The semi-weekly Republican., July 26, 1872, Image 1

About The semi-weekly Republican. (St. Francisville, La.) 1872-1872

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"Here shall the Press the people's right maintain, unav/ed by influence and unbribed by gain. 1
ST, FRiMVILLE, LOHMA, FRIDAY, .ILLY 2fi, 1872.
MWSEIllES-VliL I, lid. 41,
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tyof $25 is imposed for
Js' nests in Massachusetts.
says the most- thrilling
r listened to was that of a
tlicst sinile that
"-his clia-griii
"nation.
ever Col
at Wil
Falls minister
of croquet. His
took the mallet."
,<o gybil declares
destroyed by a
f no use to go bn
preached
text was,
tbat the
tornado,
with the
man at Waterloo, Ituliana,
-ys, the youngest of which
' Doxology," bccft'Jse ho is
the hims.
rtisewent in a Western
s the public that board
mer can be obtained " at
d shady brick gentleman's
in the country."
s entertained six weeks
ifornia that the crdps were
fail, bave happily turned
1 rejoicing over the cer
cyinparätively abündant
telligeiice tbat Brigham
suddenly quit marrying
ived with doubt. He is
upon whom such a reform
reaked all at once. If he
to go out of the business,
r off gently.
'learuble diamonds used in
achines and for dressing
are of such intense liard
a single one has been em
more thiMi a year iu dress
of French millstones daily
rceptible wear or diminu
tting power.
red man-, writing from
Kentucky, says : " I
y that I am a Greeley
the gratitude of my heart
of labor spent in behalf
Send me sotae cam
ments, and I shrt.ll work
and Brown if I have to
and walk from town
lding committee of a
d upon a wealthy mem
ngregation, soliciting a
B toward a new house of
The sum he subscribed
them, and they told
tfta same time intimating
' > had given double
" So he Bhould," said
itleman, " he goes to
« as much as I do."
I s has a school furnished
"d children. One ses
ia the morning and an
'he afternoon, and each
Attended by a different
ren , both being under
Oeral head, the pupils,
attend school only half a
system is said to work
is still occupying hia
one on Lafayette square,
where he ' lifts some
'callers, who stop to
Aspects at least once
ei 7 afternoon be takes a
ouche out to the Solct
°f a 'ong the banks of
inhaling the air. His
6in gular combination of
tranquility.
lleimdiating Grant.
A significant letter—a colored grant
elector withdraws prom the TICKET
and leavks the renomination party
—why the colored men can not
support grant—inconsistencies of
tne philadelphia platform—too
many indefinite. promises—men cf
all parties can support th«5 cincin
nati ticket and nominees.
[From tli« New York Tribune.]
Baltimore , July 8.—A bombshell
was thrown into the administration
eamp in Baltimore this afternoon by
the publication of the following let
ter from the colored candidate on
the Grant electorial ticket of this
State, from the fourth congressional
district. It is reported that Mr.
Saunders will carry with him to the
Liberal Republican party a great
number of colored voters :
Baltimore , July 8,1872.
To Hon. Henry Ntockbridge, Chairman llaltimorc
City l )cle£ution to the late Itepublicau Conven
tion :
Sir —Please accept for yourself
and colleagues from the fourth con
gressional district to the late con
vention of April 24,1872, my grate
ful thanks for the conspicuous favor
conferred by placing my name on
the Grant electorial ticket, and the
assurance of my kindly appreciation
of this and other marks of confidence
during my participation in the poli
tics of my native State. A profound
sense of duty to my race and the de
mands of an unselfish patriotism su
perior to mere partisan requirements
compel mo decline the honor and
seven my connection with the Grant
wing of the Republican party.
. I entertain the hope that at no
distant day colored men, as Ameri
can citizens, will rise superior to the
apparent selfishness of their past po
litical action, which has too often
been characterized by adhesion to
men instead of devotion to princi
ples, and that they will fully com
prehend the sacredness of the ballot
and the higher duty ol citizenship.—
It is but natural tbat in the past col
ored voters should have been consol
idated within the ranks of that par
ty through whoso instrumentality
their rights were in part secured,
particularly when the party was it
self a unit and the rights of the col
ored citizen made a political issue ;
but now when some of the best men
and brightest spirits of that party
decline to act with it, and join with
other citizens in the formation of a
newer and better party with more
advanced «n i more practical ideas,
within whose ranks the rights of all
men are assured, it is an open ques
tion whether the Liberal Republican
party is not after all the true Repub
lican party of the country. Now
that all men of whatever creed or
political opinion accept the situation,
recognize the rights of all men, and
guarantee their maintainance, it is
but fair to suppose that the times is
really come to permit the " dead
past to bury its dead" and for all vo
ters to come up t <5 that comprehen
sive platform which; while recogniz
ing the equity of equal rights, gives
promise of perpetual peace and pros
perity to the whole country. In the
coming presidential campaign it is of
the last importance tbat colored men
cast of the fetters of political vassal
age, ignore the tyranny of a false
and vicious party discipline, and,
like all other men, exercise their po
litical franchise according to the dic
tates of an enlightened and untram
meled judgment.
