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THE FARMINGTON TIMES, FARMINGTON, MISSOURI. THE FARMINGTON TIMES Published-Every Friday A. tV. BRADS HAW. Editor Entered as ser'r.d-class matter at the Postoffice at Farmington, Mo. Subscription. il.00 a yeEr, in adran-e THE NATION'S MOTTO: "Save the Waste and Win the War" IMPORTANT TO VOL' Owing to the continu"d high price of news print paper. The Times is compelled to make some modifica tions in the plan of -.ending out this paper. Heretofore it has been sent to all three hom we believed to be responsible, for a limited time. But this plan mast be changed somewhat, in order that the management may continue to pay bills promptly. .Statements ill be teal to all who may be in arrears, even though it may be only a week, or whose time is just expiring, calling attention to the condition of your subscription, and the Statement will be made out for a year in advance, so that if the weekly visits of the paper is desired to be continued. the subscription must be paid in ad- fance. In other words, beginning with the first of October, subscriptions must be paid in advance, or the paper will be discontinued to your address. At that time it is our intention to cut oft" all delinquents, and thereafter to Stop the paper when the time paid for has expired. At $1.99 a year, for a paper the size of The Times, advance payment is necessary, and even then there is no profit in subscriptions It may also be necessary soon to ad vance the subscription price of this paper to Sl.'iO a year, as many other and smaller papers have already done But that matter will be taken up when We reach it. In the meantime we would insist that all those who may know themselves to be in arrears on subscription to The Times the date to which you are paid appears oppo site your address renew at once. Ad vance payment now will give you the benefit of the raise in the subscription price that will probably go on at an early date. AND PLEASE REMEMBER THAT ALL DELINQUENT SUBSCRIP TIONS WILL BE DISCONTINUED ON, OR SOON AFTER, OCT. 1ST, 1917. A. W. BRADSHAW, Editor The Farmingtcn Times. ABUSING FREE SPEECH Before our nation actually enters upon war, it is perfectly right and proper to discuss the wisdom of enter ing upon war; but when Congress ac tually decides upon war then further discussion is closed. After that step is taken, It should not bej permitted anyone to clothe attacks upon his gov ernment, or to aid the enemy, under the claim that he is exercising freedom of speech. And this applies to at tacks on the Allies, as well as to at tacks upon the United States. We can no more allow our allies to be crushed than we can afford to be crushed ourselves. The above thoughts were started by thing9 that have ben constantly ap pearing, and which continue to ap pear, in certain of our exchanges, as well as verbal remarks we have heard, or which has come to us, as having been made by certain parties. We say "parties" advisedly," as the edi tors nor the other parties referred to, as continuing to make veiled threats or attacks upon the government, are not good citizens. Whether they may be by birth or naturalization or not. The Times would advise all parties, in the least degree guilty of such damnable conduct, that it would be well for them to hold themselves un der better control, else they may be put where their mutterings will no longer be heard. Many of them are perhaps already on the "suspect" list, and are liable to be caught up at any time. This country is now at war, and war conditions must be observed. It begins to look like the price of coal will be forced down in time for the plain, ordinary citizen to keep his family from freezing to death next winter. The attorney generals of most of the different States, as well as the Federal government, has taken a hand in the game against the coal ba rons, and the present prospects are that the old shark will be forced to de liver a square deal. Either that, or else the different States will take charge of his mines and operate them as they would be operated. A "shin ing example" should be made of a few of those brigands who persist in holding up the people for robber prof its, especially in times like these, when stringent measures are usually invoked. THE USES OF THE LIBERTY LOAN I; is a mistaken nation that the money raised by the sale Liberty Loan Bonds wh!ch is used f--r r:r parp'.ses will be a tual loss u tie Uorted States t all of i the to bj even- people; that it is a! to be spent 9 things used up in war or Melesi ex cept for purposes cf v.-ar. It well to remember that a (Treat deal of the money raised by the sale of Liberty Loen E vr.dj is to be invested in t'.-.ir.gs that wUI te '.f great use to the cation vhen peae; hall be declared. One thing that most people realize will bo of value is that it is going to put thi nation in a state cf prepared ness. While it is hoped and believed that the er.d of this war will be the r.