Willmar tribune. [volume], October 07, 1914, Image 10

About Willmar tribune. [volume] (Willmar, Minn.) 1895-1931

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W.S.HAMMOND
GIVESKEYNOTE
AT RED WING
(Continued from reverse page.)
particularly along political and eco
nomic lines. Dishonesty, or suspected
dishonesty, in the administration of
public affairs, and in private matters,
as well, has resulted in numerous and
searching investigations. Efforts for
the suppression of vice and the aboli
tion of unsanitary practices have
brought about the establishment of
commissions of many kinds charged
with ihe collection of information and
its dissemination. The adulteration of
food and other articles caused the
enactment of the pure food laws and
similar measures with hosts of offi
cials, inspectors, chemists and exami
ners. We insist upon the supervision
of the work of engineers, barbers,
hoise.shoeis, and the examination
of hotels, tenements, manufacturing
plants, and opera houses, making nec
essary the employment of a large num
ber of inspectors, members of boards,
and experts. The sentiment favoring
a shorter work-day, compensation foi
injured employes, child-labor laws and
regulations, the building of good roads,
prevention of fires, drainage of wet
lands, has demanded the enactment of
laws requiring administrative officers
and their assistants who must be paid
for their services and their expenses.
All incidental expenditures connected
with these things must be paid. The
payments are made in dollars. The
benefits come in greater comfort, im
proved health, and better social con
ditions. The amount taken from the
treasury must first be put into it. All
these good things call for large expen
ditures which must be met by the
revenues of the state enjoying them.
Much Spent for Roads.
The total taxes levied by the state
and its subdivisions for road and
bridge purposes in 1907 amounted to
$2,191,320.64, and in 191C—six years
later—the levy was $6,60:»,797.08, an
increase ot more than 200 per cent.
The appropriations of the legislature
of the year 1913 were $1,275,130.90
more than the appropriations of the
legislature of the jear 1911. The state
cannot expend large sums of money
for good purposes, or for any purposes,
unless its revenues be large enough
to meet these expenditures, and as
the demands increase so must the
revenues increase. In 1903 the state
expenditures for Minnesota were be
tween eight and nine millions of dol
lars five years later they were be
tween eleven and twelve millions of
dollars, and two years later—in 1912—
between fourteen and fifteen millions
of dollars, in 1913—eighteen and one
half millions of dollars, and it was es
timated that for the year ending July
31, 1914, they would be more than
twentv-one and two-thirds millions of
dollais. Think of this just a moment:
Approximately, an increase of $3,000,
000 in the five years ending 1910, a
further increase ot-$3,000,000 for the
two years ending 1912, and a further
increase of about the same amount for
the one year 1913, and probably a
greater increase in the year 1914. Tax
payers are complaining of the 1913
levy paid this year—the 1914 levy to
be paid next spring will be probably
greater.
We must keep up the state institu
tions. We must provide all the money
necessary for the state to carry on in
a good and proper manner its many
functions. But we cannot go on as
we have been going—increasing our
expenditures and burdening the peo
ple of the state with excessive taxa
tion.
Economy and Efficiency.
Last year the governor appointed
the economy and efficiency commis
sion, made up of thirty prominent citi
zens of the state who served without
pay and who met their own traveling
expenses. The commission has made
a preliminary report and I quote sali
ent sentences from it:
"Efficiency in the state administra
tion is the most important issue be
fore the voters at the coming elec
tion."
"The diagram showing the enormous
growth of state expenditures must em
phasize the crying need of radical
changes."
"The commission's plan would
mark a tremendous improvement. It
would check the constant rise in the
burdens of taxation.. It would give
the people more for their money.
It would enable the people to control
their public service."
The commission promises to present
its final report prior to the meeting
of the next legislature, and that body,
in my judgment, should give the re
port most careful consideration and
endeavor to carry into effect by prop
er legislative enactment those recom
mendations that will promote economy
and efficiency.
The commission proposes a reor
ganization of the executive service
that there may be a responsible head
to that service and that its various
departments may be so co-ordinated
that there will be no unnecessary em
ployes and no duplication of work so
that order and system may replace
confusion and incoherence. It pro
poses six executive departments, and
a director for each department. Four
of these directors to be appointed by
the governor, one to be elected by the
people, and one to be selected by a
board which the governor appoints.
