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FEBRUARY 25, 1904,
8 THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT If 1.1. i! in 3 1 Cb Nebraska Independent Lincoln, ntbraska. LIBERTY BUILDING. 1328 0 STREET Entered according to Actof Congressof March 3, 1879, at the Poftoffice t Lincoln, Nebraska, ccoud-clafS mail matter. PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY. FIFTEENTH YEAR. .$1.00 PER YEAR will not measure all and this is the weak point of socialism: a failure to discriminate. Very little real co-operation obtains in agricultural production, because di vision of labor is difficult to arrange. And hcreTlhe socialist falls down in applying his rule. It is not difficult to imagine how all the railroads of the United States could be owned and operated by the very men who now operate them. Railroading is a bus iness where division of labor is nec essary and co-operation inevitable the only trouble being now that some body else than the co-operators gets most of the profits. But there is practically no such thing as division When making remittances do not leave ftiouey with utiri agenciea, postmasters, etc., to be forwarded by thera. They frequently m a u A T-t tTtnntit than was left with them, and the subscriber fails to get of labor and ro-operation among the lopei credit. several million farmers, especially as Address all communications, and raakt all tliafU, money orders, etc., payable to tb tttbraska Jndeptndent, Lincoln, Neb. Anonymous communications will not be diced. Rejected manuscripts will not U returned. . r. , 1 ::: T II TIBIiLES, Editor. C.Q PKFiUNCE, Associate Editor. . V, EACiLR, tuBlness Manager. A QUESTION Or "EXPLOITATION" "Populism lowers in west and south!" exclaimed Wall street, ten years ago. "What shall we Jo?" . "I have it," exclaims their , Macchiavellt . "Split south , f roni , west by a fusion deal. Then split the south on the race question , . and the west on the labor ques tion. The , south hates the 1 'nig- ger;' the western farmer hates the . trade union. Get all tht3e ele ments tp, fighting among them selves and we may rule forever!" Will the' exptoited millions fuse . with Wall street for the carrying . out of this scheme?. Or will they vote for socialism and solve sec tional question, race question and labor question all at the same time? i . ."Workiugnien of . ail .countiles, black and white, farmers and . wage-earners, unite!" Thomas . Elmer Will, in ; Social ' Ethics, Wichita, Kas. .. , -. to primary production and very lit tle in the secondary processes of mar keting the products, although in this latter direction some headway is be ing made in the farmers' elevator movement.' Prof. Will, 0. D. Jones of Missouri, the Appeal to Reason, and others of the socialist party, in their anxiety to gather populibts into the socialist fold, are abandoning considerable of the very foundations . of socialism. They ignore the theory of "surplus value" and talk like populists about exploited" farmers , and even talk "flat", money at times. They slur over the "class struggle," and try ; to have "bourgeois" and "proletarian" unite. Possibly Ihe'y may succeed in building up a mushroom party growth in this way, but it must finally cause internal dissensions, for the "bour geois'' will naturally dominate the party. The "proletarian" heretofore has done valiant service; fighting bat tles for others, but he will never dom inate in a mixed army. , where the ! socialistic ' formula of "economic determinism'' is faulty. Mr. De Blanc's idea's are as high as they ever, were, and they are' not changed The indomitable spirit of populism is well illustrated, in the case of H E. De Blanc, New Iberia, La. Mr. De Blanc is 72 years of age and says that for the past 53 years he has never en Prof. ''ytlK as ' The; Independent 'un- joyed a , singl j hour of good health derstands it,- is one of those populists He says: "I am poor, sick and old; who "progressed' into socialism. Of but whenever T will be able to save a course, that is his affair.' and very dollar, I . will joyfully give it to help ..proper, too, if he believes in social- the cause for waich yoir are fighting ism. But why does he in effect re: so nobly and heroically. Keep on nounce' one. of the, fundamentals of' fighting, 'fightln.? .incessantly and the Marxian philosophy by '.referring surely success will crown your efforts to farmers as part of the 'exploited at last." Here is certainly a case millions?". That is a mixing up of populist and socialist nomenclature that causes much misunderstanding. What is Prof. Will trying to accom plish, any way? Does he bepe'et to by adversity. make the socialist party a mixture of middle class, farm-owning, "hour- an accurate definition geois" farmers,; and "proletarian" Editor Independent: February 11 wage-earners? Isn't that flying into you say editorially that if Mr. Allen the face of "economic determinism ?" succeeds in framing a perfectly ton- Now, a populist can truly say that sistent definition of value he will have the farmer is "exploited" or robbed accomplished what no other man has in a variety or ways. But how can a ever accompusucu.. 