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IN FAVOR OF JUDGE FRENCH. The Kepublican Central Committee Takes Action on Ninth District Politics. It Decides that Judge £. D. Trench is the Eea:ular Nominee. The Decision is the Outgrowth of Charges Against W. "W. Smith. That Gentleman Promises to Support Mr. French. The Only Natural Outcome of a Vexatious Squabble. The Republican State Central Corn mittee met in St Paul last Friday for the puipose of considering chaiges pie ferred against W. Smith, a member of the committee, to tne effect that he was bolter Ex-Congressman John Lind A\a& piesent and was called upon to give a biie statement of the facts connected with the senatorial differences the Ninth District. He did so and t\ is listened to attentively and wuh m teitst When he came to state that foui niLmbeib of the fhbt Blown county de legation enteicd the senatonil conven tion with Redwood county, he was m tuiuptcd by "Weudendorf, who mted to know if those four men pre sented any ciedcntuls This wab just what Mi Lmd wanted and he bi icily told how the ciedentulb had been duly made out and signed, but that neifchei Ki ok, Iliys, lle&b noi bmith knew any thing of then wheieabouts, notlvwith stxnding it 1* 5 shown that each o" them at one time 01 another had the creden tials in his possession. This was sufii. cient for the committee on this point and Mr Lind left with them affidavits and newspapers to bear out thp statements he had made. Among these was the senatorial call issued by S. D. Peterson in 1890, in which he made the appor tionment on the same basis as that adopted by the senatonal committee in 1894 and which Peteison now challenges as unfair and unjust. Hays followed Mr Lind in be- half of Mi. Smith and made a very weak argument When he referred to the ad mission of Richard Gerdes as a delegate in their convention with the powei to cast 20 votes, he was asked by one of the committeemen to state at what time the convention was held that elected Mr. Geides and upon what credentials he was admitted. He was compelled to admit that no convention was ever held and that Geides had no credentials but was admitted simply as a citizen of Reelw ood county. The committee heard him through, but were not moved by his many ill-timed accusations. W. W. Smith was then heaid in his own defense and stated that he had simply acted up. on the instructions of the county con vention in heading the bolt against the regular senatonal convention. It devel oped how ever that he togethei with those who were present with him weie the pume moveis in seeming the passage of the resolution, or in other words were veiy active in instructing themselves to bolt. The committee then went into execu tive session and exonerated Smith from the chaiges after he had promised faith fully to support the regular nominee. The decision of the committee was reach ed in a lesolution as follows Wheieas, Charges have been preferred against W. W Smith, a member of this committee, to the effect that be is not a loyal republican and is not supporting the nominee of the party for the senate if the Ninth senatorial district of tbis state, and Wheieas, Theie is a dispute as to who is the regular nominee in said district, and the question therefore in volves a question as to which of two candidates claiming the nominatien is the legular nominee, and Whereas, This committee after invest igation of the matter aie of the opinion that E. French is the regular nominee for the state senate in said senatorial district, and Wheieas, said W. W. Smith has an nounced befoie said committee his loy alty to the republican party of tbis state and his willingness to support the regu lar nominees of the party, Now, therefore, Be it heieby resolved that said charges be, and the same are hereby dismissed. Hood's Pills are the best family cath artic and livei medicine. Harmless, re liable, suie. 5 The Punishment of Children. Conscientious parents can have no interest in life higher than the well-being of their children. Children furnish an opportunity to do for them what we wish we had done for ourselves. The perplex ing problems of life will remain unsolved until we have learned how to educate the future men and women. The home has been called a miniature moral empire, which suggests the idea of order. Order is born of authority and obedience. There can be no order without law, and a law must have a sanction, else it is void. Penalty or punishment suggests suffer ing. All punishment is painful. But pain and pleasure, however, are the two educators of life. The discipline of the one is negative, that of the other positive. The one attracts to virtue, the other re pels from vice. This is not a capricious ariangement of man, but the method of nature. The hands that caress can also hurt, the voice that sings can also rebuke* The little child must know the mothei that gives and the mother that denies. Theie are those who would make edu cation stand only on one foot. They aigue against all punishment. Not authonty without freedom, nor freedom without authoixty, but authonty recon ciled to freedom should be the aim of education The instinct of libeity in the chilel accounts for its resistance to authonty, the instinct of love explains its willingness to obey. We cannot live on equal teims with our children, for, as