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The Northwest worker. (Everett, Wash.) 1915-1917, August 19, 1915, Image 1

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Socialist Hypocrisy
(By Frans Bostrom.)
; I have been told that at one of David
Goldstein's lectures on "Socialism, the
Nation of ; Fatherless Children," held
at Vancouver, B. C, a certain comrade,
in answer to Goldstein's challenge, got
up on the platform and spoke some
thing like this: "You have hoard Mr.
Goldstein's eloquent attempt to prove
us, the Socialists, a Godless bunch of
freelovers. He had shown conclusive
ly that we are hostile to religion. He
has quoted Engels and Bebel and other
great authorities to show our disre
spect for Capitalistic morality and has
| held lup for ( your inspection the pri
vate life of many prominent Socialists,
who put the philosophy of these great
teachers,to .practical use. He now
asks us what we have to say to this.
In answer, let me ask Mr. Goldstein
' this question. 'Suppose that we plead
guilty, what then? Are you ready sir,
:• to debate with me on the ; subject of
the existence of a God and an Immu
table law of morality?'"
. We may differ in our opinion about
the diplomacy of thus dazzling the
| eyes jof ] blind ! faith : and prudish j Puri
tanism with incandescent - truth. It
' may be true that it does no good to
stun the sensibilities of the super-!
,' stitious religionists with' thunderbolts
■..;■ of logc, it may be an Impolitic as well j
" as unpopular task to tear off the rags i
from ■ that old scare crow * Madame
Grundy and * wash off the paint that
covers her ugly ,wrinkled, visage. But .
is there anything more disgusting to \
the true revolutionist than the Hm-ing
I and | Haw-ing of the apologist, who is •
;*not ', only/satisfied with' showing that i
Socialism is ;an economic question, j
' which & does '. not , concern itself j with \
what- gods (or \ how many! confused,
minds need to keep themselves suffi-1
ciently doped, but also consider them- j
selves obliged to deny materialism, the
-foundation. of.Socialism.! because for
sooth there is no place ;in science for
, anything superhuman? ; Is there any
< thing more disappointing than to hear'
our ablest speakers use the words
."God," "Supreme Power" .' or "Provi
dence" even metaphorically, , just be-;
: cause 7 they have the notion that :
rhetoric needs support from falsehood
to make it sufficiently poetical and j
charming? 'How can any one be of |
any real use to the cause of truth by
But if some of our public speakers j
are guilty of playing , hide-and-seek j
with theology, there are few if any of
them who can be charged with moral j
hypocrisy. To the honor of all of.
them be it said that they despise purl-1
tanism; to most of them that they j
fearlessly assert the right of man to i
live his life as he sees fit, as long as ,
he does not interfere with the right
of others to do likewise, and to the'
infinite glory of some few of them, |
that they actually dare to live happy j
James Larkin of Dublin, Ireland,
president of the Transport and Gen
eral Workers' Union, who has
achieved international fame as a labor
' leader, is coming west and will be in
Everett Tuesday, August 31st. His
coming is awaited with interest in
Irish and labor circles. Larkin came
into prominence as a leader when
from the unskilled and semi-skilled
workers of Dublin previously grouped
into small, weak unions he welded the
powerful Transport and General Work
ers' Union.
In the seven years of its existence
this organization has acquired owner
ship of its headquarters, Liberty Hall,
Bedford Place, Dublin, and has de
veloped many activities for the welfare
of Its membership. It sponsors all
forms of social relaxation, dancing,
billiards, provides instrumental and
vocal music as well as gymnasiums for
boxing, swimming, etc., and classes
of all kinds, Gaelic, French and Ger
man included. Members have their
dramatic and choral societies, their
own recreation park of 18 acres just
outside the city limits where they
meet' for boxing and for athletic
tournaments; they manage a co-opera
tive distributing society and a co
operative restaurant, as well as sev
eral other beneficial organizations, all
built up in a few short years.
___BBl___a_^ ' -_^T--_-_--?^_Z^-^LJ^^^^^Z___f_?___^l^.____^^^^^^^^^^^^^_^^^^^^^^^^^**" ,MMII""*,^"***f**^ ,lw
:lives despite the frantic protests of
phurasaicnl stupidity.
