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The commercial. (Union City, Tenn.) 190?-193?, November 04, 1910, Image 4

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Marshall & Baird, Union City, Term
Fntt-fd nt the pot offirr at Tnion Cily, Ten
ner, a sccond-clns mail matter.
orxe oollah a veab
The Party of Hooperism.
The Republican convention which
nominated Hooper for Governor Aug.
16 declared first that it indorsed the ad
ministration of President Taft and then
that it indorsed him for recommending
so many wise measures recently enacted
by Congress.
The Commercial has suggested many
times that Hooper is an Administration
Republican and that he has no cause in
common w ith the Democratic party. We
have also ventured to speak of the evils,
the bold, extravagant and reckless ca
reer of the Republican party. What
we referred to can be plainly understood
in a more extensive argument extracted
from W. J. Bryan's speech recently de
livered in Indiana in support of Mr.
Kern, the Democratic candidate, against
Mr. Beveridge for the United States Sen
ate, The speech is quoted in part. It
appears as an answer to ex-President
Roosevelt, but it deals w ith many things
that President Taft and the Republican
Administration stand for. These are
the things you get in exchange for your
vote for Hooper if elected Governor of
But a little more than a week ago I
saw an extract from his own magazine,
the Outlook, and in this extract Mr.
Roosevelt himself had condensed his
new nationalism into four sentences.
When I read these sentences I was
' amazed; I was astounded. And you will
be both amazed and astounded when you
find out what new nationalism means.
Before I read the three sentences that
I desire to comment on I will read the
fourth, which is not so important. He
"New nationalism demands of the
judiciary that it shall be interested pri
marily in human welfare, rather than
in property."
Well, there is nothing new about that
demand. It is now more than sixty
years wince Lincoln coined the phraso
which is the most apt expression of this
doctrine; ho said that when the dollar
and the man come into conflict he was
for the man before the dollar. Now the
Democratic party has been preaching
that doctrine for years; that is all that
fourth sentence means. You do not
have to advocate new nationalism to
get that old 'doctrine. But let me give
you the three sentences which contain
the essence of new nationalism.
"First, the new nationalism is im
patient of the utter confusion that re
sults from local legislatures- attempting
to treat national i.ssues as local issues.
What does that mean? It means that
new nationalism wants to deprive the
State of some of the powers that they
now have and transfer those powers to
Washington. One of the things desired
is the national incorporation of rail
roads. Mr. Roosevelt has recommend
ed it in one of his messages, and one of
the reasons he gave was that it would
relieve the railroads of annoyance by
local Legislatures. President Taft is
now preparing, through his attorney
general, a bill that provides for the na
tional incorporation of corporations en
gaged in interstate commerce; and why?
Because the Slato restrictions are object
ed to by these great corporations. The
first step toward the new nationalism is
to concentrate power in Washington, to
increase the proportional power of the
Federal Government and decrease the
proportional importance of the States.
It means that when you want to deal
with a railroad, or with the big corpor
ations that come into your State, in
stead of doing so by your State Legis
latures, you must wait until Washing
ton acts. And remember tht when
you wait on Washington you wait on
the Senate as well as the House; and
that Senate now has so many repre
sentatives of predatory interests in it
that it is the bulwark of the exploiting
interests of tie country. Are you will
ing to surrender the power you now
have and put your government farther
away from you? The Democratic party
says that Federal remedies should be
added to the State remedies, not substi
tuted for State remedies. The Reiuo
eratic party says, let the State exercise
4he power it has, and let the nation ex
ercise the power it lias. When both
State and nation harvo acted you will
not have any more regulation than you
need. ..' Let me illustrate this. The
t home, the church and the school join
in developing the character of our boy?,
"What' mother woidd bo willing to strike
down either tho home, the school or the 1
church and leave it all to the other two?
And yet, my friends, the advocates of
new nationalism would diminish the
power of the jople of a State to pro
tect their own rights, and make it more
difficult to secure redress,, by removing
the seat of power to Washington. And
the second:
"The new nationalism is still more
impatient of the importance which
springs from the over-division of gov
ernment powers."
