUE
The value of labor-power Is not the
value of labor. The value of a man's
labor Is the total wealth produced by
that labor. The value of his labor-pow
er Is that part of the wealth which ho
produces which Is necessary for him
to reproduce his labor-power and
which ho receives as wages. From
the beginning of capitalist production
there has boon a growing difference
between the value of labor-power and
tho value of labor; that is,l between
wages and product; and the surplus
of wealth or social value which the
laborer produces over and above the
amount of his wages and the capital
consumed in the process of produc
tion, and which he does not get, w
called surplus value. . I
It is a part of this "surplus valuif"
which the laborer produces, but does
not get, accumulated In the hands of
the proprietary and employing class,
generation after generation, that forms
the capital of the world today.
PROFIT
The capitalists' profit is only that
part of the surplus value designated
"Dividends," which seldom includes
all of surplus value; but even bo, It
is an apparent paradox of capitalist
production that if the rate of surplus
value remains stationary, or even
raises, the rate of profit may fall.
The rate of profit Is calculated upon
the total amount of capital Invested,
while surplus value is the difference
between wages and product. The In
creasing expenslvencss of machinery
and the growing quantity of raw ma
terial worked up by the laborer by
means of this machinery make nec
essary larger and larger aggregations
of capital in proportion to the number
of laborers employed; so that while
the value created by the worker is
greater, and, therefore, the surplus
value Is greater in proportion to his
wages, the mass of surplus value pro
duced by the comparatively fewer
workers employed forms a smaller
rate of profit calculated on the en
larged capital. So the rate of profit
falls while surplus value actually in
creases. This is the tendency of capi
talist production, and where this con
dition is aggravated by stock water
ing the result is a stupendous robbery
of the workers with only a moderate
return to the Investor who purchases
the stock In the open market. The
only escape for the capitalist from
this falling rate of profit is In an ap
proach to monopoly, and to this end
the firm is enlarged into the stock
company, and stock companies are as
sociated in trusts and combines. As
monopoly approaches perfection the
rate of profit again tends to approxi
mate the rate of surplus value, as is
shown by the enormous profits of the
greater trusts.
IS YOUR CONSCIENCE CLEAR?
By MI LA TUPPER MAYNARD
This ghastly nightmare in Europe
among our brothers and comrades
should set us all searching our in
most hearts to see if each has done
his part in efforts to make this kind
of abomination forever impossible.
What can we do? The most sure
and effective way is to strengthen the
Socialist organization in your particu
lar locality.
Does this seem an antl climax? A
prosey way to meet heroic issues? Per
haps; but it is the true way, none
the less. Just so long as the people
do not know better than to tolerate
war in industry (competition), they
will have to endure or always be in
danger of meeting that other mur
derous warfare with machine guns.
Do you want this deadly nightmare,
this unbelievable horror called war to
vanish? Then work the harder to
overthrow that more cruel, long drawn
out torture, Capitalism.
Going to business meetings when
your back aches and you would pre
fer to go to bed; distributing bills,
getting subs, talking tactfully and per
sistently for the making of new con
verts, paying dues promptly and meet
ing all the expenses of the party as
surely as you do the grocery bill —
these are some of the prosey, but very
real and sure ways in which you can
help to make war forever impossible.
TWO PARALLEL CRIMES
The writer of the German reply to
President Wilson's note has perhaps
made a study of the excuses that have
been and still are being offered in
extenuation of the Ludlow massacre.
if he believed these acceptable to the
American people, it need occasion no
surprise that he thought he was offer
ing a valid excuse for the slaughter
of Lusitania innocents. —The Public.
The Socialist position in brief is:
Nobody but the workers can help the
workers—or in plain slang: "It's up
to you" to help yourself.
THM W_JB__rOTO V _<>o_Ai__r_
MARXIAN WEEKLY ALL IN
I
STARVED TO DEATH
IN MEMORIAM
DIED— On Saturday, May 29,
1915, the Santa Cruz Free
Press, aged five months; cause.
