Willmar tribune. [volume], November 08, 1899, Image 3

About Willmar tribune. [volume] (Willmar, Minn.) 1895-1931

Image provided by: Minnesota Historical Society; Saint Paul, MN

                
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UNDER A CLOUD.
Th silent soldier sat smoking at
Chattanooga. I can see him now as 1
saw him then, his sword and sash laid
aside, his uniform coat thrown open
negligently, his whole appealance de
noting rather one of the drudgery of
ficers of the staff, whose soldierly bear
ing had given way under the continued
performance of clerical duties, than the
commander of an army. Before him on
a table as a bundle of papers, one of
which he had taken up and was finger
ing absently. Directly opposite stood
"the general"—my general we of the
staff always spoke of him as "tl.e gen
eral," though there were a hundred
generals in the army—with a dogged
look on his face that boded no good to
himself or anyone else.
I had attended the general on a sum
mon to headquarters, and should have
waited in the hall, but curiosity to see
the new commander of the Arm of the
Cumberland, who had achieved renown
at Donelson and Vicksburg, had over
come whatever of modesty I possessed
—it as not a of the first water—
and, stalking confidently past staff of
ficers and orderlies, 1 entered the room
with my chief. Once there, I stood back
in a corner where I would attract as
little attention as possible, tearing that
I would be ordered to betake myself to
parts more fitted for a second lieuten
ant than the apartment of the com
manding general.
"Gen. Heath," said the commander,
"I have sent for you to communicate
to you the contents of this paper which
I received this morning from the sec
retary of war."
The general started. "The secretary
of war')"
"Yes. He directs your arrest and trial
by court-martial."
"What new persecution is this? ex
claimed the general, impatiently.
"The secretary seems to hold you re
sponsible for the disaster at (Jhicka
mauga."
"Chickamauga I what a does he
connect me with that blunder?"
"You are accused of purposely leav
ing the gap in our lines through which
the coniederates poured, thus effecting
the rout of the Arm of the Cumber
land."
Gen. Heat made no reply, standing
with his hand resting on his sword-hilt,
his brows knit, his lips compressed.
"I regret this complication," said
the general in chief, presently. "I have
especial use for you. and at once."
"Use for me general? Bu just re
leased on one charge of treachery, and
rearrested on another. Who would fol
low such a leader? I would much rath
er you would procure the acceptance
of my resignation. Wh should I serve
a government that distrusts My
friends, my family in Virginia, begged
me to stay with them, to fight for them.
remained true to the union. What has
been the result? A the very outset,
in the spring of '61, I as accused
conniving to surrender my command in
Texas. Then there were those rumors
of treachery at Shiloh—that 1 had with
drawn the picket in my front in order
to leave the a open to attack—and
my arrest and confinement by the sec
retary of war What use to beg for a
copy of the charge? What use to de
mand a trial? N accuser, no accusa
tion. Then, after months behind bars,
the public gaze being attracted else
where by another battle, the secretary,
finding it inexpedient to hold me longer,
turns me out of prison and orders me
to report to you expecting to
utilize a disgraced man. And now, be
fore 3 ou can assign me to duty, a scape
goat being needed for the disaster at
Chickamauga, an order comes form
rearrest. Th blunderer left the
gap through which Brag hurled Hood
has succeeded in covering up his identi
ty, while I, commanded cavalry
and had nothing to do with the main
line of battle, must be sacrificed to ap
pease the public, who are looking for
victories and get nothing but defeats.''
I should not have been present at
Buch an interview—I, a beardless boy
in my teens—but I had been Gen.
Heath's aide from the start, and had
served him through all his troubles,
often carrying his messages to those
high in cuthority in his efforts to gain
a hearing. I could have withdrawn, T5ut
nothing short of an order would have
driven me from an interview which in
terested me intensely. Gen. Heath, nat
urally restless and sensitive, had been
maddened by his confinement and dis
grace. This trial that loomed up
before rendered ready to turn
like a hunted beast and rend his perse
cutors. I as plain to me that the
general in chief as giving his sub
ordinate time to eool. I remembered
how he had himself been deprived of
his command after Shiloh and shelved
as a -mere assistant to the commander
in chief, and could understand his pa
tience with one had suffered so
more keenly in a similar manner.
When his subordinate had finished, the
superior gave a few deliberate puffs at
his cigar, then asked:
"Have you no suspicion as to the ori
in of these rumors?"
"None whatever."
