The commercial., August 02, 1918, Image 6

About The commercial. (Union City, Tenn.) 190?-193?

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Why We Fight
No. 5
Because Germany Menaoes th
Freedom o( the World and Russia
Can no Longer Resist
Why We Fight
No. 4
Because Germany lor Years Sought
to Undermine Our Gorerameat
. and Our Ideals
A Great Net of Mercy drawn through.
anuceanoi unspeaitaDie rain
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By CLARENCES SPEED
By CLAKENCE U SPEED
Prepared Especially for the Hermitage
Prepared Especially for the Hennltaa
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We are in this war with Germany
because It is a war for freedom more
truly than ever before was a war
fought for the liberty of man. In times
past, it is true, men hare fought for
freedom from oppressors. Sometimes
they have won and sometimes they
have lost But always there has been
a place in this big world where those
: who bad lost In the strugle at home
might go and find a country where
they might enjoy ; the liberty . they
loved.
Now all Is different If the forces
which are 'fighting for freedom In this
war are defeated, there will be no
place in the whole world to which they
may go to find a refuge from Prus
sian domination. . Every land under
the sun will be directly or indirectly
under control of the victor; and if
the victor is autocracy, freedom per-
, Ishes. '
', The land where freedom Is most Im
minently menaced by the legions of
Prussian autocracy, at this moment.
Is the land where unwonted freedom
temporarily has run riot and has lost
the power to fight for Itself Russia.
jWe are fighting for the freedom of
iRussla, and must continue to fight for
It until Russia learns what freedom
jmeans, and Is again able to fight. If
iwe ao not, rreeaomwm cue in kussib;
Prussian autocracy will rule and ex
ploit the country for Its own benefit ;
and the very forces which overthrew
the czar will be turned against the
freedom not only of themselves, but of
Other lands.
In years gone by, when thal forces
of revolution were showing themselves
jhere and there In Russia, they had the
sympathy of America In spite of the
, methods of terrorism of which . we
did not approve. When the czar and
jthe kaiser, leaders of autocracy, were
. Jocked in a death grapple, Russia still
tiad our sympathy, because she was
fighting on the side of those who were
seeking to safeguard the world from
Prussian militarism.
: When the czar was deposed over
night American feelings were mixed.
,Tbre was Joy at the downfall of an
'Old, and sometimes cruet autocracy,
ibut there was fear that Russia would
become too disorganized to fight fur
ther, coupled with the thought that per
haps the revolution had come too soon
to be effective.
Then followed the brief regime of
Kerensky, when It began to look as
though freedom In Russia might be an
Organized freedom, prepared to fight
for Its rights, and all America hailed
the Russian revolution as a blessing.
It had become absolutely correct to
say that the war was a war of democ
racy against autocracy. No pro-Ger
man could longer point to the czar,
whenever an argument arose.
Finally came the bolshevik! revolu
tion, in which Kerensky was over
thrown. Russian industry and Rus
sian society were disorganized, and
Russian armies ceased to fight The
kaiser's armies pressed on unopposed,
took what they desired in spite of a
signed peace, and Russia appeared to
be about to pass completely under con
trol of Germany. America stood
aghast at the prank freedom had
played; and American opinion turned
largely against Russia, but thinking
men refused to eive up hope. Rush
sla was and still Is Incapable of offer
ing resistance, but Russia Is not re
signed "to autocracy. It devolves upon
others to fight for the freedom Rus
sia must have.
The experience of other nations has
been that men who loved freedom
were willing to fight for it, and to die
for It if necessary. The Russian at
titude of nonreslstance was something
new in the world, and is hard to un
derstand. The bolshevlkl represent
ed the extreme Idea of liberty. To
them freedom meant not the right of
the majority to choose their form of
government, but the right of the Indi
vidual to be free from all forms of
governmental restraint They would
tear down the old order completely,
at one stroke, and set up the mil
lenlum. They would divide the land,
the factories and the tools among the
workers, and bare no masters henceforth.
Even In Russia, however, there were
dissenters. Some took up arms; and
the bolshevlkl, who fought the Ger
mans not at all, fought their brothers
most ferociously. The result was an
archy, lawlessness, massacre, the dis
organization of the railways and the
failure of the food supply. The mll
lenlum refused to come at the mere
decree of the bolshevlkl. It was shown
that, there must be organization and
government of some sort .
Russia will not longer fight side by
side with her former allies. So in
slduous has been the German propa
ganda that, In many Instances, Russian
hatred of the allies seems to be deep
er than .hatred of Germany.
