The Raymer enterprise., September 01, 1910, Image 2

About The Raymer enterprise. (New Raymer, Weld County, Colo.) 1910-19??

Image provided by: History Colorado

                
COL. ROOSEVELT IS ORATOR
AT OSAWATOMIE CEREMONY
He Delivers the Chief Address at the Dedica
vtion of John Brown Park, Discoursing of
Hie Present Day Struggle for
Human Betterment
Osawatomlc, Kbil, Aug. 3 L—With
elaborate ceremony, John Brown park,
, a tract of 22 acrei on the ground
where the battle of Oaawatomle waa
fought o 4 years ago yesterday, was
dedicated today and presented to the
state of Kansas., The culmination of
the affair was the dedicatory address,
which was delivered by Col. Theo
dore Roosevelt
Preliminary exercises were held
yesterday, and the program was re
sumed at 10:30 this morning with a
concert by the Thirteenth Regiment
band, followed by a drill by troops of
the Kansas National guard and the
regular army. Meanwhile Col. Roose
velt’s train had arrived and all the
thousands of people assembled here
went to the station to greet him.
After dinner all gathered In the new
park, where there was a parade by
the soldiery, the Grand Army
Woman's Relief corps and civic so
cieties and another band concert
Then, after a vocal solo by Mlbs Eliz
abeth Uhls and an Invocation, the
president of the board of trustees,
Cora M. Deputy, formally presented
the park to the state on behalf of the
Woman's Relief corps of Kansas,
which bought the ground. Governor
Stubbs responded gracefully for the
state, and then the chairman, J. B.
Remington, introduced the distin
guished orator of the day, former
President Roosevelt.
Oration by Colonel Roosevelt.
Col. Roosevelt stood silent and smil
ing until the storm of applause had
died down, and then spoke as follows:
There have been two fre&t criae* In
our country'* tiiatory; flrat when It waa
formed, and then again when It waa per
petual**]. The- formative period Included
not merely the Revolutionary war. but
the creation and adoption of the Const!-
under It. Then came sixty years during
which we spread across the continent
years of vital growth, but of growth with
out rather than growth within. Then
came the time of stress and strain which
culminated In the Civil war. the period
of terrible struggle upon the Issue of
which depended the Justification of all
that we had done * earlier, and which
• marked the second great period of growth
and development within The name of
John Brown will be forever associated
with this serohd period of the Nation's
history, and Kansas was the theater
\ upon which the first act of the second of
‘our great National life dramas was play
ed. It was the result of the struggle In
Kansas which determined that our coun
try should be In deed as as well as In
name devoted to both union and freedom,
that the great experiment of democratic
fovernment on a National acale should
succeed and not fall It waa a hsrolc
•truffle. and. as is inevitable with all
■uch struggles. It had also a dark and
terrible side Very much waa done of
Rood, and much also of evil; and. aa was
Inevitable In such a period of revolution,
often the aame man did both good and
evil. For our great Rood fortune aa a
Nation, we. the people of the United
Htatea as a whole, can now afford to for-
Ret the evil, or at least to remember It
without bitterness, and to fix our eyea
with pride on the Rood that waa accom
plished Kven In ordinary times there
are vtry few of us who do not see the
problems of life as through a glass,
darkly an A when the glass Is clouded by
>e murk of furious popular passion, the
on of the best and the bravest Is
led looking back, we nre all of ua
i»Me to do juitlce to the valor and
llalnterestednes* and the love of the
i as to each It vs at given to see the
t. i Mown both by the wen of the north
the totn 'it the south r, that contest
'h was final! v decided by attitude
kb west. Wt can « Imlre ti-e jiernir
. the sincerity, ths self dAfttdon
n alike by the men who wore the
and the men who wore the grsy
our sadness that such men should
had to fight .in* another is trap,
the glad knowledge that ever
• ft# r their dt scendanu si nil be found
<hting hide by side struggling In peace
s well as in war for the uplift of their
immnn country, all alike resolute to
•J tee highest pitch "f honor and
fulness the Nation to which they all
’ * A * f °r the veterans of the Grand
tee Republic, they deserve honor
e ognlUon such as Is paid to no
cltlgens of the Republic; for to
he Republic owes Its all. for to
owes Its verv #xl*t#nre
of the Leeson.