In passing, let it be observed
that this makes for the short
ballot a thing much to be de
sired. The governor, the lieuten
ant governor, and the treasurer
would be thf only state executive offi
cers elected. Our state constitution,
howevei. provides that in addition to
the governor and lieutenant governor,
(the secretary of state, the auditor, the
treasurer, and the attorney general
shall be chosen by the electors of the
state, and shall constitute the execu
tive department. It will, therefore, be
necessary to amend the state constitu
tion to make the commission's plan
of reorganization effective. In its final
report I trust the commission will
make it clear that under the plan pro
posed there will be no increase in the
number of state officials.
Civil Service System.
Next, the commission proposes the
establishment of the merit system,
providing a civil service commission
very like the United States civil ser
vice commission, to receive the appli
cations of those who desire appoint
ments, to examine the applicants, and
to recommend thein to the various de
partments when vacancies occur. This
will do away with what is known as
"The Spoils System," and will make
it difficult to build up a political ma
chine composed of state officials. Much
can be said in favor of the establish
ment of the merit system. It has
not escaped criticism—It creates an
office-holding class. Once a position
in the civil service is obtained its
holder feels that he has such an in
terest in it and such a right to it, that
he cannot be separated from it. The
inefficient, as well as the efficient^
claim life-tenure of office and believe,
upon their retirement on account of
old age, they should be provided for
through pensions or other fixed pay
ments. This may be avoided if at the
very beginning appointments in the
civil service are made—not for life,
but for a definite term of years—six
or ten. Say six years. Nothing would
prevent the efficient and capable from
being reappointed, while the careless,
indifferent and the inefficient would
not be reappointed—much to the bene
fit of the state. The commission hav
ing to do with these appointments and
reappointments would, of course, be a
nonpartisan body.
The third recommendation of the
commission relates to the establish
ment of a budget system. With the
reorganization that is proposed, the
heads of the departments and the gov
ernor would prepare estimates of the
revenues of the state, and of the ex
penditures necessary for two fiscal
years, and these estimates, with de
tailed information, would be present
ed to the legislature on the first day
of the legislative session, so that there
would be abundance of time for that
body to consider and act upon them.
High Taxes Must Cease.
I sincerely trust that this great
work will receive the attention it de
serves, not only from the members of
the legislature, but from the people
of the state. The hig"h taxation of to
day cannot continue, the expenditures
of the state must be lessened, and
here is a rational and well-thought-out
plan to promote cificiency and econ
omy.
Including the swamp lands granted
to the state of Minnesota, but unpat
ented, the state has some three mil
lion acres of land much of which is
not only suitable for agriculture, but,
when improved, exceptionally fertile.
Every year a large number of persons
come here looking for land. Many
of them have means sufficient to pur
chase improved farms and to carry
them on. There are others who would
prove most desirable citizens of the
state who have limited means. They
are strong, ambitious and industrious
and would gladly buy the state land
suitable for agriculture. But they
must have land that will respond read
ily to their efforts and bring quick re
turns they cannot drain and clear
the lands themselves for they cannot
do without income during the process
of development. The state itself
should undertake to improve these
lands so that they would attract pur
chasers who would settle upon them
and make them productive. It is I
greatly to the advantage of the state
to do this. Its nonproductive agri
cultural land should be made produc
tive and pass into the hands of actual
settlers as soon as possible, so that it
would do its part in sustaining the
burdens of county and state govern
ment. These lands should be cleared,
drained and made accessible to mar
kets by the construction of suitable
roads. To permit this fertile, produc
tive land to remain idle for years,
when hundreds of industrious men and
women would make homes on it and
convert the dreary wastes into fields
of waving grain, is economically, if
not morally, wrong. Before any land
is offered for sale, however, it should
be thoroughly examined to the end
that it may be known what is under
the surface as well as on it. For the
present we should hold our mineral
land.
For Land Development.
At the Democratic state conference
recently held in St. Paul a platform
was adopted containing this declara
tion—with it I am in full accord:
"Our state should adopt a system
atic and business-like plan of develop
ing and settling its rich resources of
public lands, now idle and fruitless
through state neglect. To this end,
we recommend the creation of a state
department revolving fund, to be used
in improving state-owned lands by
draining submerged areas, by build
ing roads to inaccessible areas, and
by partial clearing of stump-covered
lands the cost of such improvements
to be charged to the land benefited and
recovered into the revolving fund when
such land is sold. Wherever lands pri
vately owned are benefited by such
improvements, they should be assess
ed their full share of the cost. We
urge this not only as a measure of
true conservation and development for
the relief of northern Minnesota, but
as a business plan that will profit the
entire state."
