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St. Mary's beacon. [volume] (Leonard Town, Md.) 1845-1863, April 03, 1862, Image 1

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SAINT MARY’S REAMS
It PUBLISH E|> SVBBT TUCRSPAT BY
J.F. KEG, ft JAMES A. BOWES.
Term* op Sunscmitnoir.-rf 1.50 peran
num, to be paid within six months. No
subscription will be received for a short
er period than six months, and no paper
be discontinued until aH arrearages are
paid, except at the option of the publish*
ere.
Terms op Aorßßnanra. —I I . j
square for the first insertion, and 25
rts. for every subsequent insertion. —
Two) vc Hues of less constitute a square.— •
If the number or insertions be not marked
on the advertisement, it will be publish
ed until forbid, and charged according”?.
A liberal dc faction made to those who
the year.
From the Washington Star.
TWENTY REASONS WHY THE
BILL TO EMANCIPATE THE
SLAVES IN THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA SHOULD SOT PASS.
Ist. The measure is not aaked for by
the owner*, who ar s (he principal par
ties.
2d. It in not asked for by the general
people of the District.
3d. N<> evidence exists that it is asked
fjr or really desired by the Slaves them
selves. if uniucitcd thereto by the origina
tor* of tbe mcaaare.
4th. It appears to be urged on par
ty and sectional grounds alone, in the
lace of the misery and desolation which (be
indulgence of party aud sectional passions
Lax already produced.
sth. There is no necessity for (he mea
sure at (his precise time say wore than
I t (he last xtxty year* especially as all
the grossest features of slavery were re
moved from the District by tbe leglsla:iun
ot 1860.
(ith. If the proposition to enact such
a measure in not purpuaaly designed to
frustrate a nwtoratiou of (be Union, it
is xactly adapted to (hat cud, since it
v ill supply the nW leaders with sows
of that proof of their accusations against
the government of the United Stales
which they have hitherto *o much need
td. The passage of >U.h s bill will be
playing directly it.to rebel bands, whilst
it will enibairaw* the fro nd* of the Un
ion throughout the loyal border State*,
sud the wide South ; aud, by arousing
now doubt* iu their mind*, will para
lize thcii. efforts, am] thus indefinitely
protract a bloody and expensive civil
war. If there is one thing iu the world
clearer than all the rest it b that new
agitations on the slavery question should
have been held iu abeyance till after the
war, so that the war could have been
{)ro*ccutt:d without distractior. by all the
oyal people of the country. The
course that b now pursued b calcula
ted to rc- unite the sonth aud divide the
North.
7th. The attempt to pas* this in a
hurry at thb juncture b suggestive of
the doubt* of its advooatca if it could
bo passed when both sides of the ques
tion could he more fully aud fairly rep
resented. It look* like an attempt to
take a snap-judgment iu th absence of one
party.
Bth. The attempt to abolish slavery
here without the previous concurrence of
Maryland, will be considered an aci of
bad faith, the term* of the cession of
the territory of the District having beau
always understood to comprise the con
sent of Maryland to any act of aboli
tion.
9th The proposed compensation b
manifestly inadequate, and in many ea
ses would reach only to a half or a
quarter of the value of (be property pro
posed to be surrendered. Numerous
widows, orphans, and aged and helpless
persons of both sexes who have been
left dependent on the wages of servants,
would in a great measure be deprived of
the mr-aus of fubsbtcuee.
10th. The compensation proper to be
paid in each case can be ascertained only
by an actual appraisement of tbs property
in question.
11. The present statue of slavery in
thi* District was determined by (he sol
emn compromise of 1850, in whieh tbe
loyal border States have still an equita
ble interest. It becomes tbe people of
the free and slave States to respect and ad
"here to that settlement in a faithful and
lojal spirit.