» speak of this struggle of the
’>' from tie historic standpoint
st Is primarily In the applies
of the lessons taught by the
half a century ago It la of
r us to pay lip loyalty to the
of the past unless we sin
vor to apply to the problems
•sent precisely the qualities
other crises enalded the men of
»o meet those crises It | a half
..oly and half amusing to see the
.n which well-meaning giopl* gather
> do honor to the men who. lr. company
with John Brown, and under the |^ a d of
Abraham Lincoln, faced and solved the
great problems of the nineteenth cen
tury, while at the snme time these same
good people nervously shrink from or
frantically denounce these who are try
ing to meet the problems of the twentieth
In the spirit which was accountable for
th. successful solution of the problems of
Lincoln's time.
Of that generation of men. to whom we
owe so much, the man to whom we owe
the most Is, of course, Unrotn. Part of
our debt to him Is because he forecast
our present struggle and saw the way out
He said:
"I hold that while man exlsta It Is
Ms duty to Improve not only his own
condition but to assist In ameliorating
mankind." .And again, "Labor Is prior
1o and Independent of capital: capital Is
only the fruit of labor, and could never
have existed but for labor. I,*t>or Is the
of capital and deserves much th#
higher consideration. Capital has Its
rights which are as worthy of protsctlon
aa any other rights. . , Nor should this
load to a war upon the owners of prop
erty. Property is the fruU of labor; prop
erty Is desirable: Is a positive good dn
the world. Let not him who Is houseless
roll down the house of another, but Ist
Im work diligently and build one for
Moo— lf, thus by example showing that
his own shall ba safe from violence when
built." It seems to me that In theae
words Lincoln took substantially the atti
tude that we ought to take: he showed
the proper sense of proportion In his rela
tive estimates of capital and labor, of
human rights and property rights. Above
all. In this speech, as In many others, he
taught a lesson In wise kindliness and
charity; an Indispensable lesson to us of
today. But this wise kindliness and char
ity never weakened hla arm or numbed
his heart. We cannot afford weakly to
blind ourselves to the actual conflict
which faces us today. The Issue Is Join
ed. and we must fight or fall.
Equality of Opportunity.
In every wise struggle for human bet
terment one of the main objects, and
often the only object, has been to achieve
In larger measure equality of opportunity.
In the struggle for this great end, na
tions rise from barbarism to civilization,
and through It peoples press forward from
one stage of enlightenment to the next.
One of the chief fketors In progress la
the destruction of special privilege. The
esj*nce of any struggle for healthy lib
erty has always been and must always
he to take from some one man or class
of men the right to enjoy power, or
wealth, or position, or immunity, which
has not been earned by service to his
or thslr fellows.
At many stages In the advance of hu
manity this conflict between the men who
possess more than they have earned and
the men who have earned more than they
possess Is the central condition of prog
ress. In our day It appears as the strug
gle of free men to gain and hold the
right of self-government aa against the
special Interests, who twist the methods
of free government into machinery for
defeating the popular will. At every
stage and under all circumstances the
essence of the struggle Is to equalize op
portunity. destroy privilege, and give to
the life and citizenship of every Individ
ual the highest possible value both to
himself and to the commonwealth.
Practical equality of opportunity for all
citizens, when we achieve It. will have
two great results. First, every man will
have a fair chance to make of himself all
that In him Ilea, to reach the hlgl, at point
to which hlo capacities, unassisted by
special privilege of his own and unham
pered by the special privileges of others,
can carry him, and to get for himself
and his family substantially what he has
earned. Second, equality of opportunity
means that the commonwealth trill get
from every citizen the highest service of
which he Is capable. No man who car
ries the burden of the special privileges
of another can give to the commonwealth
that service to which It Is fairly en
titled.
I stand for the square deal. But when
I say that I am for the square de&l I
mean not merely that I stand for fair
play under the present rules of the g%me,
but that I stand for having thnae rules
changed so as to work for a more sub
stantial equality of opportunity, and of
reward for equally good service.
