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GIVESKEYNOTE AT RED WING (Continued from reverse page.) particularly along political and eco nomic lines. Dishonesty, or suspected dishonesty, in the administration of public affairs, and in private matters, as well, has resulted in numerous and searching investigations. Efforts for the suppression of vice and the aboli tion of unsanitary practices have brought about the establishment of commissions of many kinds charged with ihe collection of information and its dissemination. The adulteration of food and other articles caused the enactment of the pure food laws and similar measures with hosts of offi cials, inspectors, chemists and exami ners. We insist upon the supervision of the work of engineers, barbers, hoise.shoeis, and the examination of hotels, tenements, manufacturing plants, and opera houses, making nec essary the employment of a large num ber of inspectors, members of boards, and experts. The sentiment favoring a shorter work-day, compensation foi injured employes, child-labor laws and regulations, the building of good roads, prevention of fires, drainage of wet lands, has demanded the enactment of laws requiring administrative officers and their assistants who must be paid for their services and their expenses. All incidental expenditures connected with these things must be paid. The payments are made in dollars. The benefits come in greater comfort, im proved health, and better social con ditions. The amount taken from the treasury must first be put into it. All these good things call for large expen ditures which must be met by the revenues of the state enjoying them. Much Spent for Roads. The total taxes levied by the state and its subdivisions for road and bridge purposes in 1907 amounted to $2,191,320.64, and in 191C—six years later—the levy was $6,60:»,797.08, an increase ot more than 200 per cent. The appropriations of the legislature of the year 1913 were $1,275,130.90 more than the appropriations of the legislature of the jear 1911. The state cannot expend large sums of money for good purposes, or for any purposes, unless its revenues be large enough to meet these expenditures, and as the demands increase so must the revenues increase. In 1903 the state expenditures for Minnesota were be tween eight and nine millions of dol lars five years later they were be tween eleven and twelve millions of dollars, and two years later—in 1912— between fourteen and fifteen millions of dollars, in 1913—eighteen and one half millions of dollars, and it was es timated that for the year ending July 31, 1914, they would be more than twentv-one and two-thirds millions of dollais. Think of this just a moment: Approximately, an increase of $3,000, 000 in the five years ending 1910, a further increase ot-$3,000,000 for the two years ending 1912, and a further increase of about the same amount for the one year 1913, and probably a greater increase in the year 1914. Tax payers are complaining of the 1913 levy paid this year—the 1914 levy to be paid next spring will be probably greater. We must keep up the state institu tions. We must provide all the money necessary for the state to carry on in a good and proper manner its many functions. But we cannot go on as we have been going—increasing our expenditures and burdening the peo ple of the state with excessive taxa tion. Economy and Efficiency. Last year the governor appointed the economy and efficiency commis sion, made up of thirty prominent citi zens of the state who served without pay and who met their own traveling expenses. The commission has made a preliminary report and I quote sali ent sentences from it: "Efficiency in the state administra tion is the most important issue be fore the voters at the coming elec tion." "The diagram showing the enormous growth of state expenditures must em phasize the crying need of radical changes." "The commission's plan would mark a tremendous improvement. It would check the constant rise in the burdens of taxation.. It would give the people more for their money. It would enable the people to control their public service." The commission promises to present its final report prior to the meeting of the next legislature, and that body, in my judgment, should give the re port most careful consideration and endeavor to carry into effect by prop er legislative enactment those recom mendations that will promote economy and efficiency. The commission proposes a reor ganization of the executive service that there may be a responsible head to that service and that its various departments may be so co-ordinated that there will be no unnecessary em ployes and no duplication of work so that order and system may replace confusion and incoherence. It pro poses six executive departments, and a director for each department. Four of these directors to be appointed by the governor, one to be elected by the people, and one to be selected by a board which the governor appoints. In passing, let it be observed that this makes for the short ballot a thing much to be de sired. The governor, the lieuten ant governor, and