Even were it possible for me to
remaiu on your ticket, I could not
approve and abet the bitter and con
tinued factional warfare for which
the great party in Maryland is re
markable, and which is a dominant
characteristic of that party in every
State in the Union. Neither would
I on any consideration lend myself
to the basely ungrateful task of vili
fying and hounding life-long friends
of human liberty and of equal rights,
who, by their labors and sacrifices
through a period of more than a
quarter of a century, have made it
possible for men of my race to en
joy the privileges of American citi
I have read carefully tbat elaborate
Compilation of indefinite promises of
the Philadelphia platform, and beg
to suggest that if after more than
eleven years of absolute control of
the government, it is deemed wise to
be so prolific in' platform declaration,
it is just possible that four years'
longer lease of power will be inade
quate to the full performance of the
stupendous task marked out for the
party at Philadelphia. That com
plete and exact equality in the en
joyment of all civil, political and
public rights without discrimination
on account of race, creed, color or
previous condition of servitude, of
which the Philapelphia convention
gives assurance, is no doubt intend
ed as a balm for the colored voters
of the country, and it is supposed to
have great heading influence, though
a Republican Congress, in utter con
tempt of this and other promises
made at Philadelphia, adjourns and
makes no sign. If this convention
was the concentrated voice of the
Republican party, speaking authori
tatively for the President, Congress
and the people, it is incomprehensi
ble why some of these platform sen
timents were not met at once and
crystalized into federal statute pro
visions. I do not question the wis
dom of this eminently capable and
respectable body, nor do I doubt the
sincerity of these declarations, but I
can loose sight of the fact tbat it is
perilous in the extreme to intrust the
vital measures to other and future
Congresses, which may not in the
eternal fitness of things, be in con
sonance With the Philadelphia con
vention.
I dissent from the doctrine enun
ciated that the enforcement of the
appropriate legislation made by the
recent amendment to the national
constitution can only be trusted to
the Grant administration. If the
tenure of American citizenship de
pends upon the success of any po
litical party and is necessarily jeop
arded upon the periodical return of
each national political contest, then
that exalted right is more honorary
than honorable. Instead of being
an object of just patriotic pride, it
would be a boon unsought after and
despised when secured. Of course,
I differ wisely from these absurd
premises, so antagonistic to the ge
nius of our institutions, and hold
that the exercise of the rights and
the employment of the privileges of
citizenship by the colored people of
the country depends not upon the
success of a political party which is
oftener factional or sectional than
national, but upon the better senti
ment, broad charity and advanced
civilization of the American people
as a nation. In the light of the
limited intelligence I am enabled to
bring to bear upon the issues now
before the people of the country, I
am constrained to see in the Phila
delphia platform a confession of
If any political party, after three
successive terms of the administra
tion of government power, has need
of such profusion of promise, evi
dently for the purpose of securing
votes to perpetuate its existence, it
is within the pale of possibility that
the country will survive its defeat
and go forward to the accomplish
ment of its high destiny without the
special guardianship of such a party.
I am pursuaded that the Cincin
nati plat farm does not differ very
widely in declaration of principles
from the Philadelphia instrument,
and that all voters, of whatever po
litical opinion, can stand upon it
without sacrifice of principle, and
support the Liberal Republican nom
inees without stultification ; and I
consider tho indorsement of these
candidate^ by the other than the
Cincinnati convention as additional
evidence of tlreir acceptibility to the
American people. I believe it to be
the duty as well as right of every
American citizen to exercise bis po
litical prerogative freely and fearless
ly, and, oti occasion, give full expres
sion to bis sentiments, while care
fully respecting the same duty and
right in all other men ; and that in
governments like ours all effort to
control the political action of the cit
izen by class, caste, or sectional pre
judice,- for individual, factional, or
partisan aggrandizement, if success
ful to any extent and through any
considerable period of time, will in
evitably tend toward the subversion
of the very objccts for which co-op
erative or republican governments
are formed. In the performance of
this duty as a citizen, and in the ex
ercise of this undoubted right, I
shall in my humble sphere advocate
the obliteration of all party lines,
and the sustenance of a new party,
so composed as to give promise of
successfully mastering the problems
of the present and future, under the
leadership of that grand old veteran
of equal rights, Horace Greeley,
whose record and whose life, is a
sufficient guarantee that the rights
of all men will be protected under
his administration. I am not un
mindful of the utter insignificance of
my effort in this direction. Neither
do I imagine for one moment that
my opinion will affect the general re
sult. Nevertheless, I shall endeavor
to perform my whole duty, and shall
accent cheerfully all tho conse
quences.