12th. The standard bearer of the rs- >
publican party announced prior to the >
last preeidcntal election that though hb!
party claimed the power of abolishing '
slavery in this Dbtrict as u bare eon- 1
stitutioual right, yet that they did not}
intend to avail themselves of that pow-:
er. The following extract from the speech
of Mr. Lincoln at Quincy. II!., b found i
Hi Follctt A Foster's edition of Political
Debates, page 197. It will abow that
corn-bin cy and good faith should re
strain the party now in power from vio
lating principles, tbe profession of which
gave them power:
•1 snpjore,” said Mr. Lincoln, “that
||n
— —1 ■ - - ——■ •**—• w ■■ ■■>* ~- i n —~ 1 'zl~t - r."
DEVOTED TO I-.ITERATUHE. NEWS. AfIBICUtIME AND GENERAL INTEIJJOENCE.
LEONARD TOWN. MB.. THURSDAY MINING, APRIL 3.1862.
f j n>
ill raferenoa both to the actual existence
m slavery in the nation, and to our eon-
******* obHgtnfont, we have no right
•* U to dfoterb it in the States wheto (
H esbts, and we profess that wo have *
no bon Inclinmiion to distort H than | f
wn have the right to do it. We go ■
farther thatf that—we don't propose to
disturb H where in any inathnee, we
think the Conaritutioß wenld permit (at^
mil of'to dufafb it in tbe Diftriet of
Columbia. Still we do not propone to i c
do that unless it should he in terms ,
which I don't suppose the nation it very t
likely aeon to agree to—the terms of c
making the emancipation gradual and I,
compensating the unwilling owners.— *>
Where m tuppae we have the constrUi- , (
tional right wo restrain ourselves in ref- i j
erenee to the actual exbteooe of the in-:.
stilution aud (be difficulties thrown* about |
it."
Mr Lincolo here dhows that be bad a ; (
consciousness that (hero were “difficulties** j ]
shout aboitton iu tbb District. | ]
13th. In bis speech at tbe Cooper IpDi-1 1
lute, New York, February 27, 1860, ■ i
■ Mr. Lincoln claims the Republican par- <
ty to be “conservative** in contradistinction
to the Democratic party. He said: <
1 “We republicans, stick to, contend for
| the identical old policy on tbe slavery
i question which was adopted by our fath
! era who formed tbe Government under i
I which ‘we live; whilst the Democracy!
; with one accord reject, and spit- upon ;
| that old policy, aud iusbts upon sub-•
! stituting something new.'* Tbe eontin- j
i uation of slavery iu this District was a
eonatititutioual part of (be “identical ,
. old policy of onr fathers who framed!
the Government.” Why should we be
so impatient of their arrangements, and ;
! “insist upon substituting something new?**
' Can't we put up with what they did not
find fault with?
, 14ih. The geographical position of the
District in a slave region requires (hat its
, status should be assimilated to that re
, giun. Southern Members of Congress and
Southern Presidents, Cabinet Officers,
; and Judges, ought not to he
i * debarred the courtesy of bringing
| and safely training here fur (heir i
; use, domestics from their families at |
. 1 home.
•j 16th. It is pretty clear from what i
: ( drop* in debates in Congress on this bill, ;
> that it is bat the begiuiug of a social and j
1 political revolution in our midst. The
; j same power that can liberate onr negroes
i against our will, can and perhaps will
1 confer upon them equality in civil and po- 1
I Utica) privileges with tbe whites, so, for
I'■ instance that negroes may vote for muni- ■
1 ! cipal or other officers ; may hold such of- t
I I ftces then ■ lv *;andsit as juror% magic- ,
t (rates and judges in our courts.