the treasurer would be thf only state executive offi cers elected. Our state constitution, howevei. provides that in addition to the governor and lieutenant governor, (the secretary of state, the auditor, the treasurer, and the attorney general shall be chosen by the electors of the state, and shall constitute the execu tive department. It will, therefore, be necessary to amend the state constitu tion to make the commission's plan of reorganization effective. In its final report I trust the commission will make it clear that under the plan pro posed there will be no increase in the number of state officials. Civil Service System. Next, the commission proposes the establishment of the merit system, providing a civil service commission very like the United States civil ser vice commission, to receive the appli cations of those who desire appoint ments, to examine the applicants, and to recommend thein to the various de partments when vacancies occur. This will do away with what is known as "The Spoils System," and will make it difficult to build up a political ma chine composed of state officials. Much can be said in favor of the establish ment of the merit system. It has not escaped criticism—It creates an office-holding class. Once a position in the civil service is obtained its holder feels that he has such an in terest in it and such a right to it, that he cannot be separated from it. The inefficient, as well as the efficient^ claim life-tenure of office and believe, upon their retirement on account of old age, they should be provided for through pensions or other fixed pay ments. This may be avoided if at the very beginning appointments in the civil service are made—not for life, but for a definite term of years—six or ten. Say six years. Nothing would prevent the efficient and capable from being reappointed, while the careless, indifferent and the inefficient would not be reappointed—much to the bene fit of the state. The commission hav ing to do with these appointments and reappointments would, of course, be a nonpartisan body. The third recommendation of the commission relates to the establish ment of a budget system. With the reorganization that is proposed, the heads of the departments and the gov ernor would prepare estimates of the revenues of the state, and of the ex penditures necessary for two fiscal years, and these estimates, with de tailed information, would be present ed to the legislature on the first day of the legislative session, so that there would be abundance of time for that body to consider and act upon them. High Taxes Must Cease. I sincerely trust that this great work will receive the attention it de serves, not only from the members of the legislature, but from the people of the state. The hig"h taxation of to day cannot continue, the expenditures of the state must be lessened, and here is a rational and well-thought-out plan to promote cificiency and econ omy. Including the swamp lands granted to the state of Minnesota, but unpat ented, the state has some three mil lion acres of land much of which is not only suitable for agriculture, but, when improved, exceptionally fertile. Every year a large number of persons come here looking for land. Many of them have means sufficient to pur chase improved farms and to carry them on. There are others who would prove most desirable citizens of the state who have limited means. They are strong, ambitious and industrious and would gladly buy the state land suitable for agriculture. But they must have land that will respond read ily to their efforts and bring quick re turns they cannot drain and clear the lands themselves for they cannot do without income during the process of development. The state itself should undertake to improve these lands so that they would attract pur chasers who would settle upon them and make them productive. It is I greatly to the advantage of the state to do this. Its nonproductive agri cultural land should be made produc tive and pass into the hands of actual settlers as soon as possible, so that it would do its part in sustaining the burdens of county and state govern ment. These lands should be cleared, drained and made accessible to mar kets by the construction of suitable roads. To permit this fertile, produc tive land to remain idle for years, when hundreds of industrious men and women would make homes on it and convert the dreary wastes into fields of waving grain, is economically, if not morally, wrong. Before any land is offered for sale, however, it should be thoroughly examined to the end that it may be known what is under the surface as well as on it. For the present we should hold our mineral land. For Land Development. At the Democratic state conference recently held in St. Paul a platform was adopted containing this declara tion—with it I am in full accord: "Our state should adopt a system atic and business-like plan of develop ing and settling its rich resources of public lands, now idle and fruitless through state neglect. To this end, we recommend the creation of a state department revolving fund, to be used in improving