Th general in chief sat thinking.
"The wrongs of this war," he said, pres
ently "will be righted only as oppor
tunit is given the wronged to right
them.
•'Will explain, general?"
he commander smoked on, unruffled,
pensive. Gen. Heat stood mute while
I wondered at solution would be
given for so knott a problem.
**I cannot refuse to obey the secre
tary's orders," said the general in
chief at last, "but I can postpone its ex
ecution. Meanwhilelcangiv you an op
portunity to perform a signal service,
which, if successful, will bear witness
to your loj-alty."
Gen. Heath stood restlessly attentive,
while his chief proceeded: "You pos
sess the faculties requisite for a cav
alry leader to a marked degree—dar
ing, ingenuity, rapidity features es
pecially needed in an expedition I have
in view."
"Why do you propose, general, to
trust me *vith a command, handicapped
as I am, when there are so many others
who have never been smirched?"
"Because they have not the ability to
do a work for which you are conspicu
ously fitted."
There was a brief silence, which was
broken bj' the general in chief.
"It has been reported to me this
morning that Longstreet's corps is
about to be detached from Bragg's
army on Missionary Ridge, and mo\e
by the East Tennessee & Georgia rail
road to Knoxville, with a view to crush
ing Burnside. I is extremely impor
tant that I should know definitely if
this move be made. Burnside must be
warned and supported, while Bragg,
cakened by the less of one of his most
efficient corps, may be attacked and de
feated."
Gen. Heath's eye lighted.
"The means by which you propose to
gain this information?"
"A corps of observation posted near
the railroad to watch the passage of
trains."
"Cavalry?"
"Yes."
"How large a force?"
"What is the effective strength of
your brigade?"
"Fi\e hundred men—a mere remnant
of the force I led at Chickamauga."
"tTust the number I would desig
nate."
"Bragg will carefully protect the
line irom our observation."
"You are right he will keep bodies
of ca\alry in along the railroad,
in order not only to protect his bridges
and telegraph wires, butt preserve his
secret. My plan is for you to take your
brigade to some point midway between
here and Loudon, from which to make
forays, in the hope of encountering the
trains on which his troops are trans
ported. Yo may be able to slip be
twee patrolling forces, or cut your
way through them by hard fighting."
There was a long silence, during
which the commander smoked on, while
his subordinate pondered.
"Supposing the move be not made?"
said Gen. Heath, presently.
"I believe it will be made."
"Then not act accordingly?"
"First, it is not a certainty second
ly, I do not care to weaken my army
by sending troops to support Burnside.
I wish the government to do that, and
the government would pay no atten
tion to a mere rumor."
"H'm! Yo would be lucky if you
could move the war department on per
fect evidence."
To this the commander made no re
ply.
"Why not send a spy instead of the
force propose?" asked the subor
dinate.
"First, because I could not trust a
spy who works for pay secondly, be
cause the government would not be
likely to pay attention to a spy's re
port thirdly, a spy might be detected
by the enemy and never heard from
fourthly, in case you discover a large
force moving by train, you a pos
sibly, by burning a bridge, delay it, or
cut it in twro. However, when near the
railroad you can exercise your own dis
cretion as to sending a spy though I
should recommend you rather to use a
small reconnoitering party, so that,
from among a number, one a get
back to you with the information.
Lastly, you are to use all diligence in
communicating what you may learn to
Gen. Burnside at Knoxville."
There as another silence, at the end
of which Gen. Heath, in a more softened
tone than he had yet used, said: "I
will perform the service, general."
waited for his commander to speak
again, but there were only silent puffs
of tobacco smoke, while an occasional
gun boomed on Lookout mountain,
where the confederates had posted ar
tillery and were sending shells into the
town. Presently Gen. Heat asked:
"Shall I forage on the country?"
"Certainly. W need all the rations
we can haul, here."
"Have you any further orders?"
"No."
n.
THE PACE AT TH E WINDOW.
We left Chattanooga at midday,
crossed the Tennessee, and moved
northward by the pike along the base
of Waldron's Ridge. On our left tow
ered the ridge on our right, among in
numerable hills, wound the Tennessee.
The general rode at the head of the col
umn, his hat pulled down over his eyes,
doubtless to conceal the turbulent
thoughts within him. W of the staff
that he was in no mood to be
trifled with, and took pains to execute
promptly and satisfactorily such orders
as he gave us that he might have no
cause to lash us with his sharp-edged
tongue, which he could use it such
effect when irritated.