\ 16(h. Before schemes for negro emanei-'
’• pation are set on foot, the promoters of |
these schemes should agree upon what |
‘ they mean ultimately to do. There is a !
radical and fundamental conflict in their
views aud purposes. For instance,' the|
Y speeches and writings of the President and
11 Postmaster Genera) favor compensation :
I and gradual emancipation, with removal ■
’' of the emancipated blacks from the coun-
> try ; such men as Messrs. Lovejoy, Sum
* 1 uer, Pomeroy, Ac., scout these conditions,
' . and appear resolved to liberate all the
,; slaves if they can, and keep them for a
LI perpetual burden and annoyance to the j
f whites.
f 17th. The consideration of this bill on
, the abstract question of the right or wrong
of slavery ought not to take place. It ia
. as much beyond the scope af ordinary leg
; tslation at any mere question of religion
4 or morals. No being in heaven or earth
will ever accuse the men of Maine or
{ ■ Massachusetts of the tin of slavery in this
, ’ District, if sin it be. They should not be ■
f 1 anxious to assume a responsibility and a
. j guiltiness which cannot attack to them.—
1 ( The reflection that in their own families j
I and State* they are free from slavery, ■
p ought to be sufficient for their peace of
minds, since they are in a condition to .
| th'iuk God that they are not as other men
: and States are. Hands off ia their true |
1 duty, and self restraint from meddling in i
I other men's matters.
The example of the West India Islands ;'
jis not at' all to the point. The blacks of |
Jamaica iu 1835 were five to one of tbe j |
whites. There ns no likelihood of any !
conflict of races there. It would be more ,
I to tk point to show that if blacks, form- ; *
' ing one-third ufjhe whole population of
England herself, had been liberated, they 1
i had gone on successfully. But we know
; that no such thing ever took place, and | J
|we sea that poor whites in England still j
! flounder on under n heavy weight of disa
j Inline* All arguments from the West ! '
| India Islands are necessary fallacious.
I9lh. Tbe people of tbe District of Co- ,
j luntbia ought not to suffer from the veu- i
j geauce felt by Northern men towards the
guilty receded States. This city bat stood
faithful in all the past troubles, and came •
cheerfully forward iu the tune of need to
defend the Government. Let the guilty
suffer for their crimaa; bat th sUvcb>)di re *
and people of (he District of Columbia t
ought nut to bt amds the sufferers for sins ’
not their own. Thb is but the —man \
sot dictate of justice.
20th. in any bill of emancipation.
Congress ought to make pecuniary provi
sion for the pauperism whieh may redkU
from it, so that the white tax-payers shall l
not bo punished two-fold.
mu.
“The error seems not safficiendy eradi
cated that tbe operations of the mind, as
well as the acts of the body, are subject to
tbe coercion of the laws But our rulers
can have no authority over such natural
rights, only as wo have submitted them.
The rights of eonaeboos wo never submit
ted, we could not submit. Wc are an- i
iworable for them to our God. Tbo le
gitimate powers of government extend to i
such acts only as are injurious to otlurs. j
But it docs me no injury for my neighbor
to say there are twenty gods, or no God.
It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my
leg. Constraint may make him worse by ;
making him a hypocrite, but it will uever
make him a truer mao. It may fix him
obstinately in bis errors, but wiU not core
them. Reason and free inquiry are the
only effectual agents against error. Give
a loose scope to them, they will support
the true religion by bringing every false
one to their investigation. They are tbe
natural enemies of error only.
“Were the government to prescribe to
ns oil)* medicine and diet, onr bodies would
be iu such keeping as our souls arc now.
Thus in France the emetic was once for
bidden as a inedicinc, nod the potato as .
ian article of food. Government is just as |
fallible, too, when it fixes systems in phys- 1
ics. Galileo was sent to tbe Inquisition i
| for affirming that the earth was a sphere— I
i the government had declared it to be as flat |
as trencher,, and Galileo was obligou to
adjure bis error. This error, however,
at length prevailed, and the earth became
a globe and Dis?artes declared it was
whirled round its axis by a votex. The
government in which he lived was wise
enough to see that this was no question of
civil jurisdiction or wc should all have
been involved by authority in vortices.—
j In fact the vortieea have, b—r-eapladed r
\ and the Newtonian principle of gravitation
is now more firmly established, in the ba
sis of reason, than it would were the gov
ernment to stop in, and to make it an ar- j
tide of necessary faith.
“Heaton and experiments have been
indulged, and error has fled before them.