Perez has said, if we treat them as our equals, they will tieat us as then mfen ois. There is nothing moie humilating than the spectacle of a parent helpless in the presence of a child. Reliance upon the principle ot natural consequenc es will frequently lead us astray. Will Nature always adjust the effect to the act? Will the adjustment be always moral9 It is a matter of experience that sometimes the natural consequence of an act comes so late that it is hardly recogn ized as having any relation to the act which provoked it. Then, again, it comes vvith such haste and suddenness that it leaves no time for reflection. It ought to be the aim of parents to prevent their children from being thus marred and maimed for life. In fact, this is the mission of the parent—to stand between the child and danger, physical as well as moral. Cluldien are impulsive, we mus* counteract this quality by our constancy. They are impatient, we must be calm. They aie fickle, we must be firm. Child ren must grapple with the future, we must make the page of the past cleai to them. In order to be successful in the admin istration of discipline, two things must be undeistood, the child and the method of Nature. Every short-coming in the child should be traced to its beginnings. Why is the child untruthful? Who teach es the child to dissimulate? Nature? There is a difference between the moral and the physical nature of man. We can treat the finger or the eye without veiy much affecting the entire body. There can be local physical treatment, but no local moral treatment. All moral weakness is organic. Moral education, therefore, must not be limited or local it must be comprehensive. It must begin with the heait, out of which are the issues of life. What does it mean to punish? It means to direct disobedience to its natural result—pain. The purpose of panishment is to associate in the mind of the child sin with suffering. It is to intensify the hatied of wrong and to provoke repentance. Our aim should not be meiely to make the child do right, but to make it love to do right. He who punishes must assume all the digni ty and 'impartiality of an instrument of justice. He must act not from passion but from principle. The abuse of punishment is more dang erous than the greatest indulgence. At the present day we have outgrown the harsh methods of the past. Corporal punishment is almost entirely excluded from our schools. The arguments in favor of it were ingenious but not con vincing. The hurt occasioned by corpor al punishment is not to the body but to the mind. I is after all the mind that is struck. But this is not all. In ap pealing to the mind, we treat the child as a rational creature. This is a claim of the child which we eannot ignore. Corporal punishment is one-sided. Be sides, corporal punishment, as Herbert Spencer has shown, is associated with man in the childhood of the world. It is the savage, who has not patience to reason or explain, who strikes. Corpor al punishment can seldom be administ- ered without passion. When we show excitement, we give signs of weakness. Then the young boy or girl becomes con scious of a power over us. This is a temptation to youth. The danger of corporal punishment, therefore, is that we can seldom administer it without los ing our head. On the other hand, we cannot appeal to the reason without be coming ourselves more reasonable. The punishment must never tempt the child to doubt the dignity of its own naturet All the virtues are born of honor. Besides corporal punishment, there are other punishments which are not justifia ble. To shut up a child in a dark room is to spur its imagination into wild fanc ies. Darkness is a bad campanion. It will contract and terrify the child. De nying children the necessary amount of sleep or food, exposing them to the in clemency of the weather, withholding from them for too long a time the tokens of effection, treating them as strangers, or as enemies,or ignoring them altogether —these aie measures which do more haim than good. Punishment should be of such a nature that, if necessary, the paients ean shar^ it with the children. The child must know that it cannot suffer alone, physically, much less morally. Its suffering bungs suffering to others. This is the lesson Inch will develop the social element the child. In the second place, wc must correct the faults of the child by its virtues, that is to say, the strong qualities of the mind rnu-t spui the weak faculties into play If a child is physic ally strong, but morally weak let the parent hold up to view the two sides of its nature, until the phj cally strono child shall be a&hamed of its moral cow ardice. Let the child look into the mir ror and see first The robust, healthy, powerfully built frame, let it look again into the mirror and see the small, selfish soul. To make the higher nature shrink from the lower nature and feel uncom fortable in its presence—to make the dis ipline self-administrative, the fault self corrective—this is the economic principle in education. Hence not only the duty, but also the beauty of obedience.