Maryland suffrage news., October 16, 1920, Page 229, Image 5

About Maryland suffrage news. (Baltimore, Md.) 1912-1920

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Sixty-fifth Congress—First Session
Changing name of steamer i
Private claims 2
Pensions 6
Public 1
Total 10
Sixty-fifth Congress—Second Session
Private relief 2
Local bills -. 1
Pensions 26
Total 29
Sixty-fifth Congress—Third Session
Changing name of steamer 1
Pensions 5
Public 1
Total 7
Sixty-sixth Congress—First Session
Private relief 3
Pensions 19
Medical Corps appointment 1
Public 4
Total 27
Sixty-sixth Congress—Second Session
Private relief 2
Pensions . . - 3
Public 3
Total 8
No other Senator, having served the same length of time, has dis
played so little of comprehension and interest in present-day problems as
is indicated on the part of Harding in his whole list of bills shown above.
Is Harding Wet or Dry?
Discussing the prohibition amendment to the Constitution in the Sen
ate on August 1, 1917 (C. R., 5648), Harding said:
I am not a prohibitionist, Mr. President, and never have pretended to
be. Ido not claim to be a temperance man. Ido not approach this ques
tion from a moral viewpoint, because I am unable to see it as a greai\
moral question.
His voting record on prohibition issues is in harmony with this atti
tude. At no time has he taken a consistent dry stand on any prohibi
tion question before the Senate. He did support the Federal amend
ment, but only after he himself had sponsored a “last chance” provision
for the “wets” and voted with them for other efforts at amendment in the
interest of the liquor forces. All told, during his service in the Senate,
there has been no less than 32 roll calls on wet or dry issues. He voted
with the “wets” 30 times.
The national prohibition amendment (now the Eighteenth Amend
ment) passed the Senate August 1, 1917, 65 to 20 (C. R., 5666). Hard
ing voted yea.
Before that, however, Harding had proposed an amendment limiting
the time of ratification, as follows (August 1, 1917; C. R., 5661) :
“Sec. 2. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been
ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the Legislatures of several
States, as provided in the Constitution, within six years from the date of
the submission hereof to the States by the Congress.”
This Harding provision was adopted, and marks the first time such a
limitation was ever written into a Constitutional amendment.
Senator Stone (Mo.) proposed an amendment providing that:
“This article (the Eighteenth Amendment) shall not be enforced until
the Congress shall have made provision for the ascertainment and pay-
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ment of damages to the property employed in the manufacture of said
liquors resulting from the enforcement of said article. * * *
On this Harding voted yea (C. R., 5663).
Senator Newlands ,Nev.) offered an amendment substituting “dis
tilled” for “intoxicating.” Harding voted nay, with such “wet” leaders
as Penrose and Underwood (C. R., 5664).
Senator Phelan (Cal.) wanted to submit two amendments to the Con
stitution, giving the voters a choice between the phrases “distilled” and
“intoxicating.” Harding voted yea (C. R., 5666).
All the foregoing applies to the Eighteenth Amendment.
The Sheppard bill, providing prohibition for the District of Columbia,
passed the Senate January 9, 1917 (C. R., 1066). Harding voted nay.
Prohibition for the Philippines was voted upon in the Senate January
18, 1916 (C. R., 1208). Harding voted nay.
Prohibition tests came in the form of amendments to the Army re
organization bill, the espionage act and the food and fuel control measure.
On all of these Harding voted with the “wets.”
During the consideration of the army bill, Senator McKellar (Tenn.)
offered an amendment prohibiting the selling or giving of liquor to offi
cers or enlisted men. Senator Underwood (Ala.) proposed making this
apply to Senators and Congressmen, frankly explaining that his object
was to make the whole thing “ridiculous.” Harding voted yea on the
Underwood amendment to the McKellar amendment (April 28, 1917;
C. R., 1457).
When the Underwood horseplay had failed, as, of course, it did, Hard
ing proposed an amendment authorizing the President to make such regu
lations governing the prohibition of alcoholic liquors in or near army
camps as he deemed advisable.
Harding For and Against Suffrage
Harding’s suffrage record is peculiarly instructive. It shows clearly
what manner of man the candidate is. It indicates the motives that
actuate him, and the methods in which he believes.
Let us begin with his reply to the delegation of suffragists who inter
viewed him on June 24, 1915 :
I have never been permitted to go into the suffrage question in detail
in any way. You may not like it, but lam perfectly frank to say that I
have up to this time been utterly indifferent to the question—neither hos
tile toward it, nor for the suffrage cause.
This seems to represent the sum total of Harding’s convictions on
this question of fundamental democracy when he entered the Senate five
years ago.
Five months later Harding was still inclined to leave the solution of
the suffrage question to his party. He told the suffragists that it would
be presumptuous for him to dictate to his party.
On January 20, 1916, he had not succeeded in clarifying his views. He
was not sure how he would vote, but thought it would be against suffrage,
as he did not see how he could vote for suffrage and against prohibition.
It took nearly two years more for him to attain the advanced position
represented by his letter of December 10, 1917:
/ shall do the thing when the final test comes which best answers m y
conviction of a righteous attitude.
Two months later, in another interview, he depreciated a too rapid
advance of democracy, and was consequently inclined to hold back woman
TUTORj
Former College Instructor Desires Pupils in
Physics, Chemistry and Biology
Address: MARYLAND SUFFRAGE NEWS
817 N. Charles Street
Baltimore, Md.
CARL HEINMULLER
412 Roland Avenue
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