This means that our governments. Na
tional and State, must be freed from the
sinister Influence or control of special
Interests. Exactly as the special Interests
of cotton and slavery threatened our po
litical Integrity before the Civil war. so
now the great special business Interests
too often control and corrupt the men and
methods of government for their own
profit. We must drive the special Inter
ests out of politics. That Is one of our
tasks today. Every special Interest Is
entitled to Justice-full, fair, and com
plete--but not one Is entitled to a vote In
congress, a voice on the bench, or to rep
resentation In any public office The Con
stitution guarantees protection to proper
ty. and we must make that promise good.
But It does not give the right of suffrage
to any corporation.
Property Should Be the Servant.
The true friend of property, the true
conservative. Is he who Insists that prop
erty shall be the servant and not the
mister of the commonwealth; who Insists
that the creature of man's making shall
be the servant and not the master of the
man who made It. The citizen of the
United States muat effectively control the
mighty commercial forcea which they
have themselves called Into being.
There can be no effective control of
corpomtlona while their political nctlvlty
remalni. To put an end to It will be
neither a short nor an easy task, but It
can be done.
We must have complete and effective
publicity of i rporate affairs, so that the
people may know beyond peradventure
whether the corpqratlons obey the law
and whether thelfi,management entitles
them to the coqf' of the public. It
Is necessary th# 'Jg% should be paaaed
t'» prohibit the* M>t Vnrporate funds
directly or M for political pur
posea. It Is necessary that
suclj laws ahr thoroughly enforced
Corporate txfnQHhrs for political pur
poses, and especially such expenditures
by public service corporations, have sup
plied on* of the principal sources of cor
ruption In our political affairs.
It has become entirely clear .that we
must have government supervision of the
capitalization not only of public aervlce
corporations. Including particularly rail
ways. but of all corporations doing an
Inter-state business I do not wish to
see the Nation forced Into ownership of
the railways If It can possibly be avoided,
and the only alternative Is thoroughgoing
and effective regulation, which shall be
based on u full knowledge of all the facts,
including a physical valuation of the
properly. This physical valuation Is not
needed, or at least Is very rarely needed,
for fixing rates, but It Is needed aa the
basis of honest capitalisation.
We have com* to recofpls# that fran
chises should never be granted except
for a limited time, and never without
proper provision for compensation to the
public. It Is my personal belief that the
«*m* kind and degree of control and
supervision which should be egfretsed
over public service corporations should
be extended also to combinations which
control necessaries of life, such as meat,
ell. and coal, or which deal In them on
an Important acale.
I believe that the officers, and espe
cially the directors, of corporations,
should he held personally responsible
when any corporation breaks the law.
Dealing With Combinations.
Combinations In Industry are the result
of an Imperative economic law which can
not be repealed by political legislation.
The effort at prohibiting all combination
has substantially failed. The way out
lies not In attempting to prevent such
combinations, but In completely controll
ing them In the Interest of the public wel
fare. For that purpoee the Federal Bu
reau of Corporations Is an agency of the
first Importance. Its power and there
fore Its efficiency, as well aa that of the
Inter-State Commerce Commlsmcp,should
be largely Increased. We bzepr 'aright to
aspect from the Bureau ofyCorporations
and from the Intsr-Stat*_£ommerce Com
mission a very high grade of public serv
ice. We should be as sore of the proper
conduct of Inter-state railways and the
proper management of Inter-state buai
neaa as we art now sure of the conduct
and management of the National banks,
and we should have aa effective super
vision In one case os In the other. The
Hepburn act, and the amendment to that
act In the shape In which It finally passed
congress at the last session, represent a
long step In advance and we must go yet
further.
There Is a widespread belief among
our people that, under the methods of
making tariffs which have hitherto ob
tained. the special Interests are too In
fluential. Probably this Is true of both
the big Interests and the little Interests.
These methods have put a premium on
selfishness, and naturally the selfish big
Interests have gotten more than the sel
fish small Interests. The duty of congress
Is to proride a method by which the In
terest of the whole people shall be all
that receives consideration. To this end
there must be an expert tariff commis
sion. wholly removes from the possibility
of political pressure or of Improper busi
ness Influence. Such a commission can
find out the real difference between cost
of production, which Is mainly the differ
ence of labor cost here and abroad. Aa
fast as Its recommendations are made. I
believe In revising one schedule at a time.