It is error alone which needs (be support
of government. Truth can stand by it
-1 self. Subject opinion to coercion ; whom
will you make your inqusitora. Fallible
’ men ; men governed by passions, by pri-
I vatc as well as public reasons. And why
i subject it to coercion ? To produce uni-
I fortuity. Bat is uniformity of opinion de
}si table ? No more than of face or stature.
I Introduce the bed of Procrustes, then
' and ss there is danger (hat the large men
| may beat the small, make us all of a sixe,
by lopping the former and stretching the
| latter. Is uniformity attainable ? Mil
lions of innocent men. women and chil
i dreu. since the introduction of Chrtstiani
; ty. have been burnt, tortured, fined, im
prisoned; yet we have not advanced an inch !
towards uniformity. What has Wn tbe |
effect of coercion ? To make one half of!
the earth fools, and tbs other half hypo- [
er ites. To support error all over the earth. j
, Let us reflect that it is inhabited by a
thousand millions of people. That these
profess probably a thousand different sys
tems of religion. That ours ia but one of
that thousand. That if there is but one right,
and ours that one, we should wish to see
the 999 wandering sects gather into the
fold of truth. Bat against such a majori
ty we cannot effect this by force. Reason
and persuasion are tbe only practicable in
struments. To make way for these, free
inquiry mart be indulged ; and bow can
wc wish others in indulging it, while wc
refuse it ourselves 7 But every State, |
nays an inauisitor, bat established some
religion. No taro, Kay I, have established ;
the same. Is this a proof of the iufallibil- ,
ity of establishments f
“Our sister States. Pennsylvania and I
New York, however, have long subsist<*T ;
without any establishment at all. The.
experiment was new and doubtful when
they made it. it answered beyond con-1
eeptiou. They flourish infinitely. They !
do not hang more malefactors than wc do. ,
They are not disturbed more with religi-,
nos detention than we are. On the con- '
trary, their harmony is unparalleled, and I
tan be ascribed to, nothing but thvir >
unbounded tolerance, because there U no
other circumstance iu which they differ
from every other nation on earth. They
have made the happy discovery that (be
way to silence religious ibputca, is to cake
t o notice of them. Let u*. too, give this
experiment fair play, ami get rid,, while
v?e may, of those tyrannical laws.” — .hjfrr- '
osm's "Svtrt un I irjiuia.”
JT An old negro taken on board one
of the vessels at Port Royal, the other*
Jay was overboard praying * vigorously
that “de Lord would bress these I J
Yankee a.*’ - *
t
i
S pBTKD PQfii'EftY.
i
m m * -•;
- ,!•*• fel>ii, ■>... fcgflHT-ifrli tjfc
How >r with others it may be —
But what i get, whin 1 come back,
' WHeomiiif smile, and hearty nnarfc,
Thai make me love, still more and more ; I
The wife that meets me at the door.
Her dress is always neat aod clean, —
A pretty wife and yet not vain,—
And when me tings my favorite song,
How sure am I, the man ie wrong, •
Who weds not—be he rich or poor—
A wife to meet him at the door!
The little chickens run to meet.
And pick the crumbs up st her feet;
Old Towscr licks her proffered hand.
And frolics ’iound her in the send !
There's nothing like I've said before ,
A wife that meets one at the door !
In social hall, her smiling face,
In every heart wins quick a place ;
The gayest lad that walks the green,
Will tip his hat when she is seen,
AntThopea to meet, when teens are o’er,
Juet such a wife at hia own door.
Hal
KETREAT FROM THE POTOMAC
EXPLAINED.
The most important movements that
ever occurred on this continent arc now
going on before our eyes. The brilliant j
and astonishing success of the Virginia, 1
in the waters of IJbmpton Roads, opens;
a new chapter in naval warfare, and marks
a new era in the struggle which the South I
is engaged in. The grand movement of
1 the army of the Potomac, in withdrawing |
I from the offensive tine on the river of that
j name and assuming a defensive one on the
line of the Bapabauiioek aad Rapidan,
places a new complcxiuu on the entire war ,
in Virginia.