Within the boundaries of the state
there are approximately 50 million
acres of land 33 million of these
acres were originally forest lands, and
probably 28 million acres—including
cut-over and burnt-over areas—are
forest land today. A large part of this
area is suitable for agriculture and
ultimately will be devoted to that
purpose. The other part is nonagri
cultural land and can be put to no
better use than forest culture. Some
of this land is the property of the
state, some of it is in private owner
ship, and except for the timber now
standing upon it, of little value. If
the state should adopt the policy of
acquiring, as rapidly as possible while
it is cheap, this nonagricultural land
now owned by individuals and would
conserve its own lands of this charac
ter, planting each year some portion of
it to trees, in years to come the com
monwealth would be possessed of mag
nificent state forests. Spruce devel
ops very rapidly here, and there is
great demand for it for pulpwood.
Minnesota may be called the home of
the white pine, and its value for lum
ber is well known. Birch, poplar, and
other trees do well. If we had a great
area forested and belonging to the
state it would yield a large annual in
come as well as provide a sclendid
playground for health and recreation
seekers to say nothing of the satis
faction of making good use of what
would otherwise be waste land and
making beautiful and attractive what
would otherwise be a cheerless uni
formity. This cannot be done in one
generation, but we owe it to ourselves
and to those who will come after us
to proceed along economic lines to
the accomplishment of this result.
Forest Conservation.
The great enemy of the forest is
fire, and there should be adequate ap
propriations each year for fire preven
tion. Last year we lost through these
forest fires $98,000.
Next, each year some portion of the
nonagricultural land not owned by the
state should be acquired and made a
part of our public domain, and no year
should pass but that a considerable
portion of such land should be planted
to trees. We may well be proud of
our position as an agricultural state
—third in the production of wheat,
third in the production of oats, and
first in the production of barley. But
this is not all our iron ranges are
now yielding more iron ore than is
produced in all the rest of the states
together—five-eighths (better than 62
per cent) of the total of the United
States in 1913 Minnesota alone pro
ducing more iron ore than any foreign
nation in the world except Germany.
Nor is this all. It is the greatest lum
ber-producing state east of the Rocky
mountains. Thousands of our citizens
find employment in its lumber camps,
on the rivers, in the mills and in the
manufactoiies handling this product.
Possibilities for development appear
now to be without limit, and it is the
part of wisdom to take advantage of
our opportunities. We receive from
the federal government $10,000 a year
to aid in this work our state should
stand first in forest conservation and
forest culture.
Lake Superior Canal.
The relations of Minnesota with oth
er states and with the federal govern
ment are naturally of great impor
tance. In March of last year, by act
of the legislatuie, the Minnesota, Lake
Superior and Mississippi canal com
mission, composed of the governor,
the state drainage engineer and the
chairman of the board of railroad and
warehouse commissioners, was estab
lished, and the state of Wisconsin, in
the July following, appointed its Lake
Superior and Mississippi canal com
mission, composed of three members
to be appointed by the governor of that
state. The two bodies have co-operat
ed in an effort to bring about the con
struction of a canal from l^ake. Supe
rior to the Mississippi river—a' work
that will cost in the neighborhood of
eight millions of dollars. The federal
river and harbor act of August 17,
1894, appropriated $10,000 for the mak
ing of surveys and for examinations
to determine the best route to con
nect these waterways, and in March,
1899, the legislative provision was
supplemented by directing that a re
port be made upon the advisability of
such construction. From an engineer
ing standpoint the work was feasible,
but commercially, the engineer in
charge held that the plan was not one
which should be undertaken by the
government. Another report was
made subsequent to the river and har
bor act of 1909, which was likewise
unfavorable to the project, but the
matter was again presented to the
government engineers by the river and
harbor act of 1912, and the unfavor
able report of the local board of Unit
ed States army engineers, being un
satisfactory to the Minnesota and
Wisconsin commissions, an appeal
was taken to the general board of en
gineers on rivers and harbors, at
Washington, where the matter is now
pending. Should the decision of the
local beard be reversed, and the fed
eral government committed to this
project, congress will be asked to
make a suitable appropriation for the
construction, and a great avenue or
waterway of communication opened
up. With the rapid development of
Minnesota and Wisconsin territory,
the canal is likely to become of great
importance commercially.