. Therefore the United States cannot
render direct aid to the struggling peo
ple of Russia. She cannot send them
armies and supplies, for they have re
fused to do battle for themselves. To
fight for Russia she must fight on the
western front She must do her share
toward bumbling the kaiser, and forc
ing him to relinquish bis grasp on the
Etyt . . -
That Is why we cannot talk peace
with Germany as long as the kaiser
has one single BusUa prfvinca m
CgTfblM bed. t 'T
PUTTING HIS MONEY TO WORK
' ' ' " " '
tOPYSKiHt
4.i rf Pws.ce
Contributed by Charles Dana Gibson.
1
And You aw only asked
o sav and not waste rood
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wheat f. , '
You don't know
what it is to be
Tired'
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I
D. S. Food Administration.
Arter de wise ol' owl spit on de
bait he say, eez ee "I gwlne ter
sprlze you all wld a mess er flshes
'cause you alls mus save de meat
en eat sumpin' else instid en jes git
out dat ol' game ba? en make It
work, too," sez ee. Den he kotch
a big fish and say, sez ee, 't-lioot
t-lioot t-sub-stl-tool," sez ee. Wen
he say dat he means dat when you
alls make riz biscuits jes don't make
'em use corn meal ter save wheat
flour tor de aojers.
DR. JAKE H. PARK
DENTIST
Office: Room I. Naillinp Buildina
TELEPHONE 136
UNION, CITY. TENNESSEE
DR. I. GLOSSON
VETERINARIAN
Phone 1 2. Main and Third Sts.
UNION CITY. TENN.
THE MILLING HOSPITAL
THIRD YEAR
A Modern Surgical Institution.
Graduate Nurses in Attendance.
DR. W. A. NAILLING. ......... .Surgeot
MRS. L. E. RODECKER R. N Supt
" Union City, Tenn. Phone4l.
J. C. BURDICK
Wholesale and Retail
Reelfoot Lake and
Mississippi River
Fish (Q Game
Oysters in Season.
New location, East Main .Street
Phone 185 UNION CITY, TENN
Wa are fighting Germany for the
right to live our own lires as we see
lit. We are fighting for our laws, our
ideals, our homes, our Institutions.
"But, how,' one may' ask, "were all
these things threatened by Germany
before the war started? It Is easy to
see how they may be threatened now,
for if we are defeated we are lost, but
before the war started did Germany
menace those things we hold most sa
cral?" Let the Germans themselves answer.
After yon hare read the evidence out
of their own mouths, yon may decide
whether or not Germany planned to up
set our institutions, our Ideals, our very
mode of life.
In 1901 the National German-Ameri
can alliance was formed in the United
States. In 1907 it was incorporated
by act of congress. Its charter is
new being attacked in that same body.
One of the objects of the alliance, as
officially announced, was "to check na
Ovlstlc encroachments." In other
words, to keep the Germans from be
coming Americans. Another object
was "to awaken and strengthen the
sense of unity among the people of
German origin in America."
"This alliance," its preliminary
statement of alms concludes, "Is
pledged to bring Its entire organiza
tion to the support of any state fed
eration which is engaged in the strug
gle for any 6f these objects."
It was pledged, in other words, to
have its members vote, not as individ
uals, but as German controlled units,
for or against anthing of which
they did not approve.
The desire for resisting "nativistlc
encroachments," was particularly ab
horrent to American Ideals, because
the effort In this country has always
been to keep politics free from racial
r religious Influences. Yet here was
a body, proclaiming Itself German in
origin and thought, seeking to perpetu
ate this Genna'n feeling in the midst
pf America.
From Its very start the alliance
sought to foment discord with England.
It always spoke of the American press
as "the AngIoAmerlcan', press, and it
carried out a long and well-directed
campaign for the introduction of the
German language into the schools and
its use In civil life.
"The National Alliance," according
to an Issue of its official Bulletin be
fore this nation entered the war, "Is
waging war against Anglo-Saxonlsm,
against the fanatical enemies of per
sonal liberty and political freedom, it
Is combating narrow-minded, benight
ed know-nothlngism, the influence of
the British, and the enslaving Puritan
ism, which had its birth in England."
The race war which we will be
compelled to go through with on Amer
ican soil will be our world war," said
the New York Staats Zeltung in fight
ing a proposal to amend the New York
constitution to make ability to speak
and write the English language a
requisite for suffrage.
Ludwig Fulda wrote a book, "Amer
ican Impressions." They were in
presslons of a German who had stud
ied this nation with a view to seeing
it ultimately Germanized. "German
izatlon is synonymous with causing to
speak German," he said, "and speak
ing German means to remain German."