-ding of all great wars it will be a valuable thing to America to find her self at its close prepared to enforce the just decrees of peace. There may be a twilight zone between the close cf this war and the establishment of peace all over the world and prepared ness will place America in a position to have that voire in the world af fairs that this nation is worthy of. We know that voice will be for peace and justice and freedom. Millions arc to be spent in the con struction of merchant ships and these, at least those that escape destruc tion ir. war, will be a valuable invest ment. There will be a tremendous de mand for merchar.t ships when peace comes and, whether the United States continues to own ind operate this merchant marine or whether the shins are sold to private individuals, the money invested in them by tha United States will be no loss to the ration. It may be a great gain to it. In the revival of foreign commerce, in the contest for foreign markets, the Unit ed States will no longer be at the mercy of foreign ship owners. We can do our own ca-rying trade and our commerce will Save a fair chance in the foreign market . Billions of this money raised by the sale of Liberty Loan Bonds have been and are to be loar.'d to those European rations engaged in war with Germany. This is no expenditure without return. It is an investment and it is an in vestment that no one will say is inse cure. It will not only bring a return in interest and a return of the princi pal when due but it has brought to us a regard and friendship with those rations the value of which in dollars cannot be estimated. The war is going to be expensive; it is going to call for sacrifices on the part of the nation and on the part of the Individuals composing the nation. Much wealth is going to be 3hot out of the mouth of guns and cannons, and much i- g ,ir.g to be sunk at eea, but all of the money used for v.-ar pur purposes U not going to be a financial loss to the nation. America will emerge freni the war not only with her honor and greatness and power in creased, but she will emerge better fitted for the struggles cf commerce when peace comes and much of the money spent for war purposes will be equally valuable if not more valuable in time of peace. DEMOCRACY VS. EFFICIENCY PresidentWilson laid down Amer ica's platform in the war with the words "to make the world safe for democracy" the most high, noble and idealistic aim ever a nati had in en The Unit tcring the lists cf battl ed States ha.! taken, up arms to fight for democracy against autocracy. As the conflict becomes more closely joined and the realie.ttion takes a firmer hold in our minds that the bur den of the war must eventually fail upon this country, we see that there is another meaning to this struggle. America a d-mocrary, committed bv its very existence and ideals to the arts of peace is engaged in deadly combat with the most highly organ ized national machine in the history of the world. German, efficiency was well recognized by all peoples before the breaking of the storm of 1914, and pointed to as an example to be emulat ed. Now, this efficiency this single ness of purpose and powe- of concen tration which placed German science and industry on a high pinnacle has been diverted to the arts of war. Ger many is just as efficient at war as at peace. It is this power that menaces the world today. It is this power that America must overcome if it is to make democracy safe. It would seem that the crisis today is the test of efficiency. The battle is against autocracy but it is also against efficiency. And until Amer ica is in a position to meet the task efficiently the event will be uncertain. Our country and our people are to a certain extent awakening to these facts. The government is making progress haltingly, some of us will say but we must remember in our criticism that we have an entire na tional frame of mind to make over; and the people, through such agencies as the National Security League and the Federal Committee of Public In formation, are coming to a knowledge of the seriousness of the situation and its exigencies. May the awakening proceed with haste! "America effi cient" is the only pass-word which will open the doors of victory! A PEOPLE'S WAR "The great fact that stands out above all the rest is that this is a People's War, a war for freedom and justice and self-government amongst all the nations of the world, a war to make the world safe for the peoples who live upon it and have made it ; . . u r , 1 .1 I MMwa uvvn, uci man people wiern- seives inciuuea; ana mat wTU us rests the choice to break through all these hypocracies and patent cheats and masks of brute force and help set the world free, or else stand aside and let it be dominated a long age through by sheer weight of arms and the ar bitrary choices of self-constituted masters, by the nation which can main tain the biggest armies and the most irresistable armaments a power to which the world has afforded no paral lel and in the face of which political freedom must wither and perish." Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States. HOW SHALL WE PAY FOR THE WAR? A Constructive Griiicisoi oa tiis Hguss Revenue Bill. LOANS BETTER TiiAfi TAXES Five Reasons Why Excdtclve Taxes at the Outset of War Art D s.d.nt oui Great Britain Example Worth of Emulation How the Taxes SI- ; Be Apportioned. By EDWIN R. A. St LI OMAN, McVIckar Professor of Political Econ omy, Columbia University. On May 23, 1917, the Ilouse of Re; reseutatlves passed an act "to provide revenue to defray war expenses and for other purposes." In the original bill as presented by the Committee of Ways and lleans, the additional reve nue to be derived was estimated at f 1 SlO.lJiO.GOO. The amendment to tie In come tax, which was tacked on to tbe bill during the discussion In tbe noose, was expected to yield another $40.0"". 