state-owned lands by draining submerged areas, by build ing roads to inaccessible areas, and by partial clearing of stump-covered lands the cost of such improvements to be charged to the land benefited and recovered into the revolving fund when such land is sold. Wherever lands pri vately owned are benefited by such improvements, they should be assess ed their full share of the cost. We urge this not only as a measure of true conservation and development for the relief of northern Minnesota, but as a business plan that will profit the entire state." Within the boundaries of the state there are approximately 50 million acres of land 33 million of these acres were originally forest lands, and probably 28 million acres—including cut-over and burnt-over areas—are forest land today. A large part of this area is suitable for agriculture and ultimately will be devoted to that purpose. The other part is nonagri cultural land and can be put to no better use than forest culture. Some of this land is the property of the state, some of it is in private owner ship, and except for the timber now standing upon it, of little value. If the state should adopt the policy of acquiring, as rapidly as possible while it is cheap, this nonagricultural land now owned by individuals and would conserve its own lands of this charac ter, planting each year some portion of it to trees, in years to come the com monwealth would be possessed of mag nificent state forests. Spruce devel ops very rapidly here, and there is great demand for it for pulpwood. Minnesota may be called the home of the white pine, and its value for lum ber is well known. Birch, poplar, and other trees do well. If we had a great area forested and belonging to the state it would yield a large annual in come as well as provide a sclendid playground for health and recreation seekers to say nothing of the satis faction of making good use of what would otherwise be waste land and making beautiful and attractive what would otherwise be a cheerless uni formity. This cannot be done in one generation, but we owe it to ourselves and to those who will come after us to proceed along economic lines to the accomplishment of this result. Forest Conservation. The great enemy of the forest is fire, and there should be adequate ap propriations each year for fire preven tion. Last year we lost through these forest fires $98,000. Next, each year some portion of the nonagricultural land not owned by the state should be acquired and made a part of our public domain, and no year should pass but that a considerable portion of such land should be planted to trees. We may well be proud of our position as an agricultural state —third in the production of wheat, third in the production of oats, and first in the production of barley. But this is not all our iron ranges are now yielding more iron ore than is produced in all the rest of the states together—five-eighths (better than 62 per cent) of the total of the United States in 1913 Minnesota alone pro ducing more iron ore than any foreign nation in the world except Germany. Nor is this all. It is the greatest lum ber-producing state east of the Rocky mountains. Thousands of our citizens find employment in its lumber camps, on the rivers, in the mills and in the manufactoiies handling this product. Possibilities for development appear now to be without limit, and it is the part of wisdom to take advantage of our opportunities. We receive from the federal government $10,000 a year to aid in this work our state should stand first in forest conservation and forest culture. Lake Superior Canal. The relations of Minnesota with oth er states and with the federal govern ment are naturally of great impor tance. In March of last year, by act of the legislatuie, the Minnesota, Lake Superior and Mississippi canal com mission, composed of the governor, the state drainage engineer and the chairman of the board of railroad and warehouse commissioners, was estab lished, and the state of Wisconsin, in the July following, appointed its Lake Superior and Mississippi canal com mission, composed of three members to be appointed by the governor of that state. The two bodies have co-operat ed in an effort to bring about the con struction of a canal from l^ake. Supe rior to the Mississippi river—a' work that will cost in the neighborhood of eight millions of dollars. The federal river and harbor act of August 17, 1894, appropriated $10,000 for the mak ing of surveys and for examinations to determine the best route to con nect these waterways, and in March, 1899, the legislative provision was supplemented by directing that a re port be made upon the advisability of such construction. From an engineer ing standpoint the work was feasible, but commercially, the engineer in charge held that the plan was not one which should be undertaken by the government. Another report was made subsequent to the river and har bor act of 1909, which was likewise unfavorable to the project, but the matter was again presented to the government engineers by the river and harbor act of 1912, and the unfavor able report of