You aro not only to concentrate power
in Washington, but you aro to consoli
date the power of government. Instead
of having a division of powers such as
the fathers though necessary for the
protection of liberty you, are to have a
rising executive and a diminishing court
and Legislature. That is step number
two. And what is the third step? It
naturally follows:
Th'ird, the new nationalism regards
the executive power as the steward of
the public welfare."
There you have it, my friends. First,
put everything in Washington. Sec
ond, put everything in tho hands of the
President. And then he is to stand as
a sort of earthly father and take care of
us. - How do you like the new nation
alism, my friends, when you find out
what it is? This is the doctrine from
which the world has beeu moving. It
has cost the lives of millions of patriots
to get away from this doctrine. God
forbid that he should go back to it.
I doubt if there is another man in
the United States who would desire to
exercise the power that Mr. Roosevelt
wants to vest in a President. I do not
believe there is another; and even if
you are willing to trust him with this
power I beg you to remember that he
is only human and may die;' you must
trust another man to exercise it when
ho is dead. You cannot judge a mon
archy by a good king. There have been
good kings, but there never was a good
monarchy. The doctrine is bad, and
never since the daysof Alexander Ham
ilton has such a doctrine been promul
gated in tho United States by a pronii
neut man as is now advanced in the
name of new nationalism. You need
John Keril there to vote against these
initial steps toward a one-man power.
lou need John Kern there to vote
against national incorporation of rail
roads. You need John Kern there to
vote against the national incorporation
of great corporations that are now hard
to deal with, and will be stronger still
if they can rid themselves of all State
restrictions and stalk, uncontrolled,
across the land.
And then there is tho question of free
speech and a free press. Is it a part of
new nationalism to commence libel suits
in Washington and drag editors across
the continent to defend themselves for
criticism of an administration? If we
are to increase the importance of the
Federal Government 'by concentrating
all power there; if we are then to in
crease the powers of the Presidential
iiice by consolidating all power there,
and then be required to reverenco it as
tho guardian and steward of the peo
pie if that is to be the doctrine then
you need not be surprised if you are
told that you must not frown when you
look up towards this source of power;
that if you do frown you must not
speak; that if you speak, they can take
you from your home and make you
defend yourself at such a distance from
your home tfiat even a victory will be
bankruptcy for you and your children.
There is another matter that wi'l
come before your Senators. It is the
ship subsidy. Mr. Roosevelt is for it.
Mr. Taft is for it. Mr. Beveridgo has
voted for it; it is a part of their plan.
They do not always put it in their plat
form but they are for it; and you need
John Kern there to vote against this
new kind of graft that will bo worked
upon you whenever they think you are
able to bear it.
And there is another menace, there is
the central bank. They have wanted it
for years. " They have planned for it for
more than a decade. Last year a letter
was sent out by the National City Bank
of New York the biggest bank in the
United States. The letter was handed
to me by a man who is now a candidate
for Congress in Kansas. He obtained
it from a national banker. This letter,
sent out by the biggest bank in New
York, contains the statement that one
of the provisions of the postal savings
bank law was intended to form the basis
of a central bank; and that letter says
that Mr. Taft favored the law because
it bad this provision in it. You do not
want n central bank. If that central
bank is established, with its branches
throughout the country, it will run out
of business every other bank m the
town, or compel the other banks to do
business on the terms prescribed by the
central bpnk. It will be the greatest
Wo Have Only a Few Choice Farms
One 135-acre tract level land 4i miles northwest of
Union City, 2h miles of Woodland and 2 miles of
Jordan, Ky., in fine neighborhood, near good school and
church, has two-story frame dwelling, seven rooms,
hall, two verandas, barn 40x50, hay shed 32x36, 1 5-acre
woods lot, fine well and cistern, five ponds, all neces
sary outbuildings, all in good repair, under good fence,
TL' f. 1 1 . . r !. . ti .v
i ins larm is in a nign state or cultivation, i nis is the
first time offered for sfale. Priced right, half cash, .bal
ance one and two years, low interest. -,
One 60-acre farm two miles southeast of Union City,
in high state of cultivation, lays well, has a 5-room dwell
ing, two verandas, new potato house and cellar, large
new barn hnest or well water, good pond, 5-acre woods
lot, JUU young fruit trees, 1,400 locust trees, 4 acres in
Alfalfa made four crops this year. This is an ideal
place. Can be bought worth the money on easy
terms it sold at once.