—M. M. Mangasarian, in the International Journ al of Ethics, Philadelphia. Lake Hanska- Your paper of two weeks ago con tained a report of the suicide of a man named Siver Hanson. This was a mis take, for the man was certainly Siver 4v dem, whose home was in the northwest portion of the township of Lake Hans ka. In this connection, I want to say a few words regarding his burial. The of ficiating minister did not give him the customary Christian interment, but omit ted many of the usual rites of the church because of the manner in which the man had come to his death. This practise of according a different burials to suicides is a relic of semi-barbarian laws, dating back as far as the time of Charles in the 16th century, when Norway was uni ted with Denmark under one king. It's only object seems to be to bring disgrace upon the family, and to apply it in this instance was improper to say the least, particulaily when it wasevidentthatMr. Avdem was suffering from monomonia. We would like to hope that the Scandi navian Lutheran preachers could aban don these old customs, so little in acc«rd with American spirit, but it seems that they think more of retrogression than they do of Americanizing themselves. The Hanska Postoffice was moved to the store-building on the 1st. Halvor Halvorsen's barn was destroyed by fire last Sunday. A young colt per ished in the flames. A great many farmers from this vicin ity took in the State Fair. Among them were M. Broste and wife, John Torgrem son, Jacob Bakke, Lars Melm and An dreas Brudeli. John Drexler of Cottonwood is work ing in the Hanska Linden creamery. He will manage the Sigel-Cottonwood skim ming station as soon as the present man ager, Mr. Moe, leaves for Madison, Wis. He is going there to acquire a more per fect education in dairying. My heart leaps up ween I behold A flower ever so rare So was it whem my life began So is it now am a man So let it be when I am old, Or let me die! -Wordsworth. What man with a heart would not feel his heart leap on beholding roses bloom ing anew in his wife's cheeks? No true man likes to see in bis wife a sallow complextion, dull eye", and all the ills attendant upon the irregularities and "weaknesses" peculiar to the sex. Hap pily these can be banished, and the roses be ensured by the use of Dr. Pierce's Faxorite Prescription. For nursing mothers or those about to become moth ers it is a priceless boon. It lessons the painf and perils of child-birth, shortens labor, promotes the secretioni of an ab undance of nourishment for the child, and shortens the period of confinement. M&$S*k& ,M r? V&fitfu V&&&5.7**tw-f COMPLIMENTARY TO LIND. The Sleepy Eye Herald Speaks Highly of his Speech. The Herald of Saturday says: Hon. John land's speech last Thursday even ing was in many respects one of the best logically, from a true Republican stand point, ever delivered in the hall. Al though not prepared to give a set speech Mr. Lind was equal to the occasion. Dur ing the course ot his address he made some points that heed emphasizing. In his criticisms of populists, their doctrines and demands, he had nothing but the kindest words. He made the statement that old party politicians must not cry down or ridicule these new questions that are now before the people. It is the duty of e^ ery man to calmly and dis passionately from an unpartisan stand point discuss them for the purpose of solving them. The people's party had just as wise, just as patriotic men in its paity, and the republican party states men must meet the arguments of the new reformers honestly, courteously and fair ly. Mr. Lind took the ground that nop ulist doctnne and demands were nothing else than advanced republicanism. The republican paity being a party of pro gress and refoim since its infancy and the only paity that has ever grappled and sob ed the great question^ of modern government, as a party it could not ig nore the present social and industrial questions now under discussion. The speaker considered these demands in the main right, but a process of education had to be instilled into the people be fore these theones could be put into practice. Turning his attention to the questions of the tariff Mr. Lmd said he was in favor of "trading jacknives at home," or in other words he longed to see the day when we could get along without the aid of any foreign land, America being strong enough and big enough to make every article needed right here in the United States. On the financial question Mr. Lind was quite .it home. During the progress of his dis cussion of this troublesome issue he grew both earnest and eloquent in his denun ciations of the evils of contraction of cur iency and the ideas of a monometalic ba sis. True republicanum did not only mean protection to American industries but an inherent right to legislate on fi nancial questions without the interven tion of foreign influence. The United States has been legislating on the tariff to suit herself, and why not legislate to suit herself without the aid of Europe on everything of a national character. This country does not want to be a tail to the European gold bag kite of the Roths childs and other crooked nose Shylocks. In this fight for free coinage of both gold and silver Mr. Lind said he was awarp that many of his party leaders were not with him, but was glad to know that such brainy statesmen as Tom Reed, Don Cameron, John P. Jones and others were of the* same mind with him on the finan cial question. The repeal of the Sher man law was mentioned by the ex-con gressman as being