But few of them have the courage
to teach that monogamtc marriage Is
a Capitalistic Institution, like wage
j slavery, war, murder for gain, re
ligion, dishonesty, etc., and, like
Capitalism Itself, a temporary and
necessary evil, for which there will be
no use in a civilized system of society.
Few of them dare to teach that the
family Is a futllo attempt to do away
with or nt least ameliorate that fright
ful loneliness which nobody escapes
in a society where every man's hand is
forced to be raised against his fel
lows: that the universal failure of
marriage Is caused by that Instinct of
liberty and Individuality (Inherent In
all life) wheh cannot endure the
tyranny Involved In compulsory co
habitation; that when private owner
ship of public necessities Is abolished
and predatory man has become a
worker, we will no longer have any
need for offensive and defensive al
liances in the shape of marriages, fra
ternal orders or other conspiracies
against the rest of mankind. And
that nothing can long survive the need
that called It into existence.
One is justified in stating that So
cialism concerns Itself with the eco
nomic phase only, ■ and that we are
under no obligation to defend the con
sequences of humanity's emancipation
from Capitalistic rascality; but this
j dodging the issue where there is no
need for embarrassment fools only
! fools. The great mass of mankind
will want the whole truth and will like
it when their mental vision gets used
I to the light. No ill consequences can
i come from a good act. The sins of
the revolution will be of omission and
'not of commission. The wirld * has
j never suffered from any other illness
than J cinservatism. The stupid j ones,
fooled into the revolutionary move
ment through our OMISSION of telling
the whole truth, are a drawback to our
work of education. They hate liberty
and worship the morality of antiquity.!
They repudiate the revolution, stab In ;
the back our best fighters and are
splendid tools in the hand of unscru
pulous politicians who despise them
| and use them for their own agrandize
Our style of propaganda Is such
that it appeals to the mutts and nau
! seates common-sense people. We cru
cify our fighters and place on pedes
j tals those who pander to our snob
bishness and stupidity. IF SOCIAL-
I WANT NONE OF IT. Liberty to
I work without begging some one else
: for permission. Liberty to think,
i write, speak, see, hear anything I like,
' as long as I do not infringe upon the
right of others to do likewise. Liberty
! to act as long as my acts are not det-
Larkin'B conduct of the labor forces
in the lockout of 1913 brought him
afoul of the law, the fate of many a
striker before and since. He was sen
tenced to a long term of Imprisonment,
although the sentence was never
served, the British government grant
ing him a full pardon when the labor
vote protested against the verdict at
the polls. Another encounter with the
British government came when Lar
kln's paper, "The Irish Worker," the
official weekly organ of the Dublin
Labor Party, was suppressed on De
cember 6th, 1914, its printing rooms
having been dismantled and the
presses seized. Since the war began
its editorial policy has been fiercely
national and equally fiercely anti
recruiting and anti-imperialistic.
Editor Larkin advocated that the place
for Irish workers was not in the
trenches murdering or being murdered,
a policy with which few labor writers
will disagree.
Larkln's appealing oratory and liter
ary ability used on all occasions in an
insistent demand for the rights of
labor in Ireland have fairly earned for
him the popular title "The Idol of the
Irish Workers." He is touring this
country in the interest of the working
class and will lecture at the People's
Theatre Tuesday, August 21.
By Carrie W. Allen
The European war has proven that
resonant resolutions ure not enough
to prevent war. To found an "Inter
national" that will endure the shock
of a war crisis the Socialise must be
prepared with a plan of action —Inter-
national action— to be used In advance
of an outbreak of war.
Wlth this thought in mind, 1 cross
ed the Place de la Concorde and went
over the Seine to the Chamber of
Deputies to have a talk with Jean
Longuet, deputy from the district ot
the Seine.