One 1 25-acre farm about one and one-half miles of
Harris, Term., on the Jacksonville and Fulton road, in
good state of cultivation, about 20 acres in timDer, land
lays well and has been cared for but can be made
better, and at the price we are offering this farm it is
sure to make the purchaser money. Must be sold at
once. For price and term3 see us.
One tract of 1 97 acres second bottom land with
medium improvements, under good fence. This land
will produce as well if not better than some that is
priced two and three times as high. Situated about
one mile northeast of Hickman, Ky. Will sell for a
small payment down, balance one, two, three, four and
five years at 6 per cent. . See us for price. Will trade
for Union City property.
One 14i-acre tract, lays level, ahout three miles
northeast of Union City, has new six-room frame dwell
ing, hall, veranda, new smoke house, milk house and
chicken house, good medium-sized barn, good well, nice
I -acre woods lot, orchard, some berries, under good
fence. See us for price and terms. Other lands ad
joining can be bought worth the money.
One tract second bottom land of 1,142 acres, 142
clear, balance in fine timber estimated to cut 50,000,000
ft., principally white and red oak, poplar, hickory, ash,
Cottonwood, white gum, satin walnut, walnut, sassafras,
hackberry and cypress. This land when cleared will
be worth the price, as it lays well and is as rich as
cream will grow anything; Alfalfa growing on cleared
land fine now. Price $120,000. To show what we
think of this proposition, we will go in with reliable
parties and buy same, as we believe there is a bunch
of money to parties able to handle this proposition.
Situated in District No. 5 of Obion County, in three
miles of railroad.
A few small farms near the city, some larger ones
farther out. Will be glad to show YOU any or all of
jhem, and at prices that will make you money.
We have a number of good farms for sale that
have been rented for the next year which we can sell
with rent contracts. Our price is right for the class of
land offered.
Any and all kinds of city property for sale or trade,
some on long time and low interest.
See us when in the market to buy, sell, rent or in
sure property of any kind. We think we can make it
to your interest to do business with us. We gladly
refer you to those we have sold to and those we have
sold for.
Satisfaction guaranteed at this shop.
Real Estate and Insurance People
Office 2291 S. First St, Rooms No. 1 and 2. Phone 77
financial desioiisui that this world o r
saw, and all the htiMiiess of the coun
try will be under its control. It will
suck money from the extremes of the
country and oiir it into the hopper of
I Wall stievt to carry on gambling trans
actions there. You need John Kern in
tho Senate to tight the central bank to
a very death.
The parties differ on the trust quys
tion. Mr. Roocsvelt said at Osawato
mie that it had been demonstrated that
combinations' could not be prevented.
Ho said that instead of trying to pre
vent them we should simply try to reg
ulate them. Think of it, my friends!
How humiliating a confession that this
nation of ninety millions of people can
create corporations and give them every
every right that they have, and yet can
not prevent combinations. I shall not
make any such confession as that. I
do not believe it to be true. Mr. Roose
velt stys try regulation; that you can
not prevent combinations. Well, if he
had never been President he might tell
us that, if we would just make him
President, he would regulate them
where others have failed, but be has
been President. For seven years and a
half he occupied the White House. He
appointed the attorney-general. He
had behind him a Republican Senate,
and, more than that, he had Mr. Bover
idge in the Senate all the time. He
had a Republican House behind him,
and he had Republican judges in the
United States courts; and yet in seven
years and a half, with his party in ab
solute power he did not put one trust
magnate behind the prison bars; and
there were more trusts in the United
States when he got through than when
he commenced. That is his record. j
Not only that. While he was Presi
dent the representatives of the stee
trust went to the White House. Then'
was a panic on, and, my friends, I can
never have any respect for that mean
contemptible panic that refused to wait
for a Democratic administration, but
had the impudence to come during a
Republican administration. While that
panic was on the representatives of the
steel trust went to the White House, and
convinced the President that they had
the power to control the industrial situ
ation; that, if they were not allowed to
swallow their largest rivals and destroy
competition, conditions were going to
get worse. And they so frightened the
President that he consented to what
they wanted.