Wherever there were signs of dis
content, of a movement which might
tend to disrupt this country, or any
other which Germany might find as a
commercial rival, the German-American
alliance was sure to be on the
Job. It gave support to .the Irish
American societies, because these soci
eties, before the war, were working for
the separation of Ireland from Eng
land, a matter in which Germany, at
that time, could have no legitimate
interest But Germany, even then,
was preparing for war, and was doing
every possible thing to weaken its
coming enemies. A disorganized
America, one filled with German re
servists, would be In no position to
side with her enemies, Germany fig
ured. On this subject the much-quoted
Bernhardl wrote:
"Measures must be taken at least
to the extent of providing that the
German element is not split up in the
world, but remains united In compact
blocks, and thus forms, even in for
eign countries, political centers of
gravity In our favor. The isolated
groups of Germans abroad greatly ben
efit our trade, since by preference they
obtain goods from .Germany ; but they
may also be useful to us politically, as
we discover in America. The German
Americans have formed a political al
liance . with the Irish ; and, thus,
united, constitute a power in the state
with which the American government
must reckon."
With the outbreak cf the war in Eu
rope the actions of the German-American
alliance became bolder. The cam
paign for membership took on new
vigor.
Can we talk of peace with a Ger
many? that, even in times of peace, Is
trying to disorganize our country, fo
ment strife, and destroy our unity,
simply because a Btrong,united nation
on the other side of the world is not
German? Can we make peace with a
country that fills our hind with paid
emissaries in an effort to make its
language supplant our own? Can we
talk of peace while a government thaf
considers the world its pre doml
UtM GftTBUOjJ j
V. S. rood Admioistrattoa. .
Ol' Br"er Rabbit better make hH
e'f mighty skeerce en not go pro
J irk In' roun' whar dere's cookln'
ft-oln' on, 'cause a rabbit in a pot is
r groin ter look mighty good to moa"
anybody 'fo' long- 'count er folks
havln' ter save on meat. 'Sides
folks'll kinder have ter save do
wheat flour fer comp'ny en eat bread
made outen dis yere "substitute"
flour. Dat wise ol owl done say dat
to win de war you got ter feed de
sojer boys dafs doln' de flghtin'.
Dat's w'at's takln' de wheat er. meat.
w iwmiiw ("r" ''mi iiwwasssaPsasai
V. 8. Food Administration.
Do ol' song sez "Dar's Sugar in
de Gourd," but Br'er 'Tater 'lows
dat de only sugar he's studyin'
'bout now-a-days is what's in de
sugar bowl en hit's gwine ter stay .
dar.
De folks wots doln' ' de flghtin
mus' have sugar fust.
But ef dars enny sweet'nin in
de gourd now'days, he. sho' gwine
ter git tapped, 'cause dey's lookln'
fer syrups en 'lasses en honey to
"substitute."
V. S. Food Administration.
Baking powder biscuits, con
bread, muffins, brown bread, grid
dle cakes en waffles is wot dey
call "quick breads."
You all makes 'em wld one cup
er wheat flour ter two cups er
substitute flour to save , all c";
wheat dat kin be saved fer de
sojers. Some folks kin git er'lor.sr
widout any wheat at all and a:o
.glad to do it ter help win de war.
Dat ain't bad med'eine to take,
fo' who's gwine tu'n up his nose
at eood co'ii bread er biscuits er
flapjacks?.
U. S. Food Administration.
'Sides savin fats en wheat, we
got ter save sugar. De bea' way
ter save sugar is ter use syrups en
honey.
A nice H'l pitcher full er 'lasses
convoyed by a fleet er buckwheat
cakes is one er de bes' ways to
"get crost" wid de sugar projick,
en It saves wheat flour too. -
U. S. Food Aduiinistrauon.
Jist ez de buckwheat cake got
flop over on his face, Br'er Bacon
rin' dance 'roun' en say, sezee:
"One good tu'n desarves en nuth
er," sezee. Meanin' dat ef de
sojer boys go en do de flghtin' fer
us, de leas' we alls kin do is ter
sen' 'em all de wheat en eat
buckwheat instid. Co'n meal, rye
en barley flour fer us will he'p a
lot too.
Demands of Government and pri
vate war industries for steel have
reached such great proportions, with
repeated expansion of the country's
military programme, that the allot- '
ments to less essential industries
must be continually reduced, J. B.
Replogle, Federal Steel Administra
tor announced.
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