The policy of this change of position
with reference to the intended attack of
the enemy is obvious. The Potomac was
the proper base for offensive operations
against Maryland and Washington city;
but as a Hue of defense fur Richmond, or
-few
gerous that could be held. The line upon
which the army under Gen. Jos. Johnsc.i
is now falling back is in the nature of
; the arc of a circle, of which Richmond is
the centre. The enemy is put to the ne
cessity of marching a considerable distance
inland before engaging our forces. If de
feated in general engagement, he can
scarcely escape annihilation; for he w ill
then be 100. far from the Potomac and
from Washington city to reach safety by a
few hours* flight like that he made after
the battle of Manassas. If, on the con
trary, be should be successful in his en
counter with our force, he could not take
advantage of bis victory on account of (he
delay necessary to biing up his supplies
from the distant Potomac.
Wh‘ • cr will take the troui h to exam
ine the map of Virginia will find that our
line of defense as now adopted, stretches
from the Rappahannock, by a grand cir
cle, to Cumberland Gap, in the extreme
south western corner of the State, embrac
ing the Central and the Virginia and
Tennessee railroads, the chief cities of
Virginia, and the valley of the James,'
with its canal and railroads, within the
circumference. It will bo seen, too, that 1
this is purely a line of defense, assumed
now as a necessity, in view of. the great
force which we have, by our supine policy
for six months, permitted the enemy to
marshal and put in position without dis
turbance, and at its leisure and pleasure.
It is distressing to give up so largo a
portion of Virginia, even fora season, to
the domination of the foe, but the mea
sure bus become a strategic necessity, and ■
is now the surest means of defeating the
grand projects of the enemy, and insuring
the success of our cause. The surprise
S he will receive from the magnificent naval
i occurrences in Hampton Roads, and from
i the judicious movements of our army,
i which has so long been threatening him
• before Washington, will be very great.:
I Mere delay is ruin to him, and considers- I
; ble delay in the execution of his pro- j
i gramme is now inevitable. —Richmond
Exam. JMbrcA 11.
Pustules is Small Pox.— lf you arc
j ever afflicted with small pox, reader, and
, the pustules begin to appear, aunoint them I
with sweet oil and lime water, as these
are prepared for burns and water, as scalds, J
and the irritation will be allayed, and tb*r
discoloration of-the skin ami the pitting,
of the fleifh will be greatly lessened. If
you have no present need of this receipt,.
cut it out and paste it in your scrap-book.
It is valuable, and although you may nev
er need it yourself, some of your neigh
bors may.
Hard on* the Pathfinder — An ad
miring extemporary speaks of Fremont in
the following complimentary and senten
tious manner :
•‘He is a statesman who never made a.
speech; a General who has never won a
battle; a pathfinder who always mused the
track, and a no! rr>r*b a ccnti
n.-ou.*. d n ” '
• . 1
***
GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND.
We publish below a list of the Cover-
I dots of Maryland, and tlac year is which
they entered upon the discharge of their
duties, from the settlement of the colony \
to the present period:
Lyon el Copley, % 1692
Hawitftkv* &s 5
Join* Seymour, 1704
Edward Lloyd, 1709
John Hart, 1715
| Charles Calvert, 1720
Benedict L. Calvert, 1727
Samuel Ogle, 1732
Thomas Bladen, 1742
Samuel Ogle, 1747
Benjamin Tasker, 1752
Horatio Sharpe, 1758 i
Robert Edcn r 1709
Thomas Johnson, 1777
Thus. Sim Lee, 1779
William Paca, 1782
Win. Smallwood, 1785 ,
John Eager Howard, 1788
George Pls'er, 1791
Thos. Sim Lee, 1792
John H. Stone, 1794
John Henry, 1797
Benjamin Ogle, 1798
John Francis Mercer, 1801
Robert Bowie, 1808
Robert Wright. 1806
Edward Lloyd, 1809
Robert Bowie, 1811
Levin Winder, 1812
• Ohas. Goldsborough, 1813
! Charles Ridgeley, 1814
Chis. Goldsborough, 1818
Samuel Spraigg, 1819
Samuel Stevens, 1822 i
Joseph Kent, 1825
Daniel Martin, 1828
Thos. King Carroll, 1829
Daniel Martin, 1880
Guorgc Howard, 1831
i James Thomas, 1832
Thomas W. Veaxey, 1835
1 William Grayson, 1838
Francis Thomas, 1841
Thomas G. Pratt, 1844
Philip F. Thomas, 1-847
Enoch L>'uis Lowe, 18i>0
i ihT. Uiaik hm Ligowfi • 4444
• T. Holliday Hicks. 1858
Augustus W. Brad fori. 1802
Goino into Battle.—You have often
I wondered whether the men wear their
overcoats, knapsacks, haversacks, and car
; ry their blankets, when going into battle.