in the interests of the money power and the continual buying of bonds as a useless piece of folly. The address througho.it was listened to with much interest and everybody was pleased. Numerals and Ciphers. Gov. Nelson always goes to the heart of his "subject'-. He can never be accused of being a sophistical rhetorician inebri ated with the exuberance of his own im agination," as was charged against Glad stone by the late Benjamin Disraeli. The governor is a clear and logical thinker and possesses the gift of expressing his ideas in simple and perspicuous teims, thoroughly understood by the people. His speech at Mankato is an excellent example of his style. I is a style which tiie Democrats and Populists do not bike very much. It is convincing toe many persons, who have been beguiled by the sophistries of Democrats and Populists, of the folly of experimenting with these pretentious systems. A political party or system must be judged by its accomplished facts. The governor presents the hard, relentless facts, accomplished by the Republican party during the third of a century of domination. The enormous progress of the country, whose advantages Democrats and Populists have enjoysd, is the fruit age of Republican policies. The state of Minnesota has shared in the beneficial effects of these policies. The opportun ity which Populists and Democrats had to show whether they could improve on fffcfi&"Mgs A JEJjfeafe^tfj f-fei'ki*' Republican policies or not, brought forth nothing to recommend a supercession of the Republican regime in tbis state. Let it be noted that the lpgislature of 1890, wherein the blatant reformers of the Donnelly stripe had their opportunity* accomplished no legislation advantage ous to the farmers, and with the excep tion of passing the Australian ballet law the record of public service was a blank. For this meager service the taxpayers had to pay $21,000 for running expenses more than the succeeding Republican legislature entailed upon them. Here is a record, on the part of the so-called Al liance reformers, of a cold-blooded ciph er taxing the people extravagantly. On the other hand, the legislature of 1893 lowered the state taxes from 2.2 mills to 1.7 mills, or $386,000 less than the Alli ance legislature. It continued the form er good Republican work of creating the railroad and warehouse commission by enacting the country elevator law, which placed all the country elevators and ware houses handling gram under the railway and warehouse commissioners, a measure of conspicuous advantage to farmers, since their grain could be inspected, weighed and giaded by state officers in stead of the agents' buyers. The legislature of 1893 also continued the good woik for the farmers by enact ing a law providing that anybody may constiuct an elevator and warehouse on any siding, or at asy station, and theIail way companies, in the absence of a sid mg, must construct one wherever one is demanded for use at a grain warehouse or elevatoi constructed at a station. The legislature of 1893, in behalf of the farmers, also enacted a law compell ing railway companies to build spur tracks and sidings at railway junctions to facilitate the process of transferring cars from one road to another and to save the delay of unloading and transferring the grain. In addition to these advantageous enactments for the farmers, the Republi can legislature of 1893 amended the Australian ballot law and passed an act providing for essential reform in the state penitentiary. The Alliance legislature of 1891, after a tremendous beating of tom-toms and blowing of trumpets, as precursories of the millenium, did literally nothing for the farmers. Nothing, indeed, has ever been done for the farmers of this state, or of the United States, by any party ex cept the Republican party. All the great advantages of the agricultural depart ment, of experiment stations, of weather service, of easy marketing, of protection in the weighing, grading and shipping of grain, in reduction of grain rates, etc. have accrued to the farmers under Re publican auspices and the facts support ing such assertion cannot be too frequent ly cited. And now on the verge of an other state election the people of thi9 state ceitainly will not have much diffi culty in deciding for themselves winch party has promised and performed abun dantly and which has promised and done literally nothing.—Minneapolis Journal. What Shall Be Done with Anarchista? National equality does not mean equal individual force, but merely an inherent right to the privilege of success. There are therefore inequalities in the personal possessions of man. Some men have more force, ingenuity, adaptability than others and such men can command great er worldly possessions than those less competent. We have many men to-day in high educational positions whose claim to recognition is that they are en dowed with peculiar knowledge in socio logy and political philosophy they im part the idea that inequalities in men are brought about by other than natural laws which enable a certain class to thrive and prosper to the detriment of others hav ing an equal moral right to prosperity, and thereby evolve a system of fallacious reasoning, that infinite wrong is commit ted, that in the establishment of our vast industrial enterprises, some are