Longuet happens to be a grandson
of Karl Marx, father of the "Interna
tional," and Is one of the most able
of French intellectuals. That he Is a
popular member Of Un Chamber could
scarcely be doubted, for when the ser
geant called his name it was evident
that half the visitors in the ante room
were waiting to see him. I vas ush
ered into the reception room with
convalescent soldiers, women in deep
mourning and others. As soon as
Deputy Longuet had given attention
to his visitors, he turned to give a cor
dial greeting to tho woman from
Before beginning the interview he
called my attention to a large paint
ing which occupied the space on one
side of the reception room. Curiously
the only painting that has ever been
made of the French Chamber of Depu
ties shows Jean Jaures in the speak
er's stand in the midst of one of
his , Impassioned i utterances —Jaures,
whose matchless oratory so often held
the Chamber spellbound; Jaures,
whose life went out because of his
anti-militarist . principles; . Jaures,
whose last public speech was marked
by ( these words: "The only,: treaty ,we
rimental to society. Hundreds of thou
sands of liberty-loving men and wom
en, too sensitive to stand the bigotry
and carping and backbiting of Y. M.
C. A. graduates in the Socialist Party
have left us and believe themselves to
be anarchists, because anarchism very
frankly stands for personal liberty
even if it has no practical ways and
means to offer for its accomplishment.
I am not defending this super-sensi
tiveness and lack of practical logic
and moral courage, but I do hold that
we would be better off preaching un
adulterated truth and inviting liber
tarians than trimming our philosophy
to satisfy narrow-minded religionists'
and prudish puritans.
We are neither fish nor fowl today, j
If office-seeking Is our goal, we are
too radical. We drop all truth except
what little religion has been forced
to admit, and we should pander to Ig
norance, prejudice and stupidity in or
der to be popular.
If revolution, the overthrow of Capi
talistic barbarism, is what we stand
for, then let us make war to death
on all lies, all sham and all humbug,
and take the consequences. Truth Is
bound to win in the end and he Is a
poor revolutionist who has not the
courage to struggle patiently against
overwhelming odds, when he knows
to an absolute certainty that his work
helps to bring about victory. ,
I am tired of apologizing for apolo
Yours for the revolution,
THURSDAY 8:00 to 9:00 p.m.—Street speech, W. R. Snow, na
-11:00 to 12:00 a.m. Organization meeting. tional organizer.. Topic: "So
-1:00 to 2:30 p.m.— Field sports and races (cash ciallsm and the European War,
prizes.) and Armament by the U. S."
2:30 to 4:30 p.m.— Lecture by W. R. Snow, of Chi- 9:00 p.m.—Public dance, Masonic Temple;
cago, national organizer, fol- Colville orchestra; tickets $1.
lowed by open discussion. SATURDAY
8:00 p.m.-Lecture by W. R. Snow. 10:0° to 12:°° Symposium; 20-minute talks
r ' open to any one.
FRIDAY 2:30 to 4:00 p.m.—Lecture, L. E. Katterfeld, State
10:00 to 12:00 a.m. Organization meeting. Secretary.
12:00 to 1:00 p.m.—Picnic dinner. 1:00 to 2:30 p.m.—Sports, tug of war, races.
1:00 to 2:30 p.m.-Sports and races. 8:30 p.m.-Lecture, L. E. Katterfeld, State
v ,"-. _ . _,*._.' __ __',_ Secy., "How Socialists View
2:30 to 4:30 p.m.—Lecture by .L. E. Katterfeld, other Political Parties," follow-
State Secretary. Discussion. Ed by discussion open to any
7:30 to 8:00 p.m. —Band concert, Main Street one.
Free tenting and grazing grounds, light, water ani fuel. Bring your tent and stay the three days. Ar
rangements have been made for placing 100 tents. Refreshment and lunch stand on the grounds, conducted by
From 500 to 800 Socialists will be present at this encampment. Be sure YOU are there, too. For infor
mation write E. E. Owsley, County Secretary, Colville, R.F.D. No. 2. •
aro bound to respect Is that which
binds us to tho human race."