That depends upon circumstances. Some
j times, when they are marching, they
find themselves in battle almost before
! they -know it. I remember that cn the
I 18th of July, three days before the battle
of Dull Run, when suddenly the enemy
fired upon thefti, and the men hud to fight
just as they were, only a great many
threw dowu their coats and blankets and
I haversacks, so that they could fight freely 1
(and easily. You also wonder whether
! the regiments fire regularly in volleys, or
whether each man fires as fast as he can. I
| That, also, depends upon circumstances, I
but usually, except when the enemy is
near at hand, the regiments fire only at I
: the command of their officers. You hearj
a drop, drop, drop, as a few of the skir- i
mishers fire, followed by a rattle and roll,
i which sounds like the falling of a Laild
i ing, just as some of you have heard the i
• brick wails tumble at a great fire.
i Sometimes, when a body of the enemy’s
j cavalry are sweeping down upon a regi
: meat to cut it to pieces, the men form in
a square, wiji the officers and musicians
in the ceutie. The front rank stands
with bayonets charged, while the second
rank fires as fast as it can. Sometimes
j they fire in four ranks deep, the two front
ones kneeling with their bayonets charged, j
! so that if the enemy should come upon i
them, they would run against a picket
fence of bayonets. When they form in
this way. the other two ranks load and
. fire as fust as they can. Then the roar is
: terrific, and many a horse and hiss rider
goes down before the terrible storm of iron
j nail-
Tiik Tkktii.—Everybody admires a full,
well-formed, and clean set of teeth.—
Many a fair one owes not a little of her
i power over the other sex to the coy czpo
-1 sure of a “masked battery** of pearly teeth
that lie behind a breastwork of ruby lips. :
' A handsome set of teeth is a passport to
favor. To eat without sound teeth is next
to impossible. They are essential alike,
to good looks and g od living. Yet few.
people fully realize their Ksthetie and prac
tical value till they arc partially destroy
ed, ami the fearful gap* wad serious ineon- 1
renience occasioned by lh<:‘ extraction f a
few teeth arouse the b*scr to a. sense of his
great mi-tortu ie. Their usefulness and
' beauty arc then appreciated, but it w often
t-m Lie to arn-st the process of decay which
has carelessly allowed to begin its
unwelcome inroad*. The pr nervation for
the teeth is a matter which should be care
fully urged upon children and young peo
ple. because the causes of decay may gcn-|
orally be traced to s neglect of the teeth ;
in the early period of life. The teeth may
easily be kept clean and round if a person ,
euj -Ji iV;; health They should be cleans
ed ftr cttj nnl in order to remove thm
particles of food that wooH otherwise fo
converted Into acid ami net injuriously
npon the enamel. No dentrifice M re
quired. Parc water, neither hot nproold,
bet tepid rather, shonld be need, ana (he
brash should be applied to the edgtii and
inner aide of the teeth, as well at the oat*
A wooden or <,*.11 tooth-pick (■-
tadic ones are injurious) need to
remove any particles of food clinging he
i tween the teeth. By this method they
1 may be kept perfectly clean, and their
soundness inflated for a much longer peri
od than is usually the oast, while unneces
sary pain and expense occasioned by den
. tal treatment may be avoided. Nothing
| very cold or very hot should be allowed to
j eonio in contact with the teeth.