A general revision of the tariff almost In
evitably leads to log-rolling, and the sub
ordination of the general public Interest
to local and special Interests.
The absence of effective state, and
especially National, restraint upon unfair
money-getting has tended to create a
small class of enormously wealthy and
economically powerful men, whose chief
object Is to hold and Increase their power.
The prime need Is to change the condi
tions which enable these men to accumu
late power which It Is not for the general
welfare that they should hold or exercise.
We grudge no man a fortune which rep
resents his own power and sagacity, when
exercised with entire regard to the wel
fare of his fellows. But the fortune must
be honorably obtained and well used. I?
Is not even enough that It should have
been gained without doing damage to the
community. We should permit it to be
gained only so long as the gaining rep
resents benefit to the community. This.
I know, Implies a policy of a far more
active governmental Interference with so
cial and economic conditions In this coun
try than we have yet had. but I think we
have got to fare the fact that such an
increase In governmental control Is now
necessary.
Income and Inheritance Taxes.
No man should receive a dollar unless
that dollar has been fairly earned. Every
dollar received should represent a dollar's
worth of service rendered. The really
big fortune, the swollen fortune, by the
mere fact of Its size, acquires qualities
which differentiate It In kind as well ns
In degree from what Is possessed by men
of relatively small means. Therefore I
believe In a graduated Income tax on big
fortunes, and In another tax which Is far
more easily collected end far more ef
fectlve—a graduated Inheritance tax on
big fortunes. properly safeguarded
against evasion, and Increasing rapidly
In amount with the size of the estate.
The people of the United States suffer
from periodical financial panics to a de
gree substantially unknown among the
other nations which approach us In finan
cial strength. There Is no reason we
should suffer what they escape It Is of
profound Importance that our financial
system should be promptly Investigated,
and so thoroughly and effectively re
vised as to make It certain that hereafter
our currency will no longer fall at criti
cal times to meet our needs
It Is hardly necessary for me repeat
that I believe In an efficient army and
a navy large enough to secure for us
abroad that respect which Is the surest
guarantee of peace Justice and fair deal
ing among nations rest on principles
Identical with those which control Justice
and fair dealing among the Individuals of
which nations are composed, with the
vital exception that each nation must do
Its own partln International police work.
National friendships, like those between
men. must be founded on respect as well
as on liking, on forbearance as well as
upon trust. In all this It Is peculiarly the
duty of the United States to set s good
example.
Of conservation I shall speak more at
length elsewhere. Conservation means
development as much as It does protec
tion. I recognise the right and the duty
of this generation to develop and use the
natural resources of our land, but I do
not recognise the right to waste them, or
to rob, by wasteful use. the generations
that come after us. The natural resources
must be used for th* benefit of all our
people and not monopolised for the bene
fit of the few. That la one of the funda
mental reasons why th# special Interests
must be driven out of politics. Of all the
questions which can come before this
Nation, short of the actual preservation
of Its existence In a great war. there Is
none which compares In Importance with
the great central task of leaving this
land even a better land for our descen
dants than It Is for us, and training them
Into a better race to Inhabit the land and
pass It on. Conservation Is a great moral
Issue, for It Involves the patriotic duty
of Insuring the safety and continuance
of the Nation. Let me add that the
health and vitality of our people are at
least as well worth conserving as their
forests, waters, lands, and minerals, and
that In this great *f6ck the National gov
ernment must bedr a most Important
part. j '
I have ipo|L>n elsewhere also of the
great task which lire before the farm
ers of tbe'fountry to get for themselves
and forlhelr wives and children not only
the b*jf*“flt* of better farming, but also
those' of better business methods and
bettfT conditions of life on the farm. The
burden of this great task will fall, as It
should, mainly upon the great organiza
tions of the farmers themselves. I am
glad It will, for I believe they are well
able to handle It. In particular, there
are strong reasons why the departments
of sfrittllture of the various states, the
United States department of agriculture,
and the agricultural colleges and experi
ment stations should extend their work
to rover nil phases of life on the farm.
Instead of limiting themselves, as they
have far too often limited themselvea In
the past, solely to the question of the
production of crops.