The spirit of .Inures seemed to be
upon Jean Longuet, as ho spoke most
, earnestly to bo of the present neces
sity of laying the groundwork If we
are to have an International after the
! war is over. As I/onguet's position Is
J that of most of the Socialists whom I
met In Europe, and of many German
'socialists, also, I shall give both ques
tions and Longuet's replies In order to
I make that position[ quite clear:
"Mr. Ixmguot, do you consider that
j the fact that Germany alone was ready
for the war Is proof of the guilt of the
! Prusslon dictators of -Germany's for
eign policy?" | A '
Longuet replied: "The fact that Ger
many was more ready, than any of her
I opponents Is, to a large degree, a
proof of the guilt of the 'powers that
be' In Germany. Thoy had for a long
time made up their minds to make
war, having, as Bernhardt puts It, the
'right' and 'the duty* to make war.
"Do you believe that Germany today,
under the domination of the Prusslon
j Junkers, Is the' most] powerful autoc
racy In the world?" ,'^
"I do not know if Germany Is the
most powerful autocracy in the world.
Russia may be a more'autocratic coun
; try, but her governmental machine has
! not reached the perfection of Ger
many's." '.'U.A
"Do you think that the Social-Demo
cratic members of the .Reichstag be
! trayed the principles Jof International
Socialism when they voted the war
credits?" : _ I*."'.' '
Mr. Longuet said slowly and with
deliberation: "I think that when the
war came the Social-Democratic mem
bers of the Reichstag were desperately
weak, if not traitors to Socialism. •'. We
all f understand that they j! may ' have
been deluged by the artful talk of the
government about .; ; defending the
fatherland. But, at any rate, they
ought to have raised an energetic pro
test against the violation of Belgium's
territory, against the secret diplo
macy's tricks and the whole criminal
business. Unfortunately, they have
not done It."
"Do you think the Socialists of
France and of England would have
fought as a unit against the war If
the German Social-Democrate had
fought against the ruling class In
Germany making war?" '
Longuet replied quickly: "Naturally,
if the Socialists of Germany had tried
a revolutionary movement —say a gen
eral strike — war and its pro
l moters, similar movements would have
.broken out all over Europe and in the
allied countries, especially In England
and France. The greatest difficulty to
such a movement (as was embodied In
the Kler Hardle-Valllant resolution at
the Copenhagen International Con
gress in 1910) hal always been the op
position of Germany's Socialist party."
"Do you think a victory for Germany
would mean a setback for all demo
cratic movements in Europe?"
Very decidedly the answer came: "I
think, with the London Conference of
the Socialists of the Allied countries,
that 'a victory for German imperial
ism would be the defeat and destruc
tion of democracy and liberty in Eu
"Do you not think that, In case the
war lasts two or three years the Ger-
i man proletariat will start a revolution
In Germany?"
> Jumping to his feet and with a swift
'. movement of his hands peculiar to the
• French, Longuet said: "It is absolute
I nonsense to speak of the war lasting
l two or three years. Before six months
i all Europe will be exhausted. I think
! that a revolutionary movement will
. most probably begin In Germany after
the war is finished, not before, as the
i people will think that such a move
ment is impossible so long as tho coun
, try's safety may be jeopardized."
"Do you think that if the masses
i in Germany should start a revolution
• now that the masses In France and
England and Russia would also revolt
■ to end the war?"
Longuet replied regretfully: "If only
there was a strong democratic move
ment in Germany acting against the
government, not speaking of a purely
revolutionary movement, It would be
possible for the Socialist and advanced
people In France and England to act
in favor of peace."
"If there Is no revolution, and the
war goes on until poverty is intense
all over Europe, do you not think that
progress will be checked for many
"I think that, whatever may be the
result of this abominable war, the
prosperity of the nations will be
checked for years."
"Since the war has shown how
strong the nationalist spirit is in all
peoples, what can we do to build an
International that will not again fail?"
With a wide sweep of his hands,
Longuet quickly said: "The interna
tional has not failed as you say, but
was not strong enough, more especial
ly in Germany, even j with its huge
army of voters. ;. The German Social-
Democracy's lack of a revolutionary
spirit: ha. been the great misfortune,
while the revisionist wing, with men
like Sudekum, Wolfang Heine and Le
gien, had lost all notion of real inter
nationalism and had become National
ist Social Reformers "
"Do you think the German Social-
Democratic party should be given seats
in the new International If It contin
ues to support the action of its mem
bers who voted the war credits?"
