Maryland suffrage news., October 16, 1920, Page 228, Image 4

About Maryland suffrage news. (Baltimore, Md.) 1912-1920

Image provided by: University of Maryland, College Park, MD

                
228
WARREN GAMALIEL HARDING, who now aspires to be President at the most critical moment of American history, has been a
United States Senator since March 4, 1911. His record as Senator clearly indicates what he would be and do as President. This record
is here presented from official sources, first in summarized form and then with fully paged and dated details. It shows that —
Harding probably ranks below every other Senator in initiative,
activity and accomplishment.
Neither his friends nor his enemies can connect his name with a single
outstanding issue, good or bad.
He neither introduced nor championed even one big constructive
measure.
* * * * *
He was absent or dodged 1163 roll calls and quorum calls, failing to
answer 879 out of 1689 quorum calls and 659 out of 1003 roll calls.
* * * * *
All the bills and resolutions he introduced were local or private in
character, except eight.
None of these eight exceptions was of big importance.
* * * * *
His Senate speeches, as will be shown, were halting, inconsistent and
generally illogical, with always a reactionary point of view.
* * * * *
As a follower, politically and economically, he stood with his party
bosses —Penrose, Smoot and Lodge.
In all matters of spoils and organization, he was with the Old Guard.
Not once did he display “irregularity,” being always a strict party
member.
On issues at all important, he voted with the progressive group only
nine times in nearly six years.
On the prohibition issue he is “wet,” having voted for the liquor inter
ests 30 times to two against.
* * * * *
He favored woman suffrage, after much reluctance and indecision.
He voted for the Cummins railroad bill, with its anti-strike provision.
He stood consistently against conservation, voting several times for
the vicious Shields water-power bill.
On every important test between capital and labor, he voted with the
former.
*****
He opposed public ownership in every form.
He voted against a Government armor-plate factory at the beginning
of the war.
He opposed the wire-control bill as a war measure.
On revenue measures, he voted against every amendment to increase
the tax upon profiteering and large incomes.
He opposed publicity of profiteering figures.
He opposed the abolition of secret sessions of the Senate.
He favored secret diplomacy by opposing the open consideration of
treaties by the Senate.
He opposed the appointment of Louis D. Brandeis to the Supreme
Court.
*****
His first term, he voted against river and harbor pork, thereafter being
for these appropriations, even during the war.
He opposed a tax upon campaign contributions.
He opposed adequate appropriations for the Federal Trade Com
mission.
He opposed the European food relief bill.
He opposed Philippine independence, and was against self-determina
tion wherever else that issue appeared.
*****
He voted and spoke for conscription as a permanent policy.
He opposed a referendum on war as a peace policy.
He opposed disarmament for all nations.
He supported the League of Nations covenant, with the Lodge reserva
tions.
MARYLAND SUFFRAGE NEWS
THE OFFICIAL TRUTH ABOUT HARDING
By Lynn Haines and Henry Raymond Mussey.
Mention the Maryland Suffrage News When Patronizing Our Advertisers.
He voted for the present “political” adjournment of the Senate.
This summary may require explanation in one particular. The length
of it and the number of subjects included might suggest a contradiction
of Harding’s inactivity and colorlessness. But these conclusions are
drawn for the most part directly from his votes. A Senator may vote
occasionally, and do little else, which was Harding’s way. During his
time in the Senate there have been more than a thousand roll calls. No
Senator, had he deliberately chosen such a course, could have dodged
enough test votes to disguise his real attitude and inclinations.
Harding*s Bill
The outstanding fact of Harding’s lack of initiative and almost com
plete colorlessness cannot be overemphasized. Averaging up the mem
bers, every informed person will agree that the present Senate is at the
lowest ebb of statesmanship ever known since the nation was founded.
The record reveals that not more than three or four could possibly com
pete with Harding for the negative distinction of ranking at the bottom
of the list. All of this is plainly proved in what follows:
During his services in the Senate, Harding introduced 134 bills, of
which 122 were for some form of local pork or pensions .
Only nine of the measures he presented could by any stretch of the
imagination be classed as of general public importance, and not one of
these dealt in any way with problems now desperately demanding solution.
The most important public bill in Harding’s list is one “to encourage
the teaching of Spanish” in the United States. Afterward, he flatly con
tradicted the purpose of that measure by declaring for “the necessity of
making this Republic an English-speaking Republic.”
Among the other bills he introduced which may be called public, as
distinguished from local measures, are:
To provide a memorial for persons who lost their lives in the war.
To provide for a celebration of the anniversary of the landing of the
Pilgrims.
To authorize the loaning of tents to relieve the shortage of houses—
which doubtless expressed Harding’s comprehension and solution of that
problem.
To investigate influenza.
To pay draft board clerks.
To change the law as to fur-bearing animals in Alaska.
To appoint an American Battlefield Commission.
To amend the national McKinley Memorial Birthplace Association
act.
To grant discarded rifles to the Sons of Veterans Reserve.
This represents all that Harding has done to initiate legislation in bills
of public nature. The local and personal type of measures he sponsored
can be summarized by sessions as follows:
Sixty-fourth Congress—First Session
For the relief of various Ohio financial institutions, lumber companies
and one individual, number of bills 17
Pensions 20
Other local bills 2
Minor public bills (described above) 2
Total 41
Sixty-fourth Congress—Second Session
Changing names of steamers 3
Private claims 1
Pensions 7
Public 1
Total 12