Human Walfart Comet First.
Nothing Is mors true than that excess
of every kind Is followed by reaction; a
fact which should be pondered by reform
er and reactionary alike We are face to
face with new conceptions of the rela
tions of property to human welfare, chief
ly because certain advocates of th« rights
of pioperty as against the rights of men
have been pushing their claims too far.
Ths man who wrongly holds that every
human right Is secondary to his profit
must now give way to the advocate of
human welfare, who rightly maintains
that every man holds his property sub
ject to the general right of the commun
ity to regulate Its us* to whatever degree
the public welfare may require It. But
I think we may go still further. The
right to regulate the use of wealth In the
public Interest Is universally admitted.
I*l us admit also the right to regulate
the terms and conditions of labor, which
Is the chief element of wealth, directly
In the Interest of the common good. The
fundamental thing to do for every man
Is to give him the chance to reach a place
In which he will make the greatest possi
ble contrition w the public welfare.
No m*" can be a good citizen unless he
has a wage more than sufficient to cover
the bare cost of living, and hours of la
bor short enough so that after his day's
work is done he will have time and en
ergy to bear his share In the manage
ment of the community, to help In car
rying the general load. We keep count
less men from being good citizens by ths
conditions of Ufe with which we surround
them. We need comprehensive work
men's compensation acts, both state and
National laws to regulate child labor and
the work of women, and especially we
need In our common schools not merely
education In book-learning but alao prac
tical training for daily life and work. Ws
need to enforce better sanitary conditions
for our workers, and to extend the use
of safety appliances In Industry and com
merce both within and between the
states. Also, friends. In interest of
the workingmen hlmcelf we need to set
our faces like flint against mob violence
Just as against corporate greed; against
violence and Injustice and lawlessness by
wage-workers Just as much as against
lawless cunning and greed and selfish ar
rogance of employers.
National efficiency has many factors.
It Is a necessary result of the principle
of conservation widely applied. In ths
end It will determine our failure or suc
cess as a Nation. National efficiency has
to do not only with natural resources and
with men. It is equally concerned with
Institutions. The state must be made ef
ficient for the work which concerns only
the people of the state; and the Nation
for that which concerns all the people.
There must remain no neutral ground to
sene aa a refuge for lawbreakers, and
especially for lawbreakers of great
wealth, who can hire the culplne legal
cunning which will teach them how to
avoid both Jurisdictional It Is a misfor
tune when the National legislature fails
to do Its. duty In providing a National
remedy, so that the only National activ
ity is the purely negative activity of the
Judiciary in forbidding the state to ex
ercise power in the premises.
Calls for Broad Nationalism.
I do not ask for over-centralization,
but I do ask we work In a spirit of
broAd and far-reaching Nationalism when
we work for what concerns our people as
a whole. We are nil Americans. Our
common Interests are as broad aa the
continent. I speak to you here In Kan
sas exactly as I would speak In New
York or Georgia, for the most vital prob
lems are those which affect ua all alike.
The National government belongs to the
whole American people, and where the
whole American people are Interested,
that Interest can be guarded effectively
only by the National government The
betterment which we seek must be ac
complished. I believe, mainly through the
National government.
The American people are right In de
manding that new Nationalism without
which we cannot hope to 4fal with new
problems. The new Nationalism puts the
National need before sectional or per
sonal advantage. It Is Impatient of the
utter confusion that results from local
legislatures attempting ts treat National
Issue* as local Issues. It Is still more Im
patient of the Impotence which springs
from the over-division of government
power*, the impotence which makes if
possible for local selfishness or for legal
cunning, hired by wealthy special Inter
est!. to bring National activities to a
deadlock. This new Nationalism regards
the executive power aa the steward of the
public welfare. It demands of the Judici
ary that It shall be Interested primarily
In human welfare rather than In proper
ty. Just as It demands that the represen
tative body shall represent all the people,
rather than any one class or section of
the people.
I believe In shaping the ends of gov
ernment to protect property aa well as
human welfare. Normally, and In ths
long run. the ends are the aame, but
whenever the alternative must be faced
lam for men and not for property. I
am far from underestimating the impor
tance of dividends, hut I rank dividends
below human character. I know well
that the reformers must not bring upon
the people economic ruin, or the reforms
themselves will go down In the ruin.