Very definitely and decidedly Lon
guet replied: "I think that before
meeting again the International move
ment will demand from the German
Socialists a serious washing of its
dirty linen. It may be that a division
will come Inside the German move
ment. If it does, the International
movement will recognize as being the
only bona fide German Socialists those
of the Leibknecht, Ledebour and Clara
Zetkin wing."
Jean Longuet is not the only Social
ist who continues to assert that the
International did not fall. They may
assert this over and over again, but
the fact remains that the nationalist
spirit is hideously triumphant in Eu
rope today, and Socialists of every
one of the warring nations are at the
front fighting against their comrades.
The International failed! It is neces
sary for Socialists to bravely recog
nize that fact if they would build a
New International that will not again
so ignominiously fail. 4
. Not only must the New Internation
al be founded upon a revolutionary
platform, but line upon line, precept
Who Is Exploited?
Ole K. Fingarson Explains His Posi-
tion and Refers to Text Books.
Dear Bill: Pleased to hear from
you and delighted that you differ so
much from the usual ideas set forth
In history, socialist authors, etc.,
and that you take the "popular" So
cialist position. Perhaps we can both
learn something. But, this is friendly,
remember. . ;,.
1.. The wages system is admittedly
a failure, and unionism Is nearly as
much of a failure, say you. Correct.
What portion of the working class are
In unions? If all these got $10 a day
would they get any more of labor's
product and would it raise the average
wage of the entire working class? ; I
think not. Unionism reached its
height of control, In the first, second
and third centuries A. D. : and, from
then on, labor has taken the losing
side of the class struggle. Unionism
beats nothing, and it does not and can
not free the worker. It is part of the
class struggle, but acting somewhat in
discriminately against other workers
as well as the masters. It will take
longer pole to knock the persimmon.
.j 2. I would respectfully refer read
ers to Marx, on "Value, Price and
Profit," for the j basic explanation of
these terms. Also Boudin's Theoreti
cal System. The value of all j com
modities, I including labor, is the so
cially necessary labor which must be
spent in its REPRODUCTION, at the
time the value is stated. As land is
not ; subject to reproduction, It neces
sarily follows that ; something jin con
nection with land, and not ! the \ land
itself, has value. Price J.; attaches '.; to
land. One may purchase an annuity,
receiving a certain income on payment
of a fixed sum. Virgin soil : . is J : not
bought ; and sold. ■ Only j after ) it > has [
been' husbanded and : raped \ and has
produced the • bastard • rent, does even
price appear. Any well-posted real
estate operator today can explain to
you that ' the price of land 'is)' a ' dis
count of the rent,' a . mere banking
operation. "Value" of land (forget
use-values altogether) is a fiction of
capitalism and will ; only ,; disappear
with it. A deed to land today classes
with stocks and bonds based mostly on
water. If you will read over your own
statements you will see that you agree
with me and disagree with your open
ing sentence under No. 2, LAND HAS
NO VALUE, but the right of exploita
tion through land , ownership - has
"value" without foundation in justice.
: 3. Then you insist that if one does
not get wages, he is not exploited?
Elmer Eddy always insists that he is
upon precept, it must teach the world
of men a higher Ideal than patriotism.
And this ideal must be backed up by
a program for concerted action, a
program so well understood that the
next tibe the diplomats and military
men shall call upon the people to de
fend the unholy treaties and alliances
that they have made the Socialists of
Germany shall clasp hands with the
Socialists of every other nation and
shall say, and, if necessary, shall lay
down their lives saying: "The only
treaty we are bound to respect Is that
which binds us to the human race."
—International-Socialist Review.
Suppresssing Socialist
Utterance in Germany
More and more it is being disclosed
that the Socialists of Germany are
not a unit behind the acquiescence of
its leaders in agreeing to the program
of Emperor Willian, Whole organiza
tions, such as those Of Leipzig, Bruns
wick and Soiiiigfeft, have declared
against the official policy of the Social
Democratic party. In two weeks 700
leading members of the party signed
an oped tetter for a revision of the
party's attitude in regard to the war,
and this document was widely dis
tributed among the public until the
authorities suppressed it.
