Newspaper Page Text
JULY 7, 1904.
THE NEBRASKA INDEPENDENT PAGE 3, Upon motion of Schilling of Wiscon sin, the executive committee was au thorized to select three members for each state unrepresented at the con vention. Weller of Iowa moved that each state have power to substitute other members by action of state con vention, an8 this carried. The 5th order of business being reached, a committee composed of W. J. Babb of Kansas, Col. J. S. Felter of Illinois, and Theo. P. Rynder of Penn sylvania, was chosen to consider and report a plan of raising funds. A re cess was then taken to 1 o'clock. While waiting the report of the platform committee, Dr. I. D. Burdick of Indian Territory addressed the convention on plan of campaign or ganization, and Senator Allen explain ed to the southern delegates, showing where they were in error as to certain occurences at the St. Louis convention in 1896, especially as to that alleged telegram from Bryan; and the turned out lights. The eight years of mis understanding have now been practi 'cally all cleared up. Possibly a few southern populists still hold a grudge at Allen for being a big man men tally and physically but it is safe to say that next to Tom Watson, Senator Allen is the most highly esteemed populist in the south. Thai was evi dent on every hand at this conven tion. ' Edmisten of Nebraska, chairman of the committee on platform,. -read the report of that body and moved its adoption, which was carried unani mously by a rising vote amid great cheering. "Populists are not grudging in payment of their tributes to abil ity, integrity and honest manhood; but it was noticeable that every time Mr. Edmisten rounded put one of those well-turned periods and Harley , did himself proud as a reader the enun ciation of every well established prin ciple of populism was greeted with hearty applause. It showed that pop- 'ulists look more to platforms and principles than to men. - Nothing in the way of an editorial analysis of ; the platform is possible ' this week; but it is printed in full elsewhere in this issue and it can speak for itself. The money plank was drafted by Mr. Tibbies and now he will have the opportunity to ex- " plain it on the stump, as vice presi dential candidate. ' The platform . adopted, the regular order was taken up. Robinson of Ind ? lana moved the following resolution, which was adopted: "Resolved, That the rule shall be " in making nominations by this con- vention that the roll of states shall be - alnhabetically called and on the bal lot a majority of all votes cast shall be necessary to a choice. Coming to the Cth order of busi ness, the nomination of a candidate - for Dresident of the United States, former Congressman Ridgely of Kan- i sas gained recognition of the chair and moved that this be postponed un : til after the St. Louis convention should have made its nominations. Pandemonium reigned for a few min utes; hisses, howls and cries of "No, no; get into the democratic party where you belong," etc., were heard on every hand and then the delegates realized that gag rule and such actions are unpopulistic, and they quieted down and allowed Mr. Ridgely to go on. " He .explained that under the resolu tion passed at the state convention, April 12, the Kansas delegates regard ed themselves as under instructions to take this stand. It was their duty to make this motion and make the best possible fight for it. Morgan of Arkansas raised the point of order that "this is a populist convention and its action is not contingent upon the action of any other convention;" but Chairman Mallett made no ruling. Ed misten of Nebraska, Miller of Kansas, Dr. F. B. Lawrence of Kansas. Col. Park of Texas and others spoke to the motion. As the discussion progressed, con fusion again arose and two motions were made and seconded at about the same time one to table and one for the previous question. There was a little dispute as to which should be put; but Chairman Mallett ruled to Rubtnit the motion to table, which was carried with a whnop. Mr. Hldgcly then anklng personal privilege, further explained the Kun DiM situation. A motion by Nelson of Missouri was carried that seconding speeches he limited to two minutes. Upon roll cull. Alabama ami Arkansas yielded to Kentucky, ftni Colorado to Ne braska; but for dome reason the fay red mates were not ready. Gtorida yielded to Kentucky and Jo A, Parker, for the state of Georgia. In a writ delivered speech presented the name of Tuowm E. Watson the beloved of populists not only in the south, but all over the Union. Sneakins on Colorado's time, former Congressman Sutherland of Nebraska did did not and did present the name of Nebraska's favorite son, William V. Allen. Mr. Sutherland's SDeech is uniaue. It started out like the regulation nominating speech, but he wound it up by saying that he re gretted Senator Allen's decision not to allow his name to go befoi'e the convention as a candidate. S'enator Allen's position was that he should not enter into any scramble for the place; but as every loyal pop ulist and American is bound to do he could not refuse the nomination if it came to him with something like unanimity. Some of the southern delegations, but for positive instruc tions, could have made up the votes necessary to nominate Senator Allen by a big majority. Either Watson or Allen would be perfectly acceptable to them. It was noticeable mat tne southern delegates were earnestly de sirous of avoiding a contest -which would result in the humiliation of either; and Senator Allen's peremp tory order to have his name with drawn from the list of candidates pre vented such a contest. - As the roll call proceeded, Rev. Thomas Wadsworth of Indiana, in one of those speeches which only a preach er can make, presented the name or Samuel