Th afternoon as spent. I as rid
in with the general, the head of col
a short distance to the rear. Com
in to a sharp rise in the road, just be
fore reaching the summit, there ap
peared suddenly the face of a a
then her form, then the horse she rode,
came successively into view. A first
she seemed about to turn and flee, but
instead Bhe sat blankly staring at us
Th sun which as near the setting,
shot a sheaf of rays flashing in her eyes,
lighting up her face her lips were
compressed in an effort to appear calm.
"MargaretI" exclaimed-the general
Whether the girl as too startled to
control her tongue or did not recognize
an old friend, -h tcnitnuUl Ui stare
mutely
"What are you doing here?"
"I live near here."
"Live near here?"
"Yes. When the federal troops ca
tered Nashville we came to our planta
tion."
"I did not know of any plantation be
longing to your famUy in this region.
Where is it?
"Two miles back, aS Morganton's
Cross-Roads."
"Where are you going?
"To visit a friend."
"We shall stop at the Cross-Roada."
"Mamma will receive you."
The general looked perplexed.
saw mischief in the girl's going on, now
that she knew of our presence. A that
moment he especially desired to keep
his movements from the enemy.
"It will not be safe for you to go to
Chattanooga alone better go back with
us to the plantation."
She gave him a look of mingled sur
prise and reproach. "Do you mean that
you will use force?"
I had never seen the general so em»
barrassed. None of us who were look
ing on knew of his past relations with
this girl, except that it was apparent
they had been acquainted. Th sharp
interest with which we regarded both
added to the general's perplexity.
"This is war," he said. "Inclination
must be subservient to duty."
"If you detain me you will regret it,"
said the girl, with a rising color in her
cheek and an angry light in her eye.
"Your very anxiety to go forward
necessitates my preventing you."
It was a strange picture, one that aft
er long years of peace I often recall as
typical of the many incongruities of
war the men in the ranks sitting in
their saddles in the various positions by
which horsemen contrive to relieve
their strained muscles, the horses, some
lowering their tired heads, others rest
lessly biting their bits, or nibbling at
the grass growing beside the road the
young general—I thought him an old
man then—his eyes fixed on the delicate
face of the woman, in such marked con
trast with his own. Ye of all these de
tails, one I recall far more vividly than
the rest—a tear on the girl's cheek,
which the rays of the setting sun caused
to sparkle like a diamond.
But there as only this tear to mark
her woman's weakness, for she sat de
fiant in our path. I a twinkling the
general broke her down with a kindly
tone that had been natural* to him be
fore his troubles, but which was rarely
heard now
"Come, Margaret, go with us won't
you?
Turning her horse's head, she rode
back as peacefully as a child. Bu
At first she seemed about to turn and line
there as an evident constraint be
tween her and the general, foi beyond
an inquiry from him as to her mother's
health, and a reply that she as still
an invalid, no word passed. W trotted
on, wondering at the strange meeting
and what would come of it, a continued
beating of hoofs and clanking of sabers
behind us. until we reached a plantation
in the center of which stood a square
house, in its front one of those porticos
with Ionic columns in vogue during the
"fifties." Th yard included something
like a dozen acres, and was surrounded
by a high picket fence. Th general,
the girl and I entered the gateway and
rode up to the house.
And now happened something which,
had I not looked up at the very moment
I did, would have turned the whole cur
rent of this story, perhaps rendered it
not worth the telling. What put it into
my head I know not I might as well
have cast my eye on the well-house,
or on a rock jutting out between
the trees, or an old darky back
in the road scraping the dirt off
a hoe or a couple of mules feed
ing. I saw all these, and there as
nothing strange in it, for they were on
a level with my eye but what was
strange as that I should have looked
up at a certain window in the top story
of the house in the very nick of time to
see the slats in the shutter turn, and an
ashen face it startled eyes quickly
sweep our party and rest an instant on
our prisoner. Then the slats were
turned again. I was all done so quick
ly that I could not tell whether I had
seen a man or a woman. Quick as
thought I flung a glance at the girl be
side me She as white as death.
I spurred to where the general as
about to dismount.
"Something wrong, general," point
ing to the house.
"What do mean?
"Some one concealed up there. I saw
a face at a window, and a look between
it and the girl."
At the moment my brother aide-de
camp, Walter Bland, came riding into
the place, and the general ordered him
to bring a sergeant and half a dozen
and surround the house.