But we must be ready to face temporary
disaster, whether or not brought on by i
those who will war against us to the
knife. Those who oppoee all reform will
do well to remember that ruin In Its
worst form Is Inevitable If our National
life brings us nothing better than swol
len fortunes for the few and the triumph
In both politics and buslneaa of a sordid
and selfish materialism.
Honesty In Public Servants.
If our political Institutions were perfect,
they would absolutely prevent the politic
al domination of money In any part of
our affalra. We need to make our polit
ical representatives more quickly and sen
sitively responsive to the people whose
servants they are. More direct action by
the people In their own affairs under
proper safeguards Is vitally necessary.
The direct primary Is a step In this direc
tion If It la associated with a corrupt
practises act effective to prevent the ad
vantage of the man willing recklessly and
unscrupulously to spend money over his
more honest competitor. It la particular
ly Important that all moneys received or
expended for campaign purposes should
be publicly accounted for not only after
election but before 'lection aa well. Po
litical action must be made simpler, eas
ier, and freer from confusion for every
citizen. I believe that the prompt re
moval of unfaithful or Incompetent pub-1
lie servants should be made easy and i
sure In whatever way experience shat] I
show to be most expedient In any given
class of cases.
One of the fundamental necessities In
a representative government such as ours
Is to make certain that the men to whom
the people delegate their power shall
serve the people by whom they art elect
ed. and not the aperial Interests. I be
lleve that every National officer, elected
or appointed should be forbidden to per
form any service or receive any com
pensation directly or Indirectly from In
ter-state corporations; and a similar pro
vision could not fall to be useful within
the states.
The object of government la the wel
fare of the people. The material progress
and prosperity of a nation ars desirable
chiefly so far a* they lead to the moral
and material wc'fare 0 f nil good citizens.
Just In proportion as the average man
and woman nre honest, capable of sound
Judgment and high Ideals, active In pub
lie affalri—but first of all sound In their
home life, and the father and mother of
healthy children -Just so far and no fsr*
ther w« may count our civilization a sue
cess. We must have-I believe we have
already—a genuine and permanent moral
awakening, without which no wisdom of
legislation or administration really means
anything; and. on the other hand, ws
must try to secure the social and eco
nomic legislation without which any Im
provement due to purely moral agitation
Is necessarily evanescent. What we need
la good citizens. Oood citizenship means
progress; and therefore all good citizens
should stand for progress, and must bs
progressive.
Had Cause to Rejoice.
“Alts!" sighed the poet, "the world
does not understand me."
"Well, cheer up," rejolqed the prac
tical person. “Tbit Is somelhlqg to
be thankful for. I'm lure.’’
Worthleee Patents.
Sixty per cent of the patents grant
ed yearly In this country era Worthless.
Nearly »0 per cent of the electrical
patents are practical.
A CASE OF GRAVEL.
Tulare, Cal, Man Cured by Doen’e
Kidney Fill*.
Harrison A. Bturtevant, G and M*r
pie Sts., Tulare, Cel., seye: “I. wee
In bad shape with kidney trouble. Too
frequent passage of the urine com-
pelled me to arise at
night, my bladder be
came Inflamed and I
had excruciating
pains in my abdomen.
Soon after I began
using Doan's Kidney
Pllla, I passed a
gravel stone three
quarters of an Inch
In length and variegated In color. Aft
er this nay trouble disappeared."
Remember the name— Doan's.
For sale by all dealers. 50 cents a
box. Foster-Ullburn Co., Buffalo, N. Y.
All the Difference.
The professor waa delivering an elo
quent address on cruelty to animals,
and to llluatrate bow a little judlcioua
forethought would eliminate to a great
extent the sufferings that even Bmall
Insects are subject to, said:
"As I was coming through the hall
tonight I saw a bald-headed gentleman
very harshly treat a little Innocent
house-fly which had alighted on his
head.
“Now, If there was any justification
for such bad temper, I would be quite
justified In Indulging In It at the pres
ent moment, for a fly has Just alighted
on the back of my bead. I can't see
it, but I can feel It
"Possibly some of you can see It
now; It Is on the top of my head. Now
It Is coming down my brow; now It Is
coming on to my— Q-r-r-eat pyramids
of Egypt, It’s a—wasp!"