W. Williams. Former Congressman Ridgely of Kansas withdrew the name of Sena tor Allen and spoke regarding Watson. Mrs Marian Todd seconded Watsons nomination on behalf of Micnigan. Nelson for Missouri seconded Watson. Norman of Iowa seconded Williams. Brav . of New York favored adjourn mentand placed Senator Allen's name before the convention on De half of New York, believing that Wat son would refuse the nomination if Hearst should be the democratic nom inee. Dr. . Reemelin of Ohio believed the same wav and he also believed that Hearst would surely win i)ut at St. Louis. He, therefore, moved Allen s nomination by acclamation under sus pension of the rules. Edmisten then demanded some proof that 1 Watson would accept if ; nomi nated. This caused some flurry. Hol loway of Georgia, as chairman of the state committee, had notified Mr. Watson of his election at head of the Georgia delegation; he had asked him if he (Watson) would come to Spnng field; he had asked Mr. Watson if he would accept. Watson's reply was not direct, but it was satisfactory. "The letter! The letter," shouted Allen's supporters; "read the letter." Mr. Holloway would have complied but for some of his colleagues. They then took the position that it is a "private letter" and, therefore, could not in justice be demanded to be read. Apparently Mr. Holloway had not thought so much about the let ter's sanctity as "private" before that time, for he had showed it to a num ber of delegates. Then Jo Parker told how he knew that Watson would accept. Parker, as chairman of the allied people's party, had organized clubs and taken a ref erendum vote on candidates. Mr. Watson was the choice. The club rules required him to notify Mr. Wat son and demand acceptance or rejec tion. Mr. Watson had accepted by letter tnree weeks ago. "The letter! The letter." asrain shouted the delegates; "read the let ter."1 But Jo refused to make public a private communication! And then Nelson of Missouri took on a streak of the real old southern dignity. They would resent the Indignity. It was an insult to even think of want ing to hear a "private" letter read. It was a magnificent bluff, too, in view of the fact that every step in the Parker transaction was patty olllcial business and not "private" as againtt populists. Rynder of Pennsylvania seconded Watson's nomination; but Fulton of the same state said their delegation wa-s divided and be would second Al len. Col. Park seconded Watson: Texas was under Instructions. Clay- son or Washington seconded Watson. Van Tine of Illinois seconded Will lams, and Brewer of Mississippi did the sfnie for Watson. Tennessee wanted to he good and so seconded all three! Calderhead of Montana then railed attention to the fact that the second from Michigan came from Mr. Marian Todd aud that her name did not an pear upon the roll of delegate re ported by the credential committee but did not urce hi objection. Mon tana seconded Allen. Roll call cumins on, the vote, Just before the clone, stood: Allen , m Watson., .'. ,3.13 Williams U Illinois changed 1 votes from Allen f and 4 from Williams to Watson; Ind iana went to Watson (except the dis puted votes). Iowa's 21 went to Wat son. Tennessee changed 7 from Will iams to Watson. And then Edmisten mounting a chair, made a neat speech changing 47 votes from Allen to Wat son and it was all over! Williams then moved to suspend the rules and nominate Mr. Watson by ac clamation unanimously. This was carried by a rising vote men, hats, handkerchiefs and umbrellas. The original Watson supporters were wiid with joy, and the Allen men had no sore spots. . In a fit of generosity, -the south raoveu to allow Mr. Edmisten to name the vice president, but. as both Weller of Iowa and Rynder of Pennsylvania had friends in the convention who de sired their . nomination, this motion was dropped and roll call proceeded. Georgia nominated Samuel W. Will iams, but he withdrew his name. Io'a nominated Weller. .Kansas nominated Washburn, but he declined, saying that in his judgment the nominee should come from the northwest. When Nebraska was reached, Edmis ten with one of those sudden inspira tions which come to men at times, suddenly ." bethought himself of Tib bies. He nominated him. And up at the secretary's desk sat a man who had not dreamed of such a turn com ing at this time, but v.ho had an "in tuition" right away and an abiding faith that his senior editor and co-laborer, the first enrolled member of the Old Guard of Populism, would surely win. And this, too, in spite of his knowledge that both Weller and Rynder had strong support. .,. Well, the inspiration and the Intui tion did not fail. The first ballot stood: Weller.. ., . 62 Tibbies.. 544 Rynder.. .. ; ...... 90,i New Jersey and Sout'u Dakota d'd not f lef. Washburn of Massachusetts moved "that in the event of a vacancy in the nomination for president or vice pres ident, from any cause, that the na tional committee be clothed with plenary powers to fill such vacancy." Carried. v- Parker of Kentucky moved the ap pointment of a committee of seven to notify the candidate for president. The chair appointed Williams of Indiana, Allen of Nebraska, Weller of Iowa, Parker of Kenjtucky, Edmisten of Ne braska, and Dixon of Missouri. Hoi loway of Georgia was afterward add ed to the number. Van Tine of Illinois moved, that the convention now elect chairman ot the national-committee. Burrus of Mis souri moved as a substitute that the. national committee elect its own chair man and secretary. After some talk, both withdrew their motions. It was moved that the report of the committee on party organization be directed and referred to the new na tional committee for adoption. Car ried. A vote of thanks was tendered the chairman and secretaries and the con vention adjourned sine