"Go upstairs," the general said to me,
"and find out is lurking there."
I knit my brows. WTas I to hunt un
armed citizens?
"Well, what are you waiting for?"
A angry word as on my tongue,
but I had seen my chief cut a an
down it his sword for a mutinous
reply, repressed my choler and start
ed doggedly into the house. Called
me back, I supposed to give me a rep
rimand, but I as surprised in
a quiet voice he said to "I have
selected this plantation as a rallying
point from which to make forays on
the railroad. Th disloyal citizens are
all spies, and will reaort our every
move to the enemy. Likely there is
one of them at this in this
very house. N go upstairs and find
is lurking there.*'
[TO BE CONTINUED.]
A woman'sidea of braveryiscrossing
a field in which a cow is grazingv—Hrf
cago Dally Hews
FROM THE GUNS OF THE PECPLE'S
ARTILLERY.
Here and There in State and National
Politics—Eohoei From Governor 1.1ad'a
Address to the Thirteenth—Other State
Political Points-"Liberty and Free
dom" Dropped From S-eKInley'a
Thanksgiving I roelamatlon Hanna's
"Stand and Deliver"—McLean Helped
Pay MoKlnley's Debts—Washburn for
Hnnte Kelson's Place—"The United
States and MoKlnley's Bribes"—Henne
pin and Ramsey County Politics—The
Week's Ronnd-Up.
Reform Press Bureau.
S A Oct 30,1899.
Wha ails the Republicans, anyhow,
that they are BO much disturbed with
Governor Land's speech welcoming the
Thirteenth? N criticism of the con
duct of himself and staff can be made
as to the parade or on the presidential
grand stand. They are not to blame for
having divided attention on the former,
nor for having been courteously re
ceived on the stand, though sandwiched
into the packing of the same that was
don© for partisan purposes. Wha did
Governor Lind say, then, that was in
harmonious or displeasing? said of
the volunteer, in all his campaigns, un
der Southern burning au ns:
"The honor of the state was in safe
hands The confidence of the people was
not misplaced,"
.Finally thanking the returning vet
erans for their service, Governor Lind
referred to the "Presence of the presi
dent to greet you," and then appealed
to the people not to let plaudits alone
suffice, but to assist the volunteer in re
turning to the ranks of civil life, in
which, said the governor, "they will
need patriotic co-operation as well as
the words of cheer and good will."
The governor also said that while it
was an occasion for rejoicing, yet "to
the thoughtful citizen it is also* one of
solemnity." The stage reached in our
national development "eliminates the
volunteer soldier from national activity
and influence for the future." This
was because the volunteer soldier,
whose part in the development of the
country's institutions has been to fur
nish most of the material for its his
tory and the glory and traditions of our
people, has fulfilled his mission."
"His mission, under the constitution,"
said the governor, "is to suppress in
surrection and to repel invasion. W it
a country united in interest, and in
spirit, with the same language, institu
tions and ideals, an intelligent and pa
triotic people, the possibility of a future
insurrection cannot be conceived."
W are the largest and wealthiest
civilised nation," said the governor.
"Laat year's demonstration of our vast
power, and the ability to instanta
neously transform seventy millions of
people into efficient, warlike activity,
an activity more intelligently and suc
cessfully exercised than ever before
witnessed, has placed our country be
yond the possibility of invasion or at
tack. Nations, like individuals, do not
cojrt destruction. They will profit by
Spain's example."
Finally the governor said:
By our growth and development the
mission of the American Volunteer has
con*e to an end. For purposes of con
quest and subjugation he is unfit, for he
carries a conscience as well as a gun. The
volunteer soldier has always stood for
6elf government, liberty and justice.
With your generation he will pass from
the stage of our national life His fame
and his example will continue the herit
age of our people—the theme of story and
song. May the spirit which has actuated
him ever guide our people and temper
the strength of the nation which has out
grown him, with the eternal principles
for which he has fought and died
Now which of all these declarations
is the cause of criticism? Is it the ap
peal for assistance to the soldier, to find
employment? Is it the tribute to his
valor, or his proud part in the history
and glory of the institutions of the
country? Is it untrue that the consti
tutional mission of the volunteer is to
repel invasion and suppress insurrec
tion, and that with these forever as
sured against, the mission of the vol
unteer has ended? Ah we know very
well that the offense was in the state
men that the volunteer is unfit for
conquest, "BECAUSE E CARRIES A CON
SCIENCE AS WELL AS A GUN." Bu to
criticise that is to admit that conquest
is the purpose of the McKmle admin
istration, now alas, reluctantly ad
mitted by Republican apologists, nay,
made plain by the president himself,
in the very presence in which the lofty
and patriotic sentiments of Governor
Land were delivered. Criticism of
these declarations is admission of the
intent and purpose of imperialism. De
nial of their truth, is to undermine the
foundation principles of the republic.