The German government suppressed
Vowarts because it in an academic
way discussed the proposition of
peace, which, it was contended, might
be seized upon as proof of Germany
being weary of the war.
It is predicted by the Swiss Tag
wacht that "the battleline of the offi
cial German Socialist Democratic
party, the battleline against the1 in
terests of the international proletar
iat, has been broken up, and while
no "wage-slave," though he may be a
slave under the system, for he
doesn't get his wages or ; anywhere
near the equivalent of wages for farm
ing. He pays the money lord a good
ly share of his product for the priv
ilege of calling himself a landowner
and then sells his product at the whole
sale price, buying everything tat re- '
tail. By the closest of economy and'
the work of , the whole , family, '% he 1
hasn't starved yet; but he is not over
two or three weeks from the , poor
house, if there came a sudden stop
of the credit system that takes a some
what greater share of his labor's prod- .
uct than jls taken, from ■ the , average
worker. You had not better tell him )
he is not exploited! Your \ opening !
sentence. , No. 3 is pretty good, / but -
you seem to fly, In the face of facts *
when you say that the farmer and the
hired I man are ; not * both exploited.;
Many an abandoned farm in the east
and even some in almost any part of
the ; country, testify that the wage
worker is better paid than the average
farmer. ' . - , >
j Let us suppose that the farmers
'have paid off most of their mortgages
and that the banks have j money not
readily loaned at the prevailing rates,
as often, happens in the middle stage
of the development of a new country.
Then the banker BUYS land. At as
low a jrice as he can, true, but tie then
sells the land ON TIME. AT interest.
For part If possible, and at a ; still
higher f price. This very process" has
increased the price of land continually
and will increase it until the limit of
exploitation is reached. .':' .'?;''';
>.. The working farmer is in exactly the
same place in the capitalist system
that ) the] wage worker ' is,! with some
variations , of the process of exploita
tion. When he exploits the hired Wan;
he is but the agent of the capitalist
class and really pays, two to five; days
of ; his labor in spring for one day of
hobo harvest help. The average farm
er , does not get much over,FIFTEEN
CENTS a day for HIS LABOR. 7. What
property he may accummulate comes i
from speculation, rise in price of land,
trading, etc. , -'; • ' ' "-'.A
Because jof the difference in process,
as |to farmer j and wage worker," we
sometimes forget that and we do not <
know how to state it. , The real reason|
I did not state what Socialism ! has to ;
offer, in detail, is because I » don't
know how. I'm asking! '
4. You missed the point altogether.
Farm production \IS ' individual " and
will; so continue for ' many years. 7ln
co-operation farm production is a hun
dred years behind the rest of our de
velopment Allow me to remark that
the farmers' wages HAVE disappeared
already, so It is not exactly abolition
of the ' wage system you want, is it, I
friend Bill? 7 ' <\
The } farmer does; not organize ' be
cause the evolutionary ; process ( ; has
made and keeps him an individualist!
WE must take him as he is and free
him from exploitation and the right
TO exploit. I said BEGIN, with these
taxes, but I did NOT say to omit any
! (Continued on Page 4) _
the pronunciamento of Messrs. Haase,
Bernstein and Kautsky will probably
fall to induce any great number of
the Socialist leaders to join the ranks
of the opposition, it will have the ut
most effect upon the masses.
Keeling among the working
classes of Germany Is such that
the government fears to have dis
cussed even platonic desires for
peace. The working classes are
such indifferent diplomatists (hat
it was possible that they would
begin to agitate for peace, with
the result that the program of
the government might be seriously
organized. .
"It is Impossible to serve imperial
ism in deed, and combat it in word,"
says the Swiss newspaper. The sit
uaiton offers two alternatives to the
Social Democrats of Germany: "To
resume the fight against the govern
ment, or to return unreservedly to
the yoke. It is Impossible not to see
that the leadership of the German So
cial Democracy is already sadly dis
No. 241

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