iNever out once netoro was sucli an
inpudent proposal taken to a President,
so far as we kinow only one, anu that
was when Andrew Jackson was Presi
dent. Then the national bank of that
day sent its president to him and told
him that the bank could elect him or
defeat him. And what did Jackson say?
Did he say, "Oh, if that is the situation,
you can do just as you please?" No,
he said, "Mr. Riddle, if your bank has
the power to elect a President or defeat
him it has a blank sight more power
than it ought to have, and, by the
eternal, it won't have it long." That
is the way that Andrew Jackson dealt
with a similar situation.' And if, in
l'JOT, Andrew Jackson had been in
Washington instead of Theodore Roose
velt and the representatives of the steel
trust had tried to fiighten him he would
have said: "tlentlemen, if your cor
poration is large enough to control tho
financial and industrial situation of this
country; if you can turn panic loose
and call them off at pleasure, you have
nuy-e, power than any corporation ought
to have and, by the eternal, you will
not have it long if I can prevent it."
Regulation! We have tried it, and
it has failed. The steel trust's net earn
ings for one year were one hundred and
fifty-four millions. One jht cent of its
net earnings that year would have
financed a political party with a fund
two and one-half times as large as we
could collect two years ago from six
million, four hundred thousand Demo
crats. What folly to create trusts aud
then try to control them by entering
into such an unequal struggle when
they are so powerful? The Democratic
iiolicy is so different. Our platform
says that a private monopoly is ihue
feusible and intolerable. Our party says
that trod never made a man good enough
to stand at the head of a private mo
nopoly and arbitrarily fix the price that
you must pay for that which you must
have and which he alone can furnish.
The Democratic party says, draw the
line to these corporations. "Thus far
shalt thou go and no farther." The
Democratic party says that the law
should make it impossible for a private
monopoly to exist in the United States.
That is the Democratic position. That
is your position; and you need John
Kern there to defend that position.
But Mr. Reveridge says that the tariff
question is the paramount issue; and I
am willing to accept that statement, al
though Mr. Roosevelt did not seem to
think it worth discussing in his speech
last week. Mr. Reveridge savs that 'it
is the paramount issue, and that he do
serves credit for trying to get some re
duction, but he says, "Beware, don't
lay hostile hand on the principle of
protection," and what is the principle of
protection? It is that ninety millions
of people shall be taxed for the benefit
of a few of the people. According to
tho platform two, years ago, and Mr.
Reveridge helped to write it at least
he was a delegate in the convention that
adopted it and Mr. Roascvelt appealed
to the people for the support of the can
didates who ran upon it that platform
says that you must not only have a tar
iff high enough to cover the difference
in cost of production, but a reasonable
profit for the manufacturer besides. For """""
what other class does the Republican
party demand a reasonable profit? Does
tho Republican party demand that the
tailoring nianNdiall be guaranteed that
he shall have permanent employment?
Does it guarantee that the merchants
shall have a reasonable income? Does
it guarantee that the farmer, who sells
his wheat . in competition with the
cheapest labor of the world, shall have
a reasonable profit? Does it guarantee
that the farmer who raises corn for
hogs or cattle shall have a reasonable
profit? "
Full line Puffs, Switches, Pompadour,
Curls and Rats. We also work up comb
ings into everything desired on shor
A a a ft T
mm j
Chase & Sanborn's
Famous Boston Teas and Coffees
Bulte's Excellence Flour
Pure Food
1- 1 l,f iiiiim
TELEPHONES 79 and 516
. ' 1;

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