Let the Republicans take whichever
horn of the dilemma they choose.
Mislead by the administration Twi
City press, several country papers, in
cluding the Preston Times, Tracy
Trumpet, Austin Transcript and others
comment that Governor Lind "ig
nored" the presence of the president.
This is entirely false, as the governor
distinctly referred to the "presence of
the president" as here to "join in the
welcome to the Thirteenth Welcom
was the purpose of all. An the trou
ble with the goppites is that they
wanted a political boon) made of the
occasion instead of a mere welcome.
The only impropriety of the whole af
fair was committed by President Mc
Kinley, who made his welcome the
stump speech for which the partisan
management furnished the opportunity.
That's the plain English of it all. Every
goppite knows it.
The Thanksgiving proclamation, un
der imperialism, does not contain the
Catchin Up.
"Is your town growing?" asked the
Pittsburgh man of a fellow-traveler on the
cars.
"Well, noj I can't say it's growing," was
the reply "not growing to speak of, hut
it is improving in tastes right along..
"You mean that the people are assuming
a higher standard?"
"I do. sir yes, sir. W now get bananas
every day from Cincinnati, and five out
of six groceries keep shredded codfish and
limburger cheese. W don't look for any
building boom or influx of strangers, but
we'll hold our own and gradually work up
to electric doorbells and oysters on the half
shell."—Utica Observer.
When you hate a man, either fight him or
say nothing.—Atchison Globe.
5_SH*_yS_^^
«, *_
^a_*_ia_i^
words "liberty" or "freedom for the
blessings of which"w are wont to give
thanks. Moroover. McKinley declares
we are on "friendly terms with every
power on earth." McKinley has not
only brought us a new Declaration of
Independence and a new Constitution,
but a new sentiment for Thanksgiving
Day, dropping liberty from the cata
logue of blessings, and boldly proclaim
ing falsehood.
"Stand and deliver," says Hanna, in
a brazen faced demand, by circular, to
every postmaster in the United States,
to contribute money to carry the fall
elections for Hanna. An to date Post
master Lovejoy, Minneapolis, is the
only official to publicly defy Hanna.
Lovejoy's bald-headed boldness is
doubtless due to the fact that he and
Congressman Fletcher "stand in with
McKinley," from the fact that they set
up the pins for the partisan use of the
Thirteenth occasion.
That great national organization, the
Womens' Christian Temperance union,
having denounced the un-American
McKinley policy in the Philippines, it
is in order to hear those women de
nounced as "traitors" and "copper
heads," with such sundry other epithets
as "women politicians," and "me in
petticoats," by the goppite press. And
yet the cause of Americanism is march
ing on.
Somebody who kept tab on he Mc
Kinley hypocrisy and cant of his recent
tour, finds that he nttered the word
"patriotism" 198 times, "The Flag"
17tf times, and "providence" 103 times,
in his published speeches. In the name
of "Providence" he purchased the Phil
ippine war from Spain. "Under "The
Flag" he "assimilates" Filipinos with
their native soil in the "liberty" of ex
termination. Disguised as "Patriotism"'
he gives the cue for all men to be de
nounced as "traitors" who still stand
by the Declaration of Independence and
the Constitution.
The difference: A expansionist be
lieves with the McKinley of 1898, that
"forced annexation is criminal aggres
sion." The imperialist agrees with the
McKinley of 1899, that foreign conquest
and the destruction of liberty is Amer
ican patriotism.
The downward slide of the Repub
lican party from what it was a genera
tion ago is the toboggan slide of Lin
coln down to Hanna. An that's no he.
Governor Bushell of Ohio makes the
revelation as an act of justice that John
R. McLean contributed to the payment
of McKinley's debts on the solicitation
of Mark Hanna. Ye Hanna's mud
batteries are turned on McLean with
all possible virulence. No has Mc
Kinley the manhood to stop them.
Wha base ingratitude!