000 or ioO.Ot 0,000. In discussing the House MflJ two problems arise: I. How much should be raised by taxation? II. In what manner should this sum be raised? I. How Much Should Be Raised b Tanat'onl How was tbe figure of $l,S0O,000.W) arrived at? The answer is simple. When the Secretary of the Treasury came to estimate tbe additional war expenses for the year 1917-1S, he calcinated ti,at they would amount to some ICOj. 000.000, of which ffjOOOtOOOjUM was to lie allotted to the allies, and $3.0 V 000,000 was to be utilized for the do mestic purposes. Thinking that It would be a fair proposition to divide this latter sum between loans and taxes, he concluded that the amount to be raised by taxes was $1,800,000, 000. There are two extreme theories, each of which may be dismissed with scant courtesy. The one Is that all war ex penditures should be defrayed by loans, and the other Is that all war expendi tures should be defrayed by taxes. Each theory is untenable. it is indeed true that the burdens of tbe war should be borne by the T res ent rather than the future generation: but this does not mean that they should be borne by tills year's taxation. . Meeting all war expenses by taxation makes the taxpayers In one or tw years bear tbe burden of benefits that ought to be distributed at least over a decade within the same generation. In the second place, whdn cxiendl tures approach the gigantic sums of present-day warfare, the tax-only pol icy Would require more than the total surplus of social Income. Were this absolutely necessary, tbe ensuing hav oc In the economic Hfe of tbe comiiuni ty would have to bo endured. But where the disasters ere so grent and at the same time so unnecessary, tbe tax-otily policy may be declared Im practicable. Secretary McAdoo had the right In stinct and highly commendable cour age In deciding that a substantial, por tion, at least, of the revenues should be derived from taxation. But when he hit upon the plan of 50-50 per cent, that Is, of raising one-half of all do mestic war expenditures by tnxes, the question arises whether he did not go too far. The relative proportion of loans to taxes is after all a purely business proposition. Not to rely to a large ex tent on loans at the outset of a war is a mistake. Disadvantage of Excessive Taxes. The disadvantages of excessive taxes at the outset of the war are as follows: . Excessive taxes on consumption will cause rmpular resentment 2. Excessive taxes on industry will disarrange business, damp enthusiasm and restrict the spirit of enterprise at the very tune when the onjwatta Is needed. 3. Excessive taxes on incomes will de plete the surplus available for invest ments and interfere with the placing of the enormous loans which will le neces sary In any event. 4. Excessive taxes on wealth will cause a serious diminution of tbe In comes which are at present largely drawn upon for the support of educa tional and philanthropic enterprises. Moreover, these sources of support would be dried up precisely at the time when the need would be greatest 5. Excessive taxation at the cutset of the war will reduce the elasticity avail able for the increasing demands that are soon to come. Great Britain's Policy, Take Great Britain as an example. During tbe first year of the war she Increased taxes only slightly, in order, to keep industries going at top notch. During the second year she raised by new taxes only 0 per cent, of her war expenditures. During the third year she levied by additional taxes (over and above the pre-war level) only slightly more than 17 per cent, of her war expenses. If we should attempt to do as much In the first year of the war ns Graat Britain did In the third year it would suffice to raise by taxation $1,250,000, 000. If, in order to be absolutely on the safe sid it seemed advisable to Increase the sum to $1,500,000,000, this should, in our opinion, be the maximum. In considering the apportionment or the extraordinary burden of taxes 1- war times certain scientific principles are definitely established: How Taxes S! ould Be Apportioned. li The burden of taxes rnurt 1c i spread as far as possible over th. I whole community so ss to eau5e ea'.-ii individual to share in the sacridces tc cording to his ability to pay and ac cording to his share in the G jvernnirnt. : t2i Taxes rn consumption, which arc necessarily borne by tbe community at i lartre. should be imposed as far as pos I sil le on articles of quasi-luxury rather than on those of necessity. 