Little, but, Oh, My!
Senator Smoot of Utah tells a story
on the late E. H. Harrlman, which
sounds somewhat familiar. He says
that when the Salt Lake ent-off was
completed Mr. Harrlman took a large
party of big railroad men out to It
They had their pictures taken at
the right spot scenlcally. Mr. Harrl
man stood at one end of the group.
When the pictures were printed and
the photographer brought them around
the railroad men examined them.
"Why," shouted one of the guests,
“where's Mr. Harrlman?”
"Do you mean that little chap that
stood at the end?" asked the photog
rapher. "Why. I cut him off."
The Stylish Fisherman.
One of the guests at a fashionable
summer resort In West Virginia got
himself up In bis besj "fishing togs”
and started along a certain mountain
stream.
Meeting a native, he asked: "Here,
my good man! Kindly tell me whether
It would be worth my while to try
fishing In this vicinity."
The native regarded him scornfully.
“The flshln' ain’t good,” he finally
said, "but I ain't Informed as to how
you values your time.”—Upplncott's.
A Wise Old Owl.
In her trim little bathing suit she
sat on the white sand.
"I adore Intelligence," she cried.
"So do 1," said he. “All the same,
though, beauty and Intellect never go
together."
"And do you think me Intellectual?"
she faltered.
"No," be confessed, frankly.
With a faint blush she murmured,
"Flatterer!"
English as She is Spoke.
Chinatown Visitor —John, sabee, see
screen—bow much sabee want for
hint?
The Chinaman—What's the matter
with you? Can't you apeak English?—
Judge.
Surprised.
"I have succeeded In tracing my an
cestry back through ten generations."
“Without coming to a menagerie?"
LACK OF MONEY
Was a Godsend in This Case.
It li not always that a lack of
money Is a benefit
A lady of Green Forest, Ark., owes
ber health to the fact that she could
not pay In advance the fee demand
ed by a specialist to treat ber for
stomach trouble. In telling of ber
case she says:
“I had been treated by four differ
ent physicians during 10 years of
stomach trouble. Lately I called on
another who told me he could not cure
me; that I had neuralgia of the stom
ach. Then I went to a specialist who
told me I bad catarrh of the stomach
and said be could cure me In four
months but would have to have his
money down. I could not raise the
necessary sum and in my extremity I
was led to quit coffee and try Postum.
"So I stopped coffee and gave Post
um a thorough trial and the results
have been magical. I now sleep well
at night, something I had not done
for s long time; the pain In my stom
ach is gone and I am a different
woman.
"1 dreaded to quit coffee, because
every time I had tried to stop It I suf
fered from severe headaches, so I con
tinued to drink It although I had rea
son to believe It was Injurious to me,
and was the cause of my stomach
trouble and extreme nervousness. Bui
when I had Postum to shift to It was
different
“To my surprise I did not miss cof
fee when I began to drink Postum.
"Coffee had been steadily and sure
ly killing me and I didn't fully realise
what was doing It until I quit and
changed to Postum."
Ever nas ike abeve letter? A new
ee# appear, frees tlasa te tlau. They
ridl el lieu
you ever try count*
Ing ten teSe speaking?
Patrice—WB, I tried jt once, but I
can't do It—yonkera-Statesman
HOWARD E. BURTON, ASSAYER iCHEMIST
LKADVILLE. COLORADO.
Specimen prices: Gold, silver. lead, it- r nM
silver, 71c; sold. 50c; zinc or coowr i
Mailing envelopes and foil price list sent on
application. Control and umpire work so
licited. Reference: Carbonate National Bank
I DENVER DIRECTORY
BON I. LOOK
l« mailed free c<ur.,»lh a Blake. Denver.
STOVE REPAIRS {
PULLEN. 1331 Lawrence Street. Denver. Colo.
WE WANT an agent In this town for our Com
mercial trucks. 8pl» ndld proposition to the right
part/. Haven* Motor Car Co.. 1022 Wszcp Sc Denver
KODAKS and KODAK FINISHING
Mali orders given special attention. All kinds
amateur supplies strictly fresh. Send for cat:*Lw.