Three columns of reiteration of Sena
tor W D. Washburn's anti-trust atti
tude are published in the Cincinnati
Enquirer of the 22d inst. "N man
should be elected," he declares, "who is
in sympathy with trusts." If the Re
publicans were wise they would sub
stitute Senator Washburn for Knute
Nelson as candidate for the senate next
time, in doing which they might save
themselves no end ot trouble.
The Swedish Republican Union of
Hennepin has banqueted, and with the
aid of such prominent Swedes as Judg3
Steele, Captain Va Sctnt, Judge Col
lins, Bob Evans, Congressman Stevens
of St. Paul, Jadam Bede of ms and
Clerk of Court Dar Reese, have agreed
that the issues next year will be "ex
pansion and sound money." 'Tis swell.
The hands of the clock might have had
to be turned back, if the eminent
Swedes mentioned had not acted so
early.
The crack of the huntsman's rifle is
heard in the north, and Gam Warden
Beutner has increased his force to pre
vent violation of the law. Moose cau
only be killed from Nov. 5 to 10, and
deer only from Nov. 1 to 10.
Grand work is being done in Ramsey
county, preparatory to sweeping out
the corrupt Republican gangs in Ram
sey and St. Paul. St. Paul will unques
tionably be redeemed next spring.
An the waters are "moving" also in
Hennepin. Mayor Gray's splendid ad
ministration of Minneapolis, is building
up the allied reform forces on solid
foundations.
Minnesota was represented at the
National Dairy convention, Chicago.
by Dairy Commissioner Bowler ar.d
Assistant Commissioner White. They
found that the Minnesota department
was clear up to the front with any of
the states.
Insurance Commissioner O'Shaugh
nessey is out with his first annual re
port. It was delayed from lack of ap
propriations, the fault of the Republican
legislature. That odoriferous body
crippled about every department of the
state government not in Republican
hands.
_____
Poor, miserable Aguinaldo was offered
a colonel's commission, and so says
First Assistant Postmaster General
Heath, if he would desert his fellows
and use his influence for submission.
Ye McKinley says the government
gives no bribes. An how about the
Sulus?
"The United States pays no gold for
peace," declared McKinley at Fargo.
McKinley paid the polygamous, slave
holding Sulus as follows, per month:
To the Sultan $250
Dato Rajah Muda 75
ToDat Attik 60
To Dato Calbe 75
To Dato Joakanain 75
a to to 63
To Dato Amir Haissin O
To Hadji Butu 60
To Habib Mura 40
To Serif Saguin lfi
Oh, yes, we can see the point. He
paid for the Sulu harem in silver.
CK
s.
he Plac for It.
"Well, gentlemen," remarked the pregi
dent of the club, "motions are in order. It
has been suggested that we have a banquet.
What shall be done?"
"Mr. President," spoke up the man who
was seldom heard from, "I move we dispose
of it by laying it on the table."
The motion was carried.—Philadelphia
North American.
Not Wanted
"Johnny, did you take your cough medicine
regularly in school, as I told you?"
'No'm Tommy Budds liked it, an' he
gimme an apple for it."—Stray Stories.
Many a writer has made a goose of him
self by taking a quill in his hand.—Elliott's
Magazine.
O T. Stone's Strong Positio
in tlie Quantitiv
or of Money.
I The Currency Question.
THE SILVER ISSUE.
Gov. Stone of Missouri is an able
man. He says his say clearly, strong
ly and forcibly. Read what he says
on the silver issue in a recent speech:
"Silver is no fetish with me neither
is gold neither is sixteen to one. Sil
ver and gold are simply instrumentali
ties for the use of mankind, and six
teen to one expresses only a ratio of
value. I believe in a quantitive theory
of money. I believe that the value of
property and labor are directly affect
ed by the quantity of money in gen
eral use. When mone3' is abundant and
seeking investment in the legitimate
industries of the country, the values
of property increase and labor finds
readier emplojmen at remunerative
wages. On the contrary, when money
is scarce and difficult to obtain, the
values of property fall and the laborer
finds employment more difficult and
wages lower. I believe that only those
who have fixed incomes and capital
ists are benefited by an inadequate sup
ply of money, and that all others are
injuriously affected. What I want and
all I want is money enough to easily
supply the monetary needs of the coun
try and the world. If I believed that
gold alone would yield that supply I
would care nothing for silver. If I
believed that silver alone would yield
that supply I would care nothing for
gold. I is because I do not believe
that either metal, unaided by the other,
can supply a volume of money suffi
cient to meet the legitimate require
ments of business that I advocate the
imperial use of both metals for mon
etary purposes.