the local board of Unit ed States army engineers, being un satisfactory to the Minnesota and Wisconsin commissions, an appeal was taken to the general board of en gineers on rivers and harbors, at Washington, where the matter is now pending. Should the decision of the local beard be reversed, and the fed eral government committed to this project, congress will be asked to make a suitable appropriation for the construction, and a great avenue or waterway of communication opened up. With the rapid development of Minnesota and Wisconsin territory, the canal is likely to become of great importance commercially. Plan Is Promising. The advocates of improved water ways have unlimited enthusiasm, and have succeeded in obtaining great sums of money from the federal treas ury for the improvement of rivers and harbors. So far, it must be admitted, the results have not been very encour aging, but it would seem that this plan of uniting the Great Lakes, pos sessing the greatest inland commerce in the world, with the Mississippi river—the most important navigable stream in the United States, promises exceedingly great value to commerce. Of course, the state of Minnesota has concurrent jurisdiction of the Mis sissippi and all other rivers and wa ters on its borders so far as they form a common boundary of our state and other states. Congress passed what is known as the "Swamp Act" in 1850. It was en titled, "An act to enable the state of Arkansas and other states to reclaim the swamp lands within their limits." By the act of March 12, 1860, the pro visions of the law were extended to Minnesota and Oregon. Thereby the government granted to the state of Minnesota the swamp lands within its borders, but the original purpose of the grant was to enable the state to construct the necessary levees and drains to reclaim the swamp and over flowed lands therein," and the act it self provided that the proceeds of the lands should be applied exclusively, as far as necessary, to the purpose of re claiming the said lands by means of levees and drains. Now, our state constitution provides that the funds derived from the sales of swamp lands shall forever be preserved inviolate and undiminished—one-half to be ap propriated to the common school fund and the other half to be appropriated to the educational and charitable in stitutions of the state. It is claimed that the state of Minnesota in appro priating the proceeds -of these lands, as under its constitution it was as sumed it was obliged to appropriate them, violated a condition of the grant, and the federal government has declined to patent to the state a large area of these swamp lands. It is a matter of great concern to the state of Minnesota involving sixty-five thousand acres of land located in the northern part of the state, possibly some of it rich in ore. These instances illustrate the ques tions arising between the state of Min- nesota and the federal government, and between the state of Minnesota and other states. Matters of grave importance, to which the governor, by reason of his office, should give par ticular attention as the chief executive officer of this great commonwealth. State Institutions. Possessed of an exceptionally good school system, of which we are very proud, all believe the University of Minnesota, normal schools, high schools and common schools should be maintained at the present high standard and agricultural schools and farm instruction given ample support. Every instinct of humanity urges us to see that our reformatory, training schools and institutions for the care of the weak, the stricken and the helpless shall lack nothing that will contribute to the welfare of their in mates. No state has a better appointed pris on nor one better conducted than our own. Convicts are men and women, some weak, some wicked, but human beings. Because they have broken the social law we have no warrant to violate the divine law. "And as ye would that men should do unto you, do you also to them likewise." For the protection of society it is necessary to separate the criminal from his fellows, but we seek to make the prisoner a better man, not simply to punish him. Discusses Veto Power. But the governor has a function in connection with legislation other than the right to suggest and to recom mend. He has a negative upon all laws passed by the legislature. But that negative is subject to constitu tional rules and limitations. Every act of the legislature before it becomes a law must be presented to the gover nor upon his approval it becomes a law. He may not approve it, but fail to return it to the house where it or iginated within three days, and in that case it becomes a law he may return the bill with his objections to it with in three days, and in such case it re quires a two-thirds vote of both branches of the legislature to become a law. Thus the executive may by his vote kill legislation approved by a large majority of both houses. There are legislative questions at this time of compelling interest and the voters of the state have a right to know, and ought to know, if the candidate for governor