enabled to become rich in a wordly sense and others remain poor or fail to accomplish their, ambition. This rambling and dis connected view is brought to light in our literature and in the teachings of men who skillfully prevert the truth under the guise of philanthropy, and instead of propagating wholesome thought and ideas are in reality disseminating sedition broadcast into the ranks of those for whom they pretend to be laboring. Many claim that the law of equality promises much but produces little. This is the view of an alarmist. This condi tion has prevailed in all disputes between capital and labor for a century past. Agitators claim the right to stop com merce, saying that in so doing they will observe the law, and prevent violence and destruction of property. These same agitators know perfectly well that laboring men commanded to strike and to boycott railroad properties will not stand idly by and see others take their' places. As a result the torch is applied, riot ensues, and blood is shed. The la bor agitator in his initial step counsels moderation in all things, yet he knows full well that the inevitable result will be one of disaster and bloodshed. Every man has the unquestioned right to re fuse to work if he sees fit. The right of one man to run a locomotive is quite as inviolate as the right ot another not to run it. In the advancement of our civilization we have many enterprises, some perhaps insignificant in themselves, but taken in the aggregate forming one vast vehicle of trade, industry and com merce. Among the important parts forming the whole we find an intricate system of railways, the ownership vested in individuals by reason of money invest ed and shares of stock and bonds held. These railways are not operated tor the individual convenience of the stock and bondholders On they contrary they are opeiated for the accomodation and direct benefit of the public at large, in the de velopment of trade, in the moving of the products of one community to that of another that each may share in the pro ducts of all, that the resources of differ ent localties may be fully developed and brought to our doors for consumption Thus we see that what is commonly looked upon as a private enterprise is in every sense a public institution, a public convenience, and at once an agency well calculated to advance our most vital in terests. Our condition makes them nec essary, just as much so as if they were an arm of our Federal machinery. They are so merged as a part of our social and commercial conditions that their violent stoppage results in an injury to all. The legally authorized corporation is held to a strict accountability for all its acts, and penalties are severe for a mis use of power. In like manner labor or ganizations must be treated with. The public is, as a rule, in sympatny with the under dog in the fight, but the public is not in sympathy when the said dog takes a mean advantage. The labor leader plays an important part in these troubles. As a rule he is a man of mediocre abil ity, glib of tongue, and possessing a pe culiar fitness in being able to advist men who are getting good wages and provid ing good homes for their families. Be cause a man in California is unable to get along with his emp!oyer,anotherman in Pennsylvania who is known as "well to-do", must quit work until the matter is adjusted such is the advice of the la bor leader and for tbis advice he is paid a good salary. Thus we see the juggler taking the bread which belongs to one man and giving it to another, or, literally speaking, taking it away from both. Our laws governing such men and the organ izations they represent are woefully lax as in the case of Debs and his following in Chicago. Napoleon before the battle of Borodi no, on ascertaining the cause of a con siderable disturbance in Rouen, wrote to his minister in Paris to send those fellows to the Twenty-fifth Regiment in Italy. "It is in need of recruits. Pack them off where their fighting propensities will do some good and not be a menace to law and order." This would be the Emper or's ways of ridding the country of such discordant elements as the United States has been recently afflicted with. Russia wouldbring a Debs up with a round turn. He would be given free transpor tation to a life job in the mines at the utmost confines of the empire. Germany Austria, England, Prance and every na^* tion in Europe would handle a Debs in an exceedingly expeditious manner for half the provocation he has given here. Compare the recent gathering of the mob in Chicago with the gathering of a mob in France. In the first instance it was not until millions of dollars' worth of property had been destroyed and many lives lost that the authorities bethought themselves that anything was wrong. In the latter case, at the first indication of the gathering of a mob the cavalry charge into its midst, striking with the flat of their sabers this usually proves effective if not they charge again, tbis time strik ing with the edge. Our laws are equal to any contingency that may arise, the only drawback being that having execu tive, judicial and administrative depart ments we sometimes suffer from loss of" time in getting the full strength of these departments in active operation.—R. Seymour, in the Chautauquan, Septem^ ber, v-in** «JW