1 , suumn mat. Marxist reconcile that with the the- "purchasing value" is an accurate. ory of "surplus value?" It can't be consistent, and universally applica- donc. " On!v thr waere-worker tan he ble definition for value. Regardless exploited," according to the absurd f their definitions, Adam Smith, John doctrine laid down bv Marx-a the- Stuart Mill, ,v. s. Jevons, Alex. Del ory of value wholly Inconsistent with the populist position.. As a matter cf fact, populists to day, thanks to the teaching, of Marx, would mean literally, "pursuing and obtaining; - acquiring by seeking; gaining, obtaining and acquiring." "Power" is best defined in this connection "as ability to act." Hence, "purchasing power" is the ability 'to pursue and obtain;" the . ability to "acquire by seeking," etc. Now, it is evident that if "value" IS "purchasing power," , men and some other animals must be "value," because they alone have the "ability to pursue and obtain," to" "acquire by seeking." Of course, Mr. Brokaw might regard this as a captious criti cismand so it is in a way. Never theless it is legitimate. It is to be doubted whether all the economists mentioned by Mr. Bro kaw really USE the word "value" in the sense of "purchasing power." Pur chasing power might well be used as a definition for "exchangeability," be cause the particular kind of purchas ing we always have in mind when discussing the question of value, is that wherein things are acquired by exchange. Now, listen to Henry George: "Normally, . . . value and exchange ability are thus always associated and seemingly identical. But in the causal relationship, value comes first. That is to say, it is not true, as econ omists since the time of Adam Smith have erroneously taught, that a thing is valuable because it is exchangeable. On the contrary, it is exchangeable because it is valuable." George, "Sci ence of Political Economy; 'p. 247. "Value, in the economic sense, is not a mere relation of exchangeability between valuable things. . . the real relation , is with , human exertion. . . . high value . . . hard to get; low' val ue . , . easy; without exertion , . . no value. Cheapness . . . result of abundance; dearness v . . scarcity. Thus, there may be a general increase or decrease of value as clearly and as truly as there may be general scarcity or general abundance." . Id, p. 2G8. ; ; This, of course, is not the populist conception of value, and approaches very near the Marxian. Most of us have ideas about value whict are not very far apart but the difficulty is to express these ideas in words. And The Independent still holds that no perfectly consistent definition of val ue has" ever been framed. , Mar, Henry George, Arthur Kitson, Karl Marx, and all other wi iters on the subject UST3 the word value in the tense of purchasing power. It is Engels, Lorla and others upon the the only definition whloh can be at materlallstlc conception of history, Isfactonly substituted for the word in understand what they want and why a very icst- You cau- thcy want It rau:h better than they not avoid using the word in this did ten years ago. They want a scien- t recognize the dcflnl- tlfic money, and public ownctshlp in tlon? It will clarify "discussion, transportation, Ik cause these will tu- W. E. BROKAW, .hance the prices of farm products and Station A, rasaciena, tai. The Independent will ajcroo with prevent thera from being robfcrd by the manufacturing plutocrats. The content, as they see It, Js between agriculture and manufacturing. Mr. llrolcaw that purchasing power" la probably the most concise definition that one can use for "value." Hut la Prof. Will It doubtless actuated by U consistent? Let us ice: noble Impulses In hU work, but he U "IMrchajt" romen to us through doomed to fellure. Whoever real co- the Old French and meant to "pur- op ration obtalnt In th proJuctlun " or to ktj.h In p;e of wealth, thcro ultimately must be tixAf Enslhh, coming down to m collective owmrshlp or foudalUm; trom Chaucer, tie words meanj "to and the saclalUt position to mch to aulre by Industries U wound. But the yard- letklnr; to Rain, obtain, or acquire." itkk whlcU taoaauq juUi InJantrm Tb parilcl-U rebating,- htnee, WHAT'S IN A NAME? The Rev. Mr. Potts again presents some very good arguments in behalf of his proposed name, "People's Dem ocratic Republican Party." The Inie pendent agrees with him that there is very, much in a name, the poet to. the contrary notwithstanding. But does Mr. Potts believe the beneficiaries of special privileges, those keen, sharp, shrewd, conscienceless men who have piled up millions obtained by legal,- ized robbery does he believe they can be fooled by such a transparent dodge as changing the party name? Surely Mr. Potts is too far-sighted not to know that the objections to popul ism arc not because of the name but because populism threatens to stop the legalized stealing. What's In a name?