STARVITIS.
_-_■__-_-■■■--■_■_■-■_-■■■■
OUR LAST WORD IS,
SOLIDARITY
Just five months ago, the Free Press
was born (being a reincarnation of
the World Issue), and If anyone had
told us that so many and varied ex
periences could bo crowded In so
short a space of time, into the pub
lishing of a paper in a quiet town, wo
would have given him credit for being
a good Joker; but experience has made
us more careful about being too hasty
In our Judgments,
In reading,the farewell editorial of
tho late editor of tho New Age, we
noticed that ho had resigned because
of a nervous breakdown, Induced by
overwork and worry. Since then, sev
eral Socialist papers have commented
upon the announcement in an under
standing | and sympathetic manner.
Wo, too, felt a large measure of und
erstanding sympathy for this com
rade, and while we are, Indeed, sorry
that he is suffering from a nervous
collapse, we are somewhat consoled
by , the knowledge that he went
through this experience— llko which
there is no other —and escaped the
bughouse. , .
If work, and worry, and ,
and fault-finding from some Socialists
because the Free Press was too.radi
cal, and from others because it wasn't
radical enough, are enough to produce
nervous breakdown, the Free Press
would be suffering from that com
plaint now, except for the saving qual
ity of an abnormally large sense of
humor.
This Is the last issue of the Free
Press, not because of a nervous break
down, not because we are moved by
criticism, not because a paper of pro
test is not needed in Santa Cruz; but
because we are at the end of our re
sources, and cannot longer support it
with our own means. This is a simple
statement of fact, and is not Intended
as finding fault with anyone.
It gives us great pleasure to men
tion that comrade Maynard Shipley,
of the Washington Socialist, cheered
us with kind words at a time when
kind words meant much; and while
we do not agree with comrade Ship
ley In regard, to the relative import
ance of industrial and political ac
tion, still, we believe comrade Shipley
to be honest, a man among men, a
comrade worth while.
The temptation to write on, is great.
(Our eyes are full of water now.) We
could make of this a veritable "Hu
man Document," but we have two
good reasons for not permitting our
selves to be tempted to do so. In the
first place, we do not believe that
anything we could say or do, would
rouse the workers of Santa Cruz to
action; secondly, our story would not
be believed —so we refrain.
In closing, our message to the So
cialist party is: "No Compromise;
No Political Trading." To the indus
trialist, our message is: "Organize!
Organize!! Organize!!! Solidarity!
Solidarity!! Solidarity!!"
IT MAKES SUCH A DIFFER
ENCE WHO GETS HURT
While we are all sick, and tired,
and disgusted with the devilllsh spirit
that torpedoed the Lusitania, we
ought to be more sick and tired, and
disgusted with all the fuss, and de
sire to go to war to avenge it, on the
part of jingoists and hypocrites. What
Is at the bottom of all this? Are the
lives of thousands who toil to feed,
clothe and shelter the few of "wealth
and note" to be given up for vengi
ence? Thousands of lives are snuffed
out, year in and year out, through
the criminal negligence of the em
ploying class; yet, do we see the
jingoists calling for war to avenge
their untimely death?
Did we hear of any desire for pre
paration for war to avenge the work
ers who lost their lives in the Tri
angle shirtwaist factory fire? No.
Yet these workers were the victims
of the most hideous criminal negli
gence on the part of the owners of
that horrible fire trap. Did we hear
the war alarm when from time to
time the miners of this country have
gone to their death because the mines
were operated in an unsafe condition?
Did we hear of any effort on the part
of the powers that be, to avenge the
death of the men, women and chil
dren who were foully murdered at the
tent colony of Ludlow? No. Why?
These were only working mules; not
people of "wealth and note." —Santa
Cruz Free Press.
A BOOK WORTH WHILE
Is Temperate and Convincing
LABOR IN POLITICS by Robert
Hunter, published by tho Socialist
Parly. Paper. Price 25 cents, prepaid.