Very respectfully,
W. U. Saunders.
•<iiu Fisk Head Bi ttfeé.
the bullet saved him from the bank
liUFr court.
I New-York Corttispondeece Rochester Democrat.]
Many thiugs are now brought out
concerning Fisk which may surprise
his admirers. One is the fact that
at the time of his death he was run
ning down in business habits, and
that had he lived kB would soon
have been ousted from his well
feathered nest. Fisk was not a first
class business man. His friends
claimed this distinction for him as a
compensation for his base habits,
but it is now evident that he was
vastly overrated. It may then be
inquired how he could have obtained
so important a position. The reply
is, that he got into the confidence of
Daniel Drew, who had an extensive
inliiiciice in tile Erie road, and de
sired the former to bo in its Service.
In this manner Fisk was placed in a
position which he improved to com
mit the most reckless robbery. It is
now said that Drew became disgust
ed with risk's management, and had
for three months planned his re
moval, but was anticipated by the
assassin. Fisk, at the time of bis
death, was utterly insolvent. He
had wasted a large part of his steal
ings in dissipation of a costly char
acter, and it is said Mrs. Mansfield
had a powerful rival, whose estab
lishment cost an enormous sum. It
is supposed that Fisk spent from
$3000 to $4000 per week. This rate
is suggested by the fact that his
pocket money, found on his person
after his death, consisted of fifteen
one hundred dollar bills. This was
not business funds. Indeed, had it
been such, it would have been de
posited in bank. It was evidently
his " loose change," to use a com
mon term, and it is probable that it
would have been all gone before
Monday. Fisk was overrated prod
igiously, because his bravado passed
for courage and his impudence for
enterprise. His history reminds us
of " the ass in the lion's skin,' 1 and
had he lived would soon have been
torn away. Sudden death no doubt
saved Fisk from becoming a street
loafer.
(itt££L£Y>S COlHlNCi.
»jolly, have yon seen «le massa
With a big smile on his face I
e's packed his trunk, ami dey say lie's going
For to leave de good old pine..
Fe heard de people call to him,
Thiec million hearts like;
DG .V say uext four years he'll be livin'
Wiry down in Washington.
Chorus— De massa will run, you bet,
Just like a race-horse, O,
O, darkies, now oui ^îiee ley's eünio,
And the days of Jubilo.
Now darkies, when Novembe* c'ômes
We will ma'reh oil* to de pftlls,
And as lie foftght tor us so hVns?
We will woYk with heart! and soul,
And when de) sun sets on d T af day
We will gather every one
And help de massa pack big'trunk
To be President in Washington.
Chorus— Massa Grant will run you bet,
Just like a race-horse, O,
O, darkies, now our Greeley's 6bwe,
And tbe days of Jubllo.
Better thain Gold.
Good habits are better than gold.
A wise business man will give a poor
man having no bad habiis credit
rather than a dissipated rich man.—
The following illustrates this fact :
Horace B. Claflin, a prominent
member of the Baldheaded Club, is
as quaint and humorous as he is
keen-witted and rich. They tell the
following good story about him. On
the fifteenth of February, about 5
o'clock, Claflin was sitting alone in
his private office, when a young man,
pale and careworn, timidly knocked
and entered, " Mr. Claflin," said he,
" I am in need of help. I have been
unable to meet certain payments, be
cause certain parties have not done
as they agreed by me, and would
like to have $10,000. I come to _you
because you were a friend to my fa
ther, and might be a friend to me."
" Come in," said Claflin, •' come in
and have a glass of wine." " No,"
said the young man, " I don't drink.'
" Have a cigar, then." " No, I nev
er smoke." " Well," said the joker,
" I would like to accommodate you,
but don't think I can." " Very well,"
said the young man as he was about
to leave the room, " I thought per
haps you might. Good day, sir."—
" Hold on," said Mr. Claflin 5 " you
don't drink ?" " No." " Nor smoke ?"