intends, if elected, to use the veto power against legislation in which they or many of them are particularly interested. A belf-respecting citizen will not as sume any office unless he feels that he can discharge the duties of that of fice according to the constitution of the state and his oath of office. He is bound by the declaration of his party platform if he is a partisan candidate, and by his pre-election statements. Those statements should be made pub lic, for the candidate who makes pri vate pledges and promises to secure votes carries on a campaign of deceit and, if elected, has obtained his elec tion by fraud and cunning. No self respecting constituency, on the other hand, would expect a candidate worthy of an important office to bind himself with all sorts of promises and pledges, as though he were so dishonorable and so crafty that he could not be trusted. Opposed to Use of Veto. Our legislature is like all other American legislatures—bicameral. One house is a check upon the other. Sometimes legislation is considered when passions are excited, or when strong prejudices exist, or when mis apprehension or fear befogs men's minds. At such times were there but one legislative chamber, laws might be enacted that would curse rather than bless our commonwealth. It is elementary that legislation affecting millions of people must be carefully considered, closely scrutinized, and de termined with calmness and delibera tion. If a measure is driven through one chamber hastily and under such stress of excitement that effective pro visions receive little or no considera tion, there is another house where op portunity is given to correct where correction is needed, or to defeat if defeat there should be. But the con stitution wisely provides another check—the veto of the governor. True, it is not an absolute check, for two thirds of each house may make law without the governor's approval, but after a proposition has run the gaunt let of two houses and the executive chamber, it is not likely to receive the two-thirds assent of each body unless it contains much more good than harm. Now, the governor of Minnesota, with whom this legislative power is entrusted, will deal with a nonpartisan legislature. Surely, if any representa tive body can be assumed to represent faithfully the sentiment of the state, that body can. Suppose a subject, for instance, county option, or a uni versal primary, which has been dis cussed throughout the state in a polit ical campaign, praised and assailed in the press and on the platform, with which the people are fairly familiar, is considered by this nonpartisan leg islature and a bill covering it approved by both bodies reflecting the judg ment and the opinion of the people of the state in such case ought the gov ernor—whatever his own porsonal views may be—interpose a veto. I think not! The veto power is intend ed to check hasty and ill-considered action, or to challenge a measure clear ly unconstitutional or one involving a radical change of policy upon which the people have had no opportunity to render judgment and which the governor might believe unwise and dangerous, or a measure entailing larger expenditures than the revenues of the state would warrant in all such cases the governor might, with propriety, exercise the veto power. This is an orderly government—a law-abiding commonwealth. We have a fundamental law—not for the use of the majority alone—but to protect the minority as well. There are rights one man may have which all the oth er citizens of the state ought not to be able to take from him even if they would but when the majority of the people of the state determine upon any matter of public policy in a way that is not contrary to our fundamen tal law, it is the duty of all legisla tive and executive officers to carry out the mandate of our highest au thority. In speaking of the nonpartisan law, I referred to the proposition to en- large the statute to cover all the elec tive state officials, and in calling your attention to the report of the economy and efficiency commission occasion was taken to commend the short bal lot Initiative and Referendum. The extension of the elective fran chise to include women and the inau guration of the initiative and referen dum are matters that will sooner or later be submitted to the people. Next November there will be a vote upon the latter. The last Democratic candi date for governor made his campaign largely upon this issue, and his excel lent presentation of the subject went far to make it popular. The Demo cratic party has always favored it. The Progressives and many Republic ans advocate it. It is very desirable legislation and we may look for its early incorporation into the laws of the state. Where Is Dictator? Early in March of this year. State Auditor Iverson, then a candidate for nomination for governor, made a speech in Fillmore county, and he is reported by the Minneapolis Journal to have stated: "An unseen power has raised up in our midst a keen and resourceful dic tator with unlimited dictatorial pow ers he assumes political leadeiship, dictates who