The War n New Mexico.—The lines
■ of Jeff. Davis* rebellion extend over a vast
region of territory. The westernmost of
j his bloody outposts is among the far-dis
tant, wild mountains of New Mexico, mi
the upper waters of ehc Hio Grande. Of
the fierce battle that was fought there on
the 21t ult . at the hamlet of Valmdi,
I we have already given the purt'cuLr*
The Confederates and savages undoubted
-1 ly repulsed our forces oa that occasion;
but it was after an exhibition of individual
| heroism which has given us one of the
j most glorious names of the war—that of
the gallant North Uarolinian soldier, Capt.
| Alexander Mcßae—a name worthy to
| take rank with the undying names of
| Lyon, Baker and Lander. OnrHroopa,
j however, still continue to hold Fort Craig,
which is situated on the opposite aide of
| the river from Valverdo. The Confede
rates, after their success, pushed north
ward and seised the town of Albat|u<!rqur,
and, at latest advices, were marching upon
Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico, and
Fort Union, the strongest fort in tho Ter
ritory. In the meantime, the regiment of
| Uaion volunteers which were raided last
summer in Colorado Territory, have left
: their quarters near Denver, and marched
! southward to reinforce Fort Union, and
' give battle to the Texan Confederate.*.
Tho march is a terrible one, through tk
; mountainous uninhabited savage desert*
•of Northern New Mexico; but the regi
; mom is composed of men who know no
! such word as difficulty. News may bo
| now looked for any day of a battle nt San
ta Fe or Fort Union, which will be doci
| sivc of the fate of New Mexico and Arizo
na —Xnc York 7Vm> , Mtrch 22.
I
i Mr. Davis os Fkkkinu Neuroks.—On
i Wednesday, Mr. Davis of Kentucky,
j offered an amendment that all persons Üb
, era ted under the act shall lie colonised
| out of the United States and appropriating
1 one hundred thousand do liar* fof tjiiß pur
pose. lit these negroes liber
ated they will become lazy and ragabends.
: and he a pest to the community—wor
than criminals—and any power that as
sumes to liberate the slave* establishes
I inevitably a war between the races, which
will end in coloration or extermiiia
tion. They had about two hundred ami
twenty-five thousand slaves in Kentucky.
If this Government undertakes to liberate
j them, the white people will not permit
i them to remain there—nevT.
j The white population will either bav*
! to drive thorn nut or huut them to exter
| mination. If th negroes are liberated in
the Cotton .States, these States would be
given up to the m grocs or htilitic* in
augurated. There were men from the
Slave Status who wore as loyal as any men
in the Senate, but they would never sub
mit to have their slaves liberated by un
constitutional act* and remain among tbeui.
Never I never I lie spoke the feeling* f
j bis heart and a principle I bat be would
devote bis life to, am! which every Union
man in the South would grc* to. Th
whole Sout h would unite in re<-M‘*ucc to all
. such unconstitutional act*.
The Senate then adjourned.
Water for making tea should be used
the moment it toil*. The reason assigned
is that it it is boiled for some time, ail il o
gas that i* in it e.-capes with the steam,
and it will then not make tea of the b. -t
flavor. Clear, pure, soft water is best.
“The Mhndon of the Republican party
is nor yet finished, ’* says one of the paper*
in that interest. No, it will not be finish
ed as long as there is a Cent to steal out ?
the public Treasury. —CUumlna Ihm'tcfjt.
tV William Brown, of the
Brigade, N. V. V. M., wiito* from Ma
nassas : “We bate met the enemy, and
they are hours—a head of us."
MV Mr. Patterson. lal ly appointed
V. S. Counsel at Maraiikam. died
tfii days after arriving at that yUow f c .
r.r kmliiy.
**■ Tear, ai a a* Whjl*
, comoj-sncement of tin pickle (.hot the young
art* getting into. '*■
I -9UC IS r- -via—* a
• . ***-* *'•'
NO U

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