" No." " Nor gamble, nor anything
of tho kind ?" " No, sir ; I am su
perintendent of the Sunday
school." " Well," said Claflin, with
tears in his voice and eyes too, " you
shall have it, and three time the
amount if you wish. Your father
let me have $2000 once, and asked
me, the same qbestions. He trusted
me, and I will trust you. No thanks
—I owe it you for your father's
trust."
Teaching Birds to Sing Tunes.
This is done in the town of Fuida,
where they keep regular educational
institutions for bullfinches. They
place the young birds into classes of
sii to ten each, and keep them in
the dark, turning a little hand-orgrn
for them when they are fed. Final
ly, the birds commence to associate
the music with tho feeding, and
when hungry commence to sing a
few notes of the tunes they hear
daily. Those who do this are at
once placed in a more cheerful room,
when some light is admitted. This
encourages them and makes them
more lively. Then they like to sing,
and are soon taught more. The
most difficult part is the first start
ing of the birds, some of which have
to be kept a long while in tho dark,
and on starvation rations, before
their obstinacy is overcome. Iu or
der to teach them several tunes, they
receive (after being thus first taught
in dusses) private instruction from
the little boys of Fuida, each of
whom has a few private pupils of
this sort.
Their education last nine months,
and the birds sent into the world as
accomplished performers. The prin
cipal markets are London, Paris and
New York. They are valued in Eu
rope at $20 for every tuno they can
sing, so one who can sing three
tunes costs $60. In New York they
bring even more than that.
Isham Henderson, of Tho Louis
ville Courier-Journal, got $50,000
with his bricie, a daughter of David
F. Yandel, and is described as " fat,
fifty, and immensely wealthy." The
j happy couple loft at once for Europe.
The New Postal Law in Foice
—One Cent Postal Cards.
The now postal bill, which became
a law jr,st before the session closed,
makes some changes in the existing ,
postal regulations, which are of gen
eral interfefct. The most Ä11 portant
is the authorization of one cent pos
tal cards for correspondence or' for
printed circulars, similar to' those
which were introduced in Great
Britain nearly two years ago, and
are now in use in nearly all Europe
an countries.
The House provided in tho bill
for cards, with' paper flap to cover
and conceal the writing. The Sen
ate changed this to an open card.
In the conference committee the
style of the card was loft to the dip
creation of the Postmaster General,
who prefers the open card, and will
order that kind only to be manufac
tured. The face of the card will
bear a one-cent stamp, and will be
provided with lines for the address,
and the back will be ruled for tho
letter. Tho price of the card and
3tamp will be only one cent. It will
probably bo three or four weeks be
fore they wifl be ready for sale, as
the plates for printing have yot to
be prepared.
The postage on circulars, news
papers and other transient printed
matter, which, under the old law,
was two cents for every four ounces
or less, is now one cent for two
ounces or less. Small circulars
which forttterly cost two cents to
mail, can now be sent for one cent—
an important reduction te» business
men who use the mails largely to
advertise their business. The change
is now in force, the law being imme
diate in its effects.
How is it that women mafi
look so cool in warm weather ? A
man will go flapping along with
open vest, handkerchief in hand, hat
on the back of his head, hugging a
narrow strip of shade on the side
walk with a dogged desperation,
that projecting* - stoops, cellar doors
and wheelbarrows Well-nigh heighten
to insanity, and making a show of
himself like a boiled carrot steaming
from tho pot ; while a woman— a
young woman—-will turn out in a
Streaked dress, put on some kind of
a lip-net around her waist, a little
frilling, some blue ribbon and a lace
collar, and sail along under a noon
day sun, looking as cool and grace
ful as a Norway pine on its native
hills. Why is it?
Beau Brummel had one friend
who was a clergyman, and when the
latter was a guest at his table he
was accustomed to say grace—a for
mula generally dispensed with 011
other occasions. " You may always
know whether we are going to have
champagne," said Brummel, " by tho
way in which Plymby asks the bless
ing. If he sees only common glasses,
betokening claret and sherry, he will
content himself with ' For what we
are abont to receive,' etc.; but if his
sight is gladdened by the tall glasses
tbat promise sparkling wine he will
shut hia eyes, and commence with
' Bountiful Jehovah.'"
The great miracle of Saratoga,
which is so little appreciated by the
crowds of fashionable tourists who
flock hither—tbe flowing of so many
springs of so different a character iu
so small an area—is constantly in
creasing in wonder mid in inexpliea
bility. There are more springs at
Saratoga to-day than there ever
were before, and it seems quite with
in the power of man to iucrease that
number indefinitely.
The latest snake story is to the
effect that lately in Crawford Co.,
Ind., a viper attempted to swallow a
black snake larger than himself and
was choked iu the operation.