- Very much, in deed. The democratic party today, having been "killed off" numerous times, compelled to bear the odium of rebellion, "hard times,' etc., owes much of It cat-like tcnacitv to life to the fact that since the days of Jacksou it has borne officially the name "democrat," A "greenback" party In 1SCS. "sound money" party In IS76, a "straddier" In 1892, and "free coinage" in IbUG and 1900, It hs adhered to tho name "democrat,"1 What mlgU have been iU fate had it changed names etery four or eight tears is well Illustrated In the ups and down of the various political "third" partly hku pre ceded the people's rarty. iHs Mr. Pott think that by the mere adoption of the nirue, "J'eo; g iHinoaauc ii?puoucaa itriy.' could consolidate the three political parties at present each bearing one portion of the name? Evidently he has had 'too much experience wilU politics to entertain such a notion. If Mr. Potts will review the history of the United Slates again, he will surely not fail to observe that up to about 1820 the agricultural interests were overwhelmingly in the majority. t is true that far-sighled statesmen themselves of the agricultural class or with, interests closely allied theie- to at the very beginning bean to lay plans for building up manufacturing and commerce. In fact, the very first bill ever introduced in congress had 'this end in view. This was quite natural, because a purely agricultural country cannot but be at a disadvantage ; when pitted against one where the two great in dustries are well developed. Hence, a considerable portion of national legis- ation ever-increasing as. the years passed was for the "encouragement" of manufacturing and commerce. Agriculture was looked upon as being able to care for itself. 'Laisscz faire" was enough. - . The form of "encouragement," how ever, that is to say, a "protective' tariff , so-called, produced results far n excess of what any of the "fathers"' could possibly have foreseen. The "handmaiden" of agriculture steadily gained( on her mistress until the war of the rebellion, which, after we brush away sentiment, reveals itself as a' contest for ' supremacy for domina tion between the "handmaiden" Man ufacture and her theretofore mistress, Agriculture: 'f;'lS The; "handmaiden" , won. She be came mistress. She has held ihat po sition ever since. , , Agriculture when dominant was- ' , up to the time when the death Strug- gle for supremacy was a foregone con clusionan indulgent mistress. Tier encouragement of the; "handmaiden,1 " Manufacture, was substantial far too 7 substantial, In ; that the agriculturists . instead of . giving a bona fide protec tion to manufacturing, 'enacted a sys tem of "aggression," in which the agriculturists willingly : suffered loss in order to help along tneir manufac turing brothers. The pecul ar irony of it all is that this system has al ways borne tha euphemistic title of a " "protective" tariff. " ' , '' Fattening upon a system of legal ized robbery ior it is' iittle else it is small, wonder that the manufactur ing class has grown arrogant directly as its plunder has increased.!.. For more than 40 years past this class has been in control with the result that agriculture has become more and more impoverished, notwithstanding the opening up of the enormously fertile prairies of the west. The struggle today i3 between these two great Industries on the , part of Agriculture to be freed from the very system which she, in her great good nature, fastened upon herself. Oa I he part of Manufacture to retain what she has and to satisfy her growiug appetite which, like the horse-leechc's daughters, is constantly crying, "Give, give." Hence, with all due respect to Mr. Potts, his dream Is an idle one If It contemplates a union of ALL the peo ple la ono political party. Tae manu facturing Interests own the republU can party, body and soul; they own a great many leaders In the demo cratic party. And if the agncuUunsta ara to be freed from the lcechea which are aucking out their life-btood, they must do It by building up a political organization In which no representa tive of the manufacturing Intel c&tf can Lavt a voice. Whether they can tnt accomplish thl by freeing the democratic parly of Its trattoroua Uaderg or by build Injt up the pwple's party It a debat able question. But thero la no doubt that when the big battle cook a It will t along the Ike above net out. ; m I ; ( r. t - j 1 ;' ' i 11 . t i : 1 .