Plan Is Promising.
The advocates of improved water
ways have unlimited enthusiasm, and
have succeeded in obtaining great
sums of money from the federal treas
ury for the improvement of rivers and
harbors. So far, it must be admitted,
the results have not been very encour
aging, but it would seem that this
plan of uniting the Great Lakes, pos
sessing the greatest inland commerce
in the world, with the Mississippi
river—the most important navigable
stream in the United States, promises
exceedingly great value to commerce.
Of course, the state of Minnesota
has concurrent jurisdiction of the Mis
sissippi and all other rivers and wa
ters on its borders so far as they
form a common boundary of our state
and other states.
Congress passed what is known as
the "Swamp Act" in 1850. It was en
titled, "An act to enable the state of
Arkansas and other states to reclaim
the swamp lands within their limits."
By the act of March 12, 1860, the pro
visions of the law were extended to
Minnesota and Oregon. Thereby the
government granted to the state of
Minnesota the swamp lands within its
borders, but the original purpose of
the grant was to enable the state
to construct the necessary levees and
drains to reclaim the swamp and over
flowed lands therein," and the act it
self provided that the proceeds of the
lands should be applied exclusively, as
far as necessary, to the purpose of re
claiming the said lands by means of
levees and drains. Now, our state
constitution provides that the funds
derived from the sales of swamp lands
shall forever be preserved inviolate
and undiminished—one-half to be ap
propriated to the common school fund
and the other half to be appropriated
to the educational and charitable in
stitutions of the state. It is claimed
that the state of Minnesota in appro
priating the proceeds -of these lands,
as under its constitution it was as
sumed it was obliged to appropriate
them, violated a condition of the
grant, and the federal government has
declined to patent to the state a large
area of these swamp lands. It is a
matter of great concern to the state
of Minnesota involving sixty-five
thousand acres of land located in the
northern part of the state, possibly
some of it rich in ore.
These instances illustrate the ques
tions arising between the state of Min-
nesota and the federal government,
and between the state of Minnesota
and other states. Matters of grave
importance, to which the governor, by
reason of his office, should give par
ticular attention as the chief executive
officer of this great commonwealth.
State Institutions.
Possessed of an exceptionally good
school system, of which we are very
proud, all believe the University of
Minnesota, normal schools, high
schools and common schools should
be maintained at the present high
standard and agricultural schools and
farm instruction given ample support.
Every instinct of humanity urges us
to see that our reformatory, training
schools and institutions for the care
of the weak, the stricken and the
helpless shall lack nothing that will
contribute to the welfare of their in
mates.
No state has a better appointed pris
on nor one better conducted than our
own. Convicts are men and women,
some weak, some wicked, but human
beings. Because they have broken
the social law we have no warrant to
violate the divine law. "And as ye
would that men should do unto you,
do you also to them likewise."
For the protection of society it is
necessary to separate the criminal
from his fellows, but we seek to make
the prisoner a better man, not simply
to punish him.
Discusses Veto Power.
But the governor has a function in
connection with legislation other than
the right to suggest and to recom
mend. He has a negative upon all
laws passed by the legislature. But
that negative is subject to constitu
tional rules and limitations. Every
act of the legislature before it becomes
a law must be presented to the gover
nor upon his approval it becomes a
law. He may not approve it, but fail
to return it to the house where it or
iginated within three days, and in that
case it becomes a law he may return
the bill with his objections to it with
in three days, and in such case it re
quires a two-thirds vote of both
branches of the legislature to become
a law. Thus the executive may by his
vote kill legislation approved by a
large majority of both houses.
There are legislative questions at
this time of compelling interest and
the voters of the state have a right
to know, and ought to know, if the
candidate for governor intends, if
elected, to use the veto power against
legislation in which they or many of
them are particularly interested.
A belf-respecting citizen will not as
sume any office unless he feels that
he can discharge the duties of that of
fice according to the constitution of
the state and his oath of office. He is
bound by the declaration of his party
platform if he is a partisan candidate,
and by his pre-election statements.