"If both metals are coined impartial
ly into primary money they must be
coined at some given ratio prescribed
by law*. I fav or sixteen to one as that
ratio. I know that at this time and
under existing conditions, sixteen to
one is not the commercial ratio of value
between the two metals. I know that
an ounce of gold is commercially worth
twice 16 ounces of silver. Because that
is true our opponents say that a sil
ver dollar coined on our theory at the
ratio of sixteen to one would be worth
only 50 cents and would have but one
half the purchasing power of the gold
dollar. They say that the cheaper
money would drive the dearer money
out of circulation and out of the coun
try, and that we would soon find our
selves on a silver basis. In consequence
of this they say that enormous vest
ed interests at home would be des
perately embarrassed and our indus
tries prostrated, and that our foreign
exchange would rise and fluctuate so
violently as to make commerce with
foreign nations both difficult and un
profitable. I do not believe these ap
prehensions are well founded. They
are all predicated on the idea of a dif
ference in the value of the different dol
lars. If the party, so called, of the dol
lars should be maintained—by which I
mean if they should be kept of equal
value—then the dangers our opponents
apprehend would practically disappear.
If the silver dollar should be as valu
able as the gold dollar if the debt-pay
ing and purchasing power of the two
should be equal, they would be inter
changeable, and there would be no
more reason for hoarding the one than
the other, and no more reason for the
flight of one to foreign countries than
of the other. Republican statesmen
and republicans generallj-—indeed,
everybody except those who are actu
ated by selfish considerations—admit
that bimetallism would be better for
the, country, would be a boon to the
country and to mankind as a whole, it
it were only possible.
"But they say our policy is impracti
cable for the reason that the dollars
would part company and that all the
evils they apprehend would follow as
a consequence. Now democrats and
bimetallists believe as much in the
parity of the dollar as the most ram
pant gold monometallist alive. If we
should secure the control of the gov
ernment, it is to be presumed and
should be presumed, that our states
men, actuated by honorable and pa
triotic motives, would proceed in such
a a as to protect the interests of our
own people and country. Th parity
of the dollar would be preserved.
"But they say the parity cannot be
preserved if the metals are coined with
out restriction at the ratio of 16 to 1.
That is problematical that is a mat
ter of opinion upon which capable and
prudent men are not agreed. We did
maintain the parity at that ratio, or
substantially that ratio, for 80 years.
I know conditions have changed since
then. I know that France, Germany
and other nations, following us, as we
follow England, have gone to a gold
basis since then and I know that the
world's production of the precious
metals has greatly increased since then.
Bu I know also that the population of
this country and the world has great
ly increased since then and I know also
that the business of this country and
the world has increased since then.
Th need of an increasing volume of
money has kept pace with the increase
of population and business, and our
ability to act independently is rela
tively greater now than ever before.
"Whether independent bimetallic
coinage can be maintained at the ratio
of 16 to 1, is a question we may ad
mit is not free from doubt. I think
it can be others think it cannot be.
There is but one way test the ques
tion and that is by experiment. If
we coin both metals at all, we must
have a ratio. If not 16 to 1, what
We could not begin at the present
commercial ratio, for the free coin
age of silver would undoubtedly en
hance its commercial value and at the
same time lower the commercial value
of gold and, in that case, the silver
dollar would be of greater value than
the gold dollar. If those oppose
the ratio of 16 to 1 would name some
other reasonable ratio, I have no doubt
an agreement could be reached. Bu
the trouble is that those are op
posed to bimetallism in toto object to
every suggestion, and conjure up an
army of bugaboos to frighten others
away from at they really desire.
Those of va mean what we say
when we declare for bimetallism are
impatient at thos,e who devise pre
texts, if not subterfuges, for procras
tination.
"We do not hold the ratio of 16 to 1
to be like the law of the Medes and
Persians, unchangeable. It is neither
sacred nor supernal it involves no fun
damental principle. What we want is
to open our mints to the free and in
dependent coinage of both gold and
silver at some precise ratio. We believe
the parity of the metals can be
maintained at the ratio we propose.
We want to try it. We want to begin
where we left off, and determine by
careful and guarded experiment wheth
er we are right or wrong. A all
events, by experiment, and experiment
alone, will vv reach the ratio at hich
gold and silver dollars can be coined
on equal terms and kept at par. Th
American people must soon determine
whether they will have bimetallism or
-abandon it. If we are to have it, we
must begin it, and the difficulty of be
ginning it is augmented by every veai
it is delav ed."—Illinois State Register.