3i Excises should bo imposed as fat as possible upon commodities In the hands of the final consumer rather : tbaii npon the articles which serve pri- marllv as raw material for further ; production. i4i Taxes npon business should be Imposed as far as possible upon net earnings rather than upon gross re i eeipts or capital invested. (5i Taxes upon Income which will I necessarily be severe should be both differentiated and graduated. That Is. there should be a distinction between ' earned and unearned incomes and thera should be a higher rate upon the larger incomes. It is essential, however, not ! to make the income rate so excessive as to lead to evasion, administrative i difficulties, or to the more fundamental objections which have been urged i above. ' Oil The excess profits which are due to the war constitute the most obvious nnd reasonable source of revenue dur 1 in? war times. But the principle upon ' which these war-profit taxes are laid must be equitable In theory and easily calculable In practice. The Propcccd Incomo Tax. The additional Income tax as passed : by the House runs up to a rate of 10 per cent This Is a sum unheard of In the history of civilized society. It must be rememliered that It was only after the first year of the war that Great Britain Increased her income tax to the maximum of 34 per cent, and that : even now in tbe fourth year of the war the income tax does not exceed 42' i ; per cent It could easily be shown that a tax with rates on moderate incomes sub ; stantially less than in Great Britain, and on the larger Incomes about as i high, would yield only slightly less than the $532,000,000 origlnalry estimated In the Ilouse bill. It is to be hoped that the Senate will reduce the total rate on the highest in comes to 34 per cent, or at most to 40 per cent, and that at the same time It v.ill reduce the rate on the smaller In comes derived from personal or profes sional earnings. If the war continues we shall Have to depend more and more upon the in come tax. Sy imposing excessive rates now we are not only endannorir.g the future, but are inviting all manner of difficulties which even Great Britain has been able to escape. Conclusion. The Ilouse bill contains other funda mental defects which may Le suiusied up as follows : (1) It pursues an erroneous principle in Imposing retroactive taxes. (2) It selects an unjust and unwork able criterion for tbe excess-profits tax. (3) It proceeds to an unheard-of height In the Income tax. (4) It imposes unwarranted burdens upon the consumption of the commu nity. (5) It Is calculated to throw business Into confusion by levying taxes on gross receipts instead of upon commodities. (0) It fails to make a proper use of stamp taxes. (7) It follows an unscientific system In its flat rate on imports. (8) It Includes a multiplicity of pet ty and unlucrative taxes, the vexatious ness of which is out of all proportion to the revenue they produce. The fundamental lines on which the House bill should be modified are sum med up herewith: (1) Tbe amount of new taxation ghonld be limited to $l,250.000,000-or at the outset to $1,500,000,000. To do more than this would be ns unwise as it is unnecessary. To do even this would be to do more than has ever been done by any civilized Govern ment In time of stress. (2) The excess-profits tax based upon a. sound system ought to yield about Notice to the Public I wish to state, for the benefit of the public, that we are in Farmington to stay in the music busi ness. To anyone contemplating the purchase of a musical instrument we will state that our terms are reasonable and will guarantee you fair treatment. $300,000,000. (3i The income-tax schedule ought to be revised with a lowering of the rates on earr.ei incomes below $10,000, and with n analogous lowering of tli" rates on the higher incomes, so as not to exceed 34 per cent. A careful cal culrttlon shows that an Income tax of this kind would yield some $450,000. OOt additional. (4) The tax on whisky and tobacco ought to remain approximately as It Is. with a yield of about $23O.O0O,0t. These three taxes, together with the stamp tax at even the low rate of the nouse Mil. and with an improved au tomobile tax. will yield over $1,250, OOO.uOO. which Is the amount of money thonght desirable. The above program would be In har. mony with an approved scientific sys tem. It will do away with almost all of the complaints that are befng urged against the present It will refrain from taxing the consumption of the poor. It win throw a far heavier burden upon the rich, but win not go to the extremes of conQscatloa It will ob viate Interference with business and will keep unimpaired the social pro ductivity of the community. It will establish a Just balance be tween loans and taxes and will not succumb to the danger of approaching either the tax-only policy or the loan onlv pollcv. Above all. It will keen an nndlstnrbed elastic m.-.rgin. which ! mnst be more and more heavily drawn j npon as the war proceeds. ABERDEEN-ANGUS CATTLE On the Range. Prejudice and Jealousy Overcome Best Prices Realized at the Stock Yards. Aberdeen - Angns cattle are not with out a record In the United States un der grazing condi tions as they have existed and exist now beyond the Missouri river. The breed has been tried out In more than one section and in every instance the performance was satisfactory In every respect to those whose money was Involved. My own experience with these cattle has, how ever, been on what are popularly known ns the X. I. T. Ranches In Tcxn.s, owned by the Capitol Syndicate. Up to and Including 18H2 there were purchased for the X. L T. ranges, not Car from 5,000 bulls, of which Aber- : deen-Angus comprised not quite 14 per cent, Herefords, about GO per cent, and Shorthorns not quite 30 per cent, and small proportion of Aberdeen-Angus was dne to the fnct that until a few Tears previous it wns n breed compara tively unknown In this country. Its : numbers were inconsiderable and bulls were hard to get, selling nt much