Those statements should be made pub
lic, for the candidate who makes pri
vate pledges and promises to secure
votes carries on a campaign of deceit
and, if elected, has obtained his elec
tion by fraud and cunning. No self
respecting constituency, on the other
hand, would expect a candidate worthy
of an important office to bind himself
with all sorts of promises and pledges,
as though he were so dishonorable
and so crafty that he could not be
trusted.
Opposed to Use of Veto.
Our legislature is like all other
American legislatures—bicameral. One
house is a check upon the other.
Sometimes legislation is considered
when passions are excited, or when
strong prejudices exist, or when mis
apprehension or fear befogs men's
minds. At such times were there but
one legislative chamber, laws might
be enacted that would curse rather
than bless our commonwealth. It is
elementary that legislation affecting
millions of people must be carefully
considered, closely scrutinized, and de
termined with calmness and delibera
tion. If a measure is driven through
one chamber hastily and under such
stress of excitement that effective pro
visions receive little or no considera
tion, there is another house where op
portunity is given to correct where
correction is needed, or to defeat if
defeat there should be. But the con
stitution wisely provides another
check—the veto of the governor. True,
it is not an absolute check, for two
thirds of each house may make law
without the governor's approval, but
after a proposition has run the gaunt
let of two houses and the executive
chamber, it is not likely to receive the
two-thirds assent of each body unless
it contains much more good than
harm.
Now, the governor of Minnesota,
with whom this legislative power is
entrusted, will deal with a nonpartisan
legislature. Surely, if any representa
tive body can be assumed to represent
faithfully the sentiment of the state,
that body can. Suppose a subject, for
instance, county option, or a uni
versal primary, which has been dis
cussed throughout the state in a polit
ical campaign, praised and assailed
in the press and on the platform, with
which the people are fairly familiar,
is considered by this nonpartisan leg
islature and a bill covering it approved
by both bodies reflecting the judg
ment and the opinion of the people of
the state in such case ought the gov
ernor—whatever his own porsonal
views may be—interpose a veto. I
think not! The veto power is intend
ed to check hasty and ill-considered
action, or to challenge a measure clear
ly unconstitutional or one involving a
radical change of policy upon which
the people have had no opportunity
to render judgment and which the
governor might believe unwise and
dangerous, or a measure entailing
larger expenditures than the revenues
of the state would warrant in all
such cases the governor might, with
propriety, exercise the veto power.
This is an orderly government—a
law-abiding commonwealth. We have
a fundamental law—not for the use
of the majority alone—but to protect
the minority as well. There are rights
one man may have which all the oth
er citizens of the state ought not to
be able to take from him even if they
would but when the majority of the
people of the state determine upon
any matter of public policy in a way
that is not contrary to our fundamen
tal law, it is the duty of all legisla
tive and executive officers to carry
out the mandate of our highest au
thority.
In speaking of the nonpartisan law,
I referred to the proposition to en-
large the statute to cover all the elec
tive state officials, and in calling your
attention to the report of the economy
and efficiency commission occasion
was taken to commend the short bal
lot
Initiative and Referendum.
The extension of the elective fran
chise to include women and the inau
guration of the initiative and referen
dum are matters that will sooner or
later be submitted to the people. Next
November there will be a vote upon
the latter. The last Democratic candi
date for governor made his campaign
largely upon this issue, and his excel
lent presentation of the subject went
far to make it popular. The Demo
cratic party has always favored it.
The Progressives and many Republic
ans advocate it. It is very desirable
legislation and we may look for its
early incorporation into the laws of
the state.
Where Is Dictator?
Early in March of this year. State
Auditor Iverson, then a candidate for
nomination for governor, made a
speech in Fillmore county, and he is
reported by the Minneapolis Journal
to have stated:
"An unseen power has raised up in
our midst a keen and resourceful dic
tator with unlimited dictatorial pow
ers he assumes political leadeiship,
dictates who shall or shall not become
candidates for even high offices as
sumes dictatorship over public poli
cies and directs what legislation s-iiall
or shall not be enacted by the repre
sentatives of the people in legislature
assembled *."
Mr. Lee, now a candidate for gover
nor, in a speech recently delivered at
Marshall, said according to the report
of the same paper:
"Topping all other issues in import
ance and far-reaching consequence, is
the question of 'forcing the brewery
out of politics.' It is a question of
whether this colossus shall longer be
permitted to dictate the environment
of your wives and mothers, your sons
and daughters dictate your candi
dates and officers, your legislation,
your taxes, and even your right to life,
liberty, and the pursuit of hapiness."