DENVER PHOTO MATERIALS CO.
CArKC POTATO ANJJ GRAIN
OHwl\o OF ALL KINDS.
We arc headquarters. Write for prices.
L A. WATKINP MORE CO
ISIS to JS3T Wasec Deaver, Cel*.
THE
COLORADO
UNI a. AWNiNO CO
• ANV AS (.< >« nib
I'M- •** ” ■ - . i•'.* .. '
Itoll I' - i i »i| \ i i I'rs‘w
GASOLINE ENGINE
14 Horse Powe r.. $45.00 124 Horse Power.. 565 00
Thry arc perfect; just what you need. Write for
circular. \VATKIN MDSE. CO.. 1525 Wazce St..
Denver. Colo.
MODERN SCHOOL OF BUSINESS.
Course. Shorthand. Typewriting. Teleg
raphy. English. A large representative business
school, residence location. Fall Terms opens Sep*
tember6. Write for catalog. 1303 Broadway. Denver
George LaMunyon, President
Drink Habit
CURED IN
Three Days
This is the eleventh year of the Gatlin Institute
In Denver. More than eleven thousand men and
women of Colorado. Wyoming and New Mexico
bate tzken the Gatlin Treatment and were cured
of-Uquor Drinking.
Ahy case is accepted for treatment under con
tract that a perfect and satisfactory cure is to be
effected in THREE DAYS or treatment shall
coot nothing.
With the Gatlin treatment there at* no hypo
dermic injections, no poisonous drums, no bad
after-effects, no disagreeable features, M
The Gatlin Home treatment for can
not come to the Institute will fail inwp case if
simple directions are followed.
\\ rite for interesting books of partidrari and
conies of contracts to cure, sent securely Vealed.
Address, mentioning this papef.
THE GATLIN INSTITUTE.
1425 Cleveland Place, Denver, Cnln.l
Long Dlatanee Telephone, Main 400*.!
REFERENCES: The United States National
Bank, of Denver: Dr. W. H. Sharpley. Heatlh
Commissioner. City and County of Denver, or any
responsible Denver business house.
Midland Route
LOW RATES
TO
Colorado Summer *flesorts
FROM
Denver ih Colorado Springs
ROUND-TRIP
SUMMER EXCURSION
FARES
From Colorado to CCA 00
California Olraot f Jw«
California Onat/jC QQ
Way via Portland *UDa
Colorado Midland Railway
C. H. SPEERS, Gen'l Peieenger Afcnt
Denver, Colo.
LOW COLONIST RATES
—VIA—
The Denver & Rio
Grande Railroad
"Th. SCENIC LINE of the WORLD"
$25.00
—FROM—
Denver, Colorado Spring., Po
eblo, ratio. Ctlr, I.radvlllc,
Ulrnnood Sprlac, Delta,
Grand Jaartloo, Ga.ll.oe
and Montroar
—TO
Can K rH.rlara, l.o« A aerlra,
Mae Diego, Caa Jose. Sant.
Barbara, Caeromeato and
Kreano. Tlekela on nnle Ang
nat 2‘lk to September Oth,
I*l®, l“r, and Oetober let to
October IStb, I*lo, Inc.
.. . —TO—
Portland, Teroma, Seattle,
and Vaaeoaver. Victo
ria, It. C—Ttckrta on ante
Septemker 151 k to Oct. Ittk,
I*lo, lae.
Dally Lines of Pullman Tourist
Sleeping Cars will leave
Denver via
THB DBNVKH d RIO GRANDE
Itunnlng through to
*AN FRANCISCO, Los
ANGEI.KR AND PORTLAND
, A Without change
*LECTMC LIGHTED TOURIST
CARS.
I to
SAN FRANCISCO
via
BALT LAKE CITT
tWESTERN I'AcIfIC RAILWAY
'.Open-top observation Cara.
' . Stats Free.
Through tht Canons.
Per Information regarding
train Servlet, Pullman raasrva
tlons ttc., call on
RIO GRANDE AGENT
* K. HOOPER, o'"- * T. A..
j Denver, Colorado.