die. !n the c'enial of the rights of man un der n ai tial law. A political democracy and an Indus- trial uc&potism cannot exist side by side; and nowhere is this truth more lainly shown than in the gigantic monouoiics which have bred all sorts of kin dree trusts, subverted the gov ernments of many of the states, and estahl.'srcd their official agents in the national government. We submit that it is better for the government to own the railroads than for the rail roads to own the government;' and that one or the other alternative seems inevitable. We call the attention of our fellow citizens to the fact that the surrender of both of the old parties to corporate influences leaves the people's party the only party of reform in the na tion. Therefore, we submit the followiug platform of principles to the Ameri can people: The issuing of money is a function of government, and should never be delegated to corporations or individ uals. The constitution gives to con gress alone power to coin money and regulate its value. : We demand, therefore, that all mon ey shall be issued by the government n such quantity as shall maintain stability in prices, every dollar to be a full legal tender, none of which shall be a debt redeemable In other money. We demand that postal savings banks be established by the govern ment for the safe deposit of the sav- ngs of the people. T5he Springfield Platform The people's party reaffirms its ad herence to the basic truths of the Omaha platform of 1892, and of the subsequent platforms of 1896 and 1900 In session in its fourth national con vention on July 4, 1904, in the city of Springfield, 111., it draws Inspiration from the day that saw the birth of the nation, as well as its own birth as a party, and also from the soul of him who lived at its present place of meet ing. We renew our allegiance to the old fashioned American spirit that gave this nation existence, and made it dis tinctive among the peoples of the earth. We again sound the keynote of the Declaration of Independence, that ail men are treated equal In a politi cal sense, which is the neiise In which T.ul instrument, being a political document, intended that the utterance should be understood. We assert that the departure from this fundamcnta truth Is responsible for the Ills from which we suffer as a nation; that the giving of special privileges to the few ha enabled them to dominate the many, thereby tending to destroy the political equality which is the corner stone of democratic government. We call for a return to the truths rf the fathers, and we vigorously pro test against the spirit of mamtnonbm and of thinly-veiled monarchy, that Is invadlns certain sections of our na Unnal life, and of the very administra tion Itself. This Is a nation of peace a&o we deplore the appeal to the spir it ot force ami militarism which Is shown la ttt-advlsed and vainglorious toasting snd, la more harmful ways We believe in the right of labor to organize for the. benefit and protec tion of tho3& who toil ; and pledge the efforts of the people's party to pre serve this right inviolate. , Capital is organized and has no right to deny to abor the privilege which It claims for tself. We feel that intelligent organi zation of labor is essential; that it raises the standard of workmanship, and promotes the efficiency, intelli gence, independence and character of the wage-earner. We believe with Abraham Lincoln that labor is prior to capital, and is not Its slave, but its companion; and we plead for that broad spirit of toleration and justice which will promote industrial peace through the observance of the prin ciples of voluntary arbitration. We favor the enactment of legisla tion looking to the improvement of conditions for wage-earners, the aboli tion of child labor, the suppression of sweat shops and of convict labor, in competition with free labor, and the exclusion from American shores of foreign pauper labor. U We favor the shorter work day, and declare that if eight hours constitutes a day's labor in government service, that eight hours should , constitute' a day's labor in factories, work shops and mines. As a means of placing all public questions directly under the control of the people, we demand that legal pro vision be, made under which the peo ple may exercise the initiative, refer endum and proportional representa tion, and direct vote for all public offi cers, with the right of recall. Land, including all the natural sources of wealth, is a heritage of all the people, and should not be monop olized l'or speculative purposes; and alien ownership of land should be pro We demand a return to the oiiginal interpretation of the constitution and a fair and impartial enforcement of laws under it; and denounce govern ment by Injunction and imprisonment without the right of trial by jury. ' To prevent unjust discrimination and monopoly, the government should own and control the railroads; and those public utilities, which In their nature arc monopolies. To perfect the postal service, the government should own and operate the general telegraph and telephone systems, and provide a par cels post. As to those trusts and monopolies which are not public utilities or nat ural monopolies, we demand that those special privileges which they now en joy, and which alone enable them to exist, should be Immediately with drawn. Corporations being the crea tures of government should be ob jected to such governmental regula tions and control a wilt adequately protect the public. We demand the taxation of monopoly privileges, while they remain In private hands, to the extent of the value of the privilege granted. We demand that congress shall en act a general law uniformly regular Ins the power and duties of all In corporate! companies doing iatersttU buslncea.