Charge Is Serious.
This is a charge that heretofore the
brewery has been permitted to dictate
candidates for office, and officers them
selves, and legislation. Now. no one
has paid out a bribe unless there
were another to receive it, and the ex
istence of a tyiannical dictator de
mands the presence of servile instru
ments. If this dictator has been serv
ed by some of the high officers of the
state of Minnesota we ought to know
who the high officers are, for the cor
rupt servant is no better than the cor
rupt master.
Since 1899 there have been four gov
ernors of Minnesota—John Lind, Sam
uel R. Van Sant, John A. Johnson, and
Adolph O. Eberhart. John Lind is my
personal and political friend John A.
Johnson was my personal and political
friend, and I deny that either ot them
was a tool of any corrupt dictator.
The other two are Samuel R. Van
Sant and Adolph O. Eberhart. The
first was on the platform with Mi Lee
and spoke in his behalf at Marshall
the other was not present, but Mr.
Lee took occasion to say, "I thank
Governor Eberhart for his published
assurance of support for the ticket
and I desire also to thank the large
number of Governor Ebcrhart's sup
porters in the primary campaign who
have tendered their support. Today
the party stands united upon advanced
ground."
Surely Mr. Lee cannot consider
these gentlemen, wtih whom he is now
united, brewery servants.
Since 1899 there have been six lieu
tenant governors of the state of Min
nesota—Lyndon G. Smith, Ray W.
Jones, Adolph O. Eberhart, E. E.
Smith, S. Y. Gordon, and J. A. A. Barh
quist. Have any of these been domi
nated by this dictator? They are all
Republicans, and Mr. Lee assures us
that all factional strife within the
party is ended.
Since 1895 there have been three
secretaries of state—Albert Berg,
Peter E. Hanson, and Julius A.
Schmahl. Was any one of these high
officers dominated by this dictator?
The present secretary of state, Mr.
Schmahl, has served in that capacity
some seven or eight years, and was
also on the platform with Mr. Lee
and spoke in his behalf.
Since 1895 there have been five
state treasurers—August T. Koerner,
Julius H. Block, Clarence C. Dinehart,
E. S. Pettijohn and Walter J. Smith
all Republicans and members of the
organization which Mr. Lee states is
now so happily united.
Since 1895 there have been two
state auditors—Mr. Dunn and Mr.
Iverson, the latter having served near
ly twelve years—he was also on the
platform with Mr. Lee, supporting his
candidacy.
Since 1899 there have been five at
torney generals—W. B. Douglas, W. J.
Donahower, Edward T. Young, George
T*. Simpson and Lyndon A. Smith—all
Republicans, and the latter a candi
date on the ticket with Mr. Lee and
present at the Marshall meeting sup
porting him.
Are They Brewery Controlled?
Since the railroad and warehouse
commission became elective no one
but a Republican has been a member
of it, and of the present membership
Mr. Mills and Mr. Staples have served
since 1901, some thirteen years, and
Mr. Elmquist has served from 1909.
The latter is reported to have declared
at the meeting in Minneapolis that
the railroad and warehouse commis
sion* is a Republican commission and
may be relied upon to support the Re
publican candidate. Are any of these
gentlemen brewery controlled?
Since the apportionment of 1897
there have been eight legislatures.
The speaker of the house of the
thirty-first legislature was A. N. Dare,
of the thirty-second, M. J. Dowling of
the thirty-third, L. W. Babcock of the
thirty-fourth, Frank Clague of the
thirty-fifth, Lawrence H. Johnson of
the thirty-sixth, A. J. Rockno of the
thirty-seventh, H. H. Dunn, and of the
thirty-eighth, Henry Rines—all Re
publicans.
Now) ladies and gentlemen, if the
statements made by Messrs. Iverson
and Lee are true, and a dictator has
control of high offices in this state and
of legislation, whom does it control?
Do these gentlemen realize that they
have presented a most terrible indict
ment against the. party organization
to which they claim to belong? It
these statements are true how could,
Mr. Lee in his same speech speak ot
"The affection and high regard which
you, one and all, bear in common with
a great majority of the people of til*
entire state for the one organization
which through more than half a cenv
tury of its history as a state, with but?
two brief interruptions, has guided its
affairs and shaped its policies to the
present natural development of tho
state and the consequent welfare of
its citizens."