For sale by Washington Socialist, 1612
California street.
It Is hard to write about Robert
Hunter's latest book without becom
ing enthusiastic about It. For years,
the gulf which has separated the So
cialist and Labor Union movements in
the United Slates lias been the despair
of many members of the Socialist
party. The Socialists have often criti
cized the attitude taken by the Am
erican Federation of Labor and Its
principal officers towards working
class political action. This criticism
has sometimes been more bitter than
It has been Intelligent. Robert Hunt
er's criticism, however, is of a dif
ferent nature. With masterly logic,
he shows the untenableness of Mr.
Gompers' position. Ho quotes (iomp
ers himself as saying that the United
States "Is no less than two decades
behind many of the European nations
in tho protection of the life, limb and
health of the workers."
Hunter sums up his case as follows:
"Thero are, as it appears to me, cer
tain main reasons for the failure of
tho political methods of the A. F. of
L. First, no two persons In the Fed
eration agree as to what those meth
ods are. Second, the methods do not
succeed In electing to office efficient
representatives of Labor who remain
faithful to Labor. Even when 'card
men* are elected to office, they have
not the political Independence neces
sary to enable them to fight vigorous
ly the battles of Labor. They owe al
legiance to capitalistic parties, politi
cal bosses and j individual financial
backers to such a degree that they are
forced sooner or later, either to be
tray Labor or to relinquish any ambi
tion they may have for a successful
political career. Third, the methods
do not develop self-reliance, independ
ence and Integrity in the labor move
ment. Instead of weaning the work
ing-class from Its bondage to the capi
talist parties, they fasten more and
more securely the chains which bind
it to those parties. They violate the
spirit of Trade Unionism, and, while
Labor struggles for Industrial freedom,
these methods force It to remain in
political slavery. In the corruption of
men, In the loss of leaders, in the be
trayal of Labor, In the suspicion and
distrust engendered among the . rank
and file, in the weakening of the class
spirit, and in the undermining of class
solidarity, the political methods of the
American Federation of Labor are so
demoralizing that in time they may
actually ruin the trade-union move
ment itself." '
No one at all interested in the La
bor movement can read this book with
out keen interest It is filled with
argument which is of the greatest
value to the social teacher and agita
tor. One cannot but express the hope
that it will lead to a better understand
ing between the political and econ
omic wings of the labor movement in
America.
THE RED FLAG AND "EATS''
By HENRY BERCOWICH
The Red Flag stands for a perma
nent meal ticket. Uncle Sam is say
ing so every day wherever his big
fleet of warships is anchored. At 12
o'clock, beg pardon, eight bells, the
Red Flag is hoisted upon one of the
turrets of all the ships. "What's that
red banner hanging out there?" I
asked one of the young officers.
"Tell me, why do they fly the Red
Flag now?" I repeated.
"That's the signal for the big eats,"
said he.
"Why we stand for that, too," I re
turned, "and for good clothing and
comfortable houses and schooling and
music and art and literature"
"We? Who in the world are we?"
the young man wanted to know.
"The Socialists, of course."
"Oh, you stand for anarchy, or some
thing," he replied.
"See here, young man." By this
time we had quite a crowd around us.
"You say that the red flag there
means something to eat. Uncle Sam
gives you, besides clothing all you
need to live on. When we carry the
red flag it is said we mean riot and
'destruction. Just look at the business
you are in."
"What business?"
"Killing people," I answered..
"Well, we must protect the coun
try and keep"
Just then someone who had ventur
ed alone in a canoe on the river fell
overboard. Our young man threw a
life preserver toward the unfortunate
canoist and for half an hour was too
busy to talk. After the wet one had
been safely fished out, I went away. I
had come to be impressed by the size
of the fleet. I thought only that It
all depends on who does an act to
make it right.
SCREEN DOORS!