shall or shall not become candidates for even high offices as sumes dictatorship over public poli cies and directs what legislation s-iiall or shall not be enacted by the repre sentatives of the people in legislature assembled *." Mr. Lee, now a candidate for gover nor, in a speech recently delivered at Marshall, said according to the report of the same paper: "Topping all other issues in import ance and far-reaching consequence, is the question of 'forcing the brewery out of politics.' It is a question of whether this colossus shall longer be permitted to dictate the environment of your wives and mothers, your sons and daughters dictate your candi dates and officers, your legislation, your taxes, and even your right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hapiness." Charge Is Serious. This is a charge that heretofore the brewery has been permitted to dictate candidates for office, and officers them selves, and legislation. Now. no one has paid out a bribe unless there were another to receive it, and the ex istence of a tyiannical dictator de mands the presence of servile instru ments. If this dictator has been serv ed by some of the high officers of the state of Minnesota we ought to know who the high officers are, for the cor rupt servant is no better than the cor rupt master. Since 1899 there have been four gov ernors of Minnesota—John Lind, Sam uel R. Van Sant, John A. Johnson, and Adolph O. Eberhart. John Lind is my personal and political friend John A. Johnson was my personal and political friend, and I deny that either ot them was a tool of any corrupt dictator. The other two are Samuel R. Van Sant and Adolph O. Eberhart. The first was on the platform with Mi Lee and spoke in his behalf at Marshall the other was not present, but Mr. Lee took occasion to say, "I thank Governor Eberhart for his published assurance of support for the ticket and I desire also to thank the large number of Governor Ebcrhart's sup porters in the primary campaign who have tendered their support. Today the party stands united upon advanced ground." Surely Mr. Lee cannot consider these gentlemen, wtih whom he is now united, brewery servants. Since 1899 there have been six lieu tenant governors of the state of Min nesota—Lyndon G. Smith, Ray W. Jones, Adolph O. Eberhart, E. E. Smith, S. Y. Gordon, and J. A. A. Barh quist. Have any of these been domi nated by this dictator? They are all Republicans, and Mr. Lee assures us that all factional strife within the party is ended. Since 1895 there have been three secretaries of state—Albert Berg, Peter E. Hanson, and Julius A. Schmahl. Was any one of these high officers dominated by this dictator? The present secretary of state, Mr. Schmahl, has served in that capacity some seven or eight years, and was also on the platform with Mr. Lee and spoke in his behalf. Since 1895 there have been five state treasurers—August T. Koerner, Julius H. Block, Clarence C. Dinehart, E. S. Pettijohn and Walter J. Smith all Republicans and members of the organization which Mr. Lee states is now so happily united. Since 1895 there have been two state auditors—Mr. Dunn and Mr. Iverson, the latter having served near ly twelve years—he was also on the platform with Mr. Lee, supporting his candidacy. Since 1899 there have been five at torney generals—W. B. Douglas, W. J. Donahower, Edward T. Young, George T*. Simpson and Lyndon A. Smith—all Republicans, and the latter a candi date on the ticket with Mr. Lee and present at the Marshall meeting sup porting him. Are They Brewery Controlled? Since the railroad and warehouse commission became elective no one but a Republican has been a member of it, and of the present membership Mr. Mills and Mr. Staples have served since 1901, some thirteen years, and Mr. Elmquist has served from 1909. The latter is reported to have declared at the meeting in Minneapolis that the railroad and warehouse commis sion* is a Republican commission and may be relied upon to support the Re publican candidate. Are any of these gentlemen brewery controlled? Since the apportionment of 1897 there have been eight legislatures. The speaker of the house of the thirty-first legislature was A. N. Dare, of the thirty-second, M. J. Dowling of the thirty-third, L. W. Babcock of the thirty-fourth, Frank Clague of the thirty-fifth, Lawrence H. Johnson of the thirty-sixth, A. J. Rockno of the thirty-seventh, H. H. Dunn, and of the thirty-eighth, Henry Rines—all Re publicans. Now) ladies and gentlemen, if the statements made by Messrs. Iverson and Lee are true, and a dictator has control of high offices in this state and of legislation, whom does it control? Do these gentlemen realize that they have presented a most terrible indict ment against the. party organization to which they claim to belong? It these statements are true how could, Mr. Lee in his same speech speak ot "The affection and high regard which you, one and all, bear in common with a great majority of the people of til* entire state for the one organization which through more than half a cenv tury of its history as a state, with but? two brief interruptions, has