He charges that while Republicans
have held all the executive offices of
the state and had a majority in the
legislature this dictator has been per
mitted to control the affairs of state,
to select its officers, and to determine
its laws, and then rejoices upon "the
natural development of the state and
the consequent welfare of its citizens."
Is Statement True?
Now, are these charges made simply
to present a dark and terrible bacfe
gro»nid that the whiteness and purity
of the present candidate may be all
the more resplendent because of the
contrast are they extravagant fancies
based upon little fact or are they
ttue, to the disgrace of some of the
pei sons I have named and the party
which has tolerated them, and to the
lumjl'.ation of the state?
No doubt there are special interests
in this state which have in the past,
and will in the future seek to obtain
advantages through favorable legisla
tion and lax execution of the laws.
These advantages are often called
."special privileges."
Besides his high character, broad in
telligence, and intense patriotism, it
is his constant and successful warfare
against special privilege in any and
every form that has made the people
of the United States, irrespective of
party, stand for and with the presi
ent of the United States—Woodrow
Wilson.
Special interests we have, and we
will continue to have them, but when
special interests attempt to secure
special privileges unfair or to the in
jury of the people of the state, it is
the duty of every public officer to
stand like a rock in opposition--un
yielding and firm. It is not always
the easiest thing to do a powerful
adversaiy may be overcome but not
without leaving scars upon the victor
but they are bears of honor. Sneer*
and slander are not agreeable things
to confront, but the conscientious pub
lic servant will do his duty regardless
of them he will not himself be domi
nated by brewery interests or special
interests, and when convinced that
high state officers and whole legisla
tures are so dominated he will not
hesitate to denounce them and point
out to the people of the state those
who have betrayed their trust.
HAMMOND A
WORKER, LIFE
STORY SHOWS
(Continued from reverse page.)
committee on mines and mining. He
took an active port in connection with
legislation establishing a bureau af
mines, and prepared and urged the
amendment making it the special duty
of that bureau to investigate and as
certain ways to prevent accidents and
save the lives of miners. During his
next term he was a member of the
committee on banking and currency,
and advocated an* amendment to the
national banking act to permit national
banks to loan upon real estate secur
ity, this legislation being finally en
acted by Congress in the recent cur
rency bill.
On Leading Committee.
The Democrats were in control of
the House of Representatives during
Mr. Hammonds third term, and decid
ed to authorize the Democratic mem
bers of the committee on ways and
means to nominate the members of all
the other standing committees of the
House—the majority members of the
committee on ways and means to be
elected by the House and to be pro
hibited from serving ore any other com
mittee. Mr. Hammond was elected a
member of this committee, undoubt
edly the most important committee in
the National Congress. He took an
active part in the preparation and pas
sage of the Underwood tariff bill in
this Congress, making a number of
speeches, and looking after the inter
ests of his state and district in thB re
vision of the schedules.
During his service in Congress, Mr.
Hammond was the only Democrat
from the state of Minnesota, aDd as
there were a number of other state!
in the West having but one or two
Democratic members, what was known
as the Western Association was organ
ized, composed of Democratic mem
bers from Michigan, Wisconsin, Minne
sota, Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, Arixona,
California, Colorado and Montana.
Mr. Hammond was chosen president
and still holds that position.
Close Friend of Johnson.
Mr. Hammond was a close friend ot
the late Governor Johnson. St. Peter
and St. James are not far apart and
the St. Peter editor and the St. James
lawyer were well acquainted long be
fore either won state-wide prominence.
In 1905 Mr. Hammond made the speech
first presenting Johnson's name to the
Democratic state convention as a can
didate for governor. Two years later
he nominated Governor Johnson for
re-election, and that fall Governor
Johnson in turn helped to boost Ham
mond's candidacy for Congress. In
1908 Hammond was a delegate to the
Democratic national convention in
Denver, where he presented Ham
mond's name for president of the
United States. When the vote had
been announced, Mr. Hammond was
the first on the platform with a motion
to make the nomination of W. J. Bryan
unanimous. Mr. Hammond also deliv
ered the principal address at the dedi
cation of the monument to Governor
Johnson in front of the capitol at St.
Paul in November, 1912.