higher figures than those of any other breed Origtnnlly the X. t T. Ranch com-! prised 3,000.000 acres of land In the. Panhandle of Texas. The cattle with : which It wns stocked came largely from the country tributary to the Texas & Pacific Ry. and were of bet- tef average quality than those com mon to the country. About the early nineties most of the bulls purchased were purebreds, and after 1892 noth ing but purebreds were bought. The range, averaging nbout 200 miles north and south and 25 miles east and west, nnd being all fenced and cross-fenced, offered good opportunities to test the three breeds under practically similar conditions nnd. after a few years, the pastures in which each were kept be gan to show the respective breed char acteristics. Every yenr, by careful se lection of breeding bulls and careful culling of undesirable females unde sirable owing to color or1 quality the herds rapidly assumed to all appear ances the quality and character of purebreds. When this experiment was begnn the Shorthorn breed wns well known by reputation In the Southwest. They had been tried previously in the section from which the foundation she-stock hnd been purchased and aE3aB THEO. HODGE MISIC STORE HARLEY KNOWLES, Salesman. their" reputation at that time was. vhether deserved or undeserved, that they were good cattle, but not fraffi .tly hardy for the climate of the V. xo Panhandle. At that time Here fords were being Introduced and had no prejudice to contend with, as few of the people there knew anything Db mt them ns ranging cattle. They were readily adopted by ranchmen seeking to Improve their herds and wi re extensively Introduced into the Panhandle. The Aherdeen-Angos came In after the Herefords, hut at this time they were few In number In the United States nnd It was impossible to secure them In the numbers required :it pricps rnnge men could afford to pay. Herefords were being pushed by a coterie of breeders exultant nvr conflicts from which th"y had emerged with Shorthorn sponsors and were claiming "the earth and the fullness thereof for their breed. As nothing succeeds like success, the Herefords soon became the dominant breed in the Panhandle. Interests antagonistic to th" Aberdeen-Angus diligently pub lished that it was not suitable for range pnrposes, thnt the bulls would bunch together and stay away from the she-cattle, consequently they did not gt the percentage of calves possible with bulls of other breeds. Allegation was also made that the stock eonld not stand the hent of summer or the rigors of winter. These sentiments were not lacking on the X. I. T. Ranch, but after the adoption of the three breeds, each was given a fair trial and the result demonstrated thnt no breed was better adapted to range conditions than the Aberdeen-Angus. They proved them selvea prolific, hardy, good rustlers, early matnrers and good sellers, the steers of thLs breed being usually the first to be sold riff the range nnd in variably commanding n premium over the others. And when the land was finally sold, the owners closed out th" ot'.:er breeds, retaining the Angus. Mr. A. G. Boyce. manager of the Texas Ranch, reporting on the best results, slid: "The more I see of the black cattle the more I like thora nnd think they are the cattle for this country." It way be of interest to those seek ing Information regarding Aberdeen Angus cattle on the rnnge to know that we have always considered steers of this breed both as feeders and beeves the quickest nnd hest sellers, and when time and conditions permit, we have always found it to our advantage to ship Aberdeen-Angus beeves by themselves, as there seemed to be a wider market for them at the stock yudj nnd they hr.ve almost Invnrlnbly realized better prices than the others. (By Geo. Findlay. of the X. I. T. Ranches.) .(Sixth of a series of articles on the purvbied cattle industry, contain ing facts and figures of striking iir.por tance and value to every farmer and stock raider. For free Illustrated lit erature, history, show records and list of American Aberdeen-Angus Breeders' Association members, nddress Chn-. Gray, Secy.. Record Bldg., Union Stock Tards, Chicago.) THE SECOND LIBEK1 V LOAN "The Second Liberty Loan of 1917" will be the official name of the second issue of the Liberty Loan. Secretary of the Treasury McAdoo has issued a public statement warning the public against recurring unrelia ble reports regarding the next Liberty Lean purporting to give information as to the date, amount, and other de tails relative to the issue. He states these reports are merely speculative and the public should not be misled by them; that these matters have not been determined upon, and as soon as they are settled official announcement will be made; in the meantime unoffi cial reports should be regarded as un founded. GOING AFTER THE COAL TRUST Attorney General McAllister is now prosecuting a vigorous investigation of the coal trust and is developing some startling facts. He is going about his work in a thoroughly prac tical manner and we predict that when he gets through with that bunch of pirates and highwaymen they will be willing to be good for the next gen eration. Missouri will not be considered a desirable place for the formation of pools, combinations, trusts or agree ments to mulct and rob the people while McAllister is on the job.