FOR LESS
Choice of three Patterns of Screen Doors; any size, at $1 gg^
■ — : I
WE CARRY A COMPLETE LINE OF GARDEN HOSE, LAWN
/•,: MOWERS, REFRIGERATORS, ETC.
Croquet Sets Up From _„ _„'•
'f^r^iif ; $1.50 V
."""*■ mmttmmmmm ——■__■*—— -mm^M-m-m-M*—■**—"—^—^■__■_■_»
Curran Hardware Co.
HEWITT AND BROADWAY
PASTIME |
Amusement Parlors
—■__i—_■_—_i—— . j
FOR GOOD TIMES
Wetmore and Hewitt
f Driesslein & Becker
*mmmm ™■—l—'■"'■"■■__■■-■——— ■__^_«__i
■■...-. j . . . : ————— —rrrzSi
HHfl_l_HH_l
I princess Boater I
■ NEXT MONDAY AND TUESDAY I
■ THE WORLD FAMOUS STAR " I
_H _■_•*_._*'* -__*_*_' ' I
I HEUie. 3anis I
I IN I
H - -A __ . - __ ' ■' . - __1 I
I ''I&ettjlht Searcl) I
I ■» '^_T^_«L'' I : ****'♦ I ■"*.*.'■ :,: 'A'-. I
I PARAMOUNT SPECIAL I
I , ■ C _'»<-- •«•'-_' :■'■' - -;'' BE SURE TO SEE IT I
■ ''..,-".'■.,''...,.■. H
■ ' ————— " • _-—_-_—-_-—_
____________________________________ T. -'.'"'"'' 'F " .^''^-'^ ■'.-..'--^'^.■•".^:.V.^..^«-:^0..;...».^v..,— ..; .-■—; ; •*: . : ,..<„...^
I ' * '".''-■■ •"-■*■- ■ ■. -■:*- -'^- ■ -_—_——_—™ ,
I ifc>ran6 Ol)eater I
I NEXT MONDAY AND TUESDAY I
■ The Biggest Sensation of the Season I
I Ola Iff umpire? I
H The Los Angeles Girl Who Became Princess Hassan, the ■
I Wife of An Egyptian Ruler, in Her Exposure of Life in I
I the Egyptian Harum, Entitled H
I "lender tye " I
I (Trescent" I
I DON'T MISS IT I
PICNIC AT OLYMPIA
The Socialist Local at Olympia gave
an all-day picnic at Priest Point park
Sunday, June 6.
Sports, consisting of many races,
were enjoyed by a large and enthu
siastic crowd.
Comrade Martin C. Flyzik, presi
dent of District No. 10 of U. M. W. of
A., delivered a very interesting ad
dress. Comrade Flyzik made a very
strong appeal for the members of or
ganized labor and Socialists to work
together for the great common cause.
NEW WASHINGTON LOCALS
New Locals have been organized
this month in the following places:
Local Wymer, Kititas county; Local
Marx, King county; Local Wallula,
Walla Walla county, and Local Denl
son, Spokane county.
The fellow who stays out of the
union and the party of .his class be
cause he fears his "standing" in his
community will be injured, is hardly
worth a half a whoop in that iceless
region the ministers tell about. Dur
ing all the ages all of the gods have
hated and despised cowards. There
was never a master who ever respect
ed a slave.
Thursday, June 17, 1915.
BUTTER
POP CORN
Made by a machine that auto
matically pops and butters the
corn and turns it out so whole
... •■•'.-.-; '
some, crisp, delicious and temp
■ ' ■ ........
tingly good, that everyone that
tries it always wants more.
BUY IT AT THE NEW
STAND c^
'i .7 ,„.' - '
Next Door to the
BROADWAY THEATRE
Buy a bag before taking in the
- show.
. ,—.
The man or woman who is not will
ing to work for the Co-operative Com
monwealth does not deserve it. And
the fellow who is brainless enough to
suppose that it will come as a gift to
him, wouldn't know how to live in it
if he had it.

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