guided its affairs and shaped its policies to the present natural development of tho state and the consequent welfare of its citizens." He charges that while Republicans have held all the executive offices of the state and had a majority in the legislature this dictator has been per mitted to control the affairs of state, to select its officers, and to determine its laws, and then rejoices upon "the natural development of the state and the consequent welfare of its citizens." Is Statement True? Now, are these charges made simply to present a dark and terrible bacfe gro»nid that the whiteness and purity of the present candidate may be all the more resplendent because of the contrast are they extravagant fancies based upon little fact or are they ttue, to the disgrace of some of the pei sons I have named and the party which has tolerated them, and to the lumjl'.ation of the state? No doubt there are special interests in this state which have in the past, and will in the future seek to obtain advantages through favorable legisla tion and lax execution of the laws. These advantages are often called ."special privileges." Besides his high character, broad in telligence, and intense patriotism, it is his constant and successful warfare against special privilege in any and every form that has made the people of the United States, irrespective of party, stand for and with the presi ent of the United States—Woodrow Wilson. Special interests we have, and we will continue to have them, but when special interests attempt to secure special privileges unfair or to the in jury of the people of the state, it is the duty of every public officer to stand like a rock in opposition--un yielding and firm. It is not always the easiest thing to do a powerful adversaiy may be overcome but not without leaving scars upon the victor but they are bears of honor. Sneer* and slander are not agreeable things to confront, but the conscientious pub lic servant will do his duty regardless of them he will not himself be domi nated by brewery interests or special interests, and when convinced that high state officers and whole legisla tures are so dominated he will not hesitate to denounce them and point out to the people of the state those who have betrayed their trust. HAMMOND A WORKER, LIFE STORY SHOWS (Continued from reverse page.) committee on mines and mining. He took an active port in connection with legislation establishing a bureau af mines, and prepared and urged the amendment making it the special duty of that bureau to investigate and as certain ways to prevent accidents and save the lives of miners. During his next term he was a member of the committee on banking and currency, and advocated an* amendment to the national banking act to permit national banks to loan upon real estate secur ity, this legislation being finally en acted by Congress in the recent cur rency bill. On Leading Committee. The Democrats were in control of the House of Representatives during Mr. Hammonds third term, and decid ed to authorize the Democratic mem bers of the committee on ways and means to nominate the members of all the other standing committees of the House—the majority members of the committee on ways and means to be elected by the House and to be pro hibited from serving ore any other com mittee. Mr. Hammond was elected a member of this committee, undoubt edly the most important committee in the National Congress. He took an active part in the preparation and pas sage of the Underwood tariff bill in this Congress, making a number of speeches, and looking after the inter ests of his state and district in thB re vision of the schedules. During his service in Congress, Mr. Hammond was the only Democrat from the state of Minnesota, aDd as there were a number of other state! in the West having but one or two Democratic members, what was known as the Western Association was organ ized, composed of Democratic mem bers from Michigan, Wisconsin, Minne sota, Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, Arixona, California, Colorado and Montana. Mr. Hammond was chosen president and still holds that position. Close Friend of Johnson. Mr. Hammond was a close friend ot the late Governor Johnson. St. Peter and St. James are not far apart and the St. Peter editor and the St. James lawyer were well acquainted long be fore either won state-wide prominence. In 1905 Mr. Hammond made the speech first presenting Johnson's name to the Democratic state convention as a can didate for governor. Two years later he nominated Governor Johnson for re-election, and that fall Governor Johnson in turn helped to boost Ham mond's candidacy for Congress. In 1908 Hammond was a delegate to the Democratic national convention in Denver, where he presented Ham mond's name for president of the United States. When the vote had been announced, Mr. Hammond was the first on the platform with a motion to make the nomination of W. J. Bryan unanimous. Mr. Hammond also deliv ered the principal address at the dedi cation of the monument to Governor Johnson in front of the capitol at St. Paul in November, 1912.