PROFITS OF SILVER MINING.
A Foolis Argumen of the Gold! tea
and an Outrage on on Impor
tant I
For years it has been a stock argu
ment with the gold people that silver
has fallen in value because of the re
duced cot,t of production. The idea
that demonetization—shutting- off the
regular demand for the metal—had any
effect has been scouted as ridiculous.
Not a word have they uttered as to
the reduced expense of gold mining
the circumstance that the lichest sil
ver mines, so called, vield nearly as
much gold as silver, and hence that
any economy of production must ap
ply to both, has been passed by in
silence. Not a mention have thev made
of the hundreds and thousands of sil
ver mines that never paid for even the
labor expended upon them. They have
simply taken a few very rich mines,
based their calculations upon them, and
figured it out to their own satisfac
tion that silver can be produced at
from 14 to 41 cents an ounce. The
closing of the East Indian mint de«
stroyed both arguments. Almost in
stantly silver dropped from above 80
cents to 03 cents per ounce. It lal
lied back to about 72, and there it
stood until the repeal of the Sherman
law, when the decline began again, nnd
continued until it fell below 59 cents.
With the sudden and tremendous fall
which followed the closing of the East
Indian mint, silver mines all over the
west closed, thousands of miners were
thrown out of employment and whole
towns were almost depopulated. For
the vear 1894 the average price of sil
ver bullion was a little more than 63
cents, 22 cents above the highest cost
of mining, according to the figures
given by the eminent champions of the
gold standard, and yet it fairly cast
a blight upon the silver mining states
and territories of the union. hat thp
effect would have been had silver
dropped to 41, the highest cost of pro
duction, according to our opponents,
can be easily imagined. It v\ould have
virtually put an end to silver mining
in the United States. Modern history
fails to record another act of legisla
tive injustice at all comparable with
that of demonetizing silver. No only
did it increase the burden of every
struggling debtor, but it was a deadly
blow at one of the great industries of
the country. When the debtor objects
to having his obligation doubled, he is
denounced by the money power as a
repudiator. When the silver mining
states object to the ruin of their in
dustries by the denial to silver of its
chief use (i. e. as money) they are
characterized as free booters, attempt
ing to levy tribute upon the rest of
the country. For the first time since
the dawn of history, a civilized and
presumably intelligent country, heavily
in debt, has gone deliberately at work
to double its debt and at the same time
destroy one of its most important indus
tries. And what is stranger than all, the
outrage is defended by the most brutal
accusations hurled at the heads of those
who protest against-its consummation.
Will the people permit themselv es to be
deceived forever?
M'KINLEY VS. M'KINLEY.
W am the Shifter—Has Bee On
Bot Sides of Notable
lic Questions.
William McKinley has been on both
sides of the forcible conquest ques
tion. Once within two years he was a
free silver and a single gold standard
man. And note the following attack
on McKinlej ism. On April 24,1890, Mc
Kinley said in congress:
"If we would invade the world's markets,
harsher conditions and greater sacrifices
would be demanded of the masses. Talk
about depression—we would have it in its
fullness. We should revel In unrestrained
trade. Everything would, indeed, be cheap,
but how costly when measured by the
degradation which would ensue. When
merchandise is the cheapest men are the
poorest and the most distressing experi
ences in the history of our countr—aye,
in all human history—have been when ev
erything was the lowest and cheapest
measured by gold, for everything was the
highest and the dearest measured by labor.
With me this position is a deep conviction
—not a theory."
On February 7, 1899, at the Boston
banquet he said:
"The past year has recorded a volume of
business, domestic and foreign, unparal
leled in any former operations in the United
States. Our enormous export trade has
made American balances satisfactory, and
almost for the first time the money of the
country has been so great that our capi
talists have sought foreign investments.
We are fast going from a debtor to a cred
itor nation. I hope nothing will check it,"
Call the wage-workers to the stand
and receive their testimony as to
whether McKinley, in his 1890 speech,
did not accurately describe the condi
tions which, in 1899, he not only ad
mits but boasts have now arrived.—Mis
sissippi Valley Democrat.
Gold Standard in the Philippines
The gold standard has been estab
lished in the Philippines. The price of
slaves is $20, gold basis.—Illinois State
Register.
Ho Such Thlnar.
There is no such thing as a good trust
and cannot be until human nature
dergoes a radical change*
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