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—-'"tf, -- ---------- Voi. 3, >VN.THf3WR9T-\ CHICAGO AND CINCINNATI, SATURDAY, AUGUST 14.1886. 1} No. 33. _AcDA._______ ,ss_. -__ " (17, 'wvct The (but-um istctj __—..*4—. A RELIGIOUS AN3 FAMILY WEEKLY. Universalist Publishing House. ITRI.ISHKRS. CHARLES CAVERLY, General Agent. Issued by Western Brandi. 69 Dearborn St., Rooms 40 and 41, c::ica5C, “1 LORD &. THOMAS. MANAGERS ADVERTISING DEPARTMENT. Worms : Fostagc Paid* #3.50 A l«*ar, in Vdvanco. Sample Copies Free. Western Advisory Boapd Wv. H. Ryder, D. D., Hon. John R. Buchtcl. 0. A. Pray Rev. W. S. Crowf, Chas. L, Hutchinson. F-nterod at the Postoflflco as Second-Class Mail Matt*-: _ ssssssss ss , . I ctsiwccizn (llmm-sishuturs. ] SOME OTHER THOUGHTS ABOUT LABOR AND CAPITAL. By uf.v. J. Coleman Adams. (Chicago.) It v, as recently the privilege of the Congregational Club, of Boston, to listen to a paper by Mr, Henry B. Metcalf, of Pawtucket, entitled, “Some Thoughts on Labor and Capital.” The essayist had previously presented the same thoughts to the “Universalist Club,” and the same doctrines seemed to be ' equally good orthodoxy on Beacon Ili’l and at Berkeley Hall, It is a great pleasure to the large circle of Br. Met calf's friends, that his interesting dis cussion of the theme should have been placed before the wider audience reach ed by the Andover Review. Aud who ever wants to read a fresh, unhackneyed treatment of a most absorbing subject, ; will do well to turn to this article in the ; .J uly number of the Review. And bear- : ing in mind the writer's practical expe- j rience in business, and his broad and : intensely sympathetic nature, he will ; find a uew value in the pages. And yet if one brings to the reading of this paper a sense of the evils in the : industrial aud social environment in | which so many millions of our fellow j men are spending their lives, he can hardly fail to lay it down with regret that the author apparently se£3 so little hope of betterment, at least by any methods now known, and is so sensible of the binding force of certain “laws” j of industry and trade, that he gives j scant encouragement for the belief that 1 human efforts and Christian sentiment j can modify them. The tone of the ar- j tide, to one who wishes to believe in ; the possibility of social reform, is pes- j siioistic; and it has appeared to one friendly reader at least, that the writer and others who sympathize with his j view of the situation of society to-day, j do not sollieiently value the transform ing power of ethical and human ideas, ) even on the fixed “laws” of social and ] industrial development. Thus, for example, Hr. Metcalf be lieves that until “men shall have be come equal in industry, integrity and economy,” “neither legislation nor res olution, by any organization whatever, can make all men equal iu their condi tions, comforts, or possessions.” Grant ed. Hut is it not true that, with all the inequalities of human endowments and effort, a vast deal has already been done, by organization and by the legis lation for which that organization has si riven, to reduce the inequalities which have oppressed human lives, and to bring men more nearly into the enjoy ment of the same privileges and bless ings y It used to he the “law,” in a more savage state of society, that the weak mail got less protection and im munity from attack, because he was weak : now, we have framed our civili zation and our laws, so that it makes no difference whether the man is weak or strong, he shall have equal protec tion. We have done a great deal to equalize m^n “iu their conditions, com forts, and possessions,” by “organiza tion” and by “legislation.” The Magna Chart a effected something. So did the Declaration of Independence. So did the Emancipation Proclamation. The ten-hour law did something in Massa- ; chusetts. The prohibitory law has done i something iu Maine and in Iowa, j Something may be expected of organ ized < flirt, and the enactment of laws which grow out of such effort to im prove human conditions. We may look for the same relative advance on the industrial side of society as has taken place on its political side. And just as the unequal endowments of men have not prevented their being put on a much more equal footing, one with another, iu the State, so we may look for the I same thing to occur in future move- j ments of the world toward improve ment iu social organization. If organ ization and legislation have put the bal lot in poor men's hands and secuied the tiial by jury, why may they not some time destroy monopolies and protect the laborer from the greed of an un scrupulous employer ¥ The paper we are discussing seems to express an undue sense of the “law of trade” which its author regards as almost; too sacred to be tampered with, and certainly too deeply-grounded in the nature of things to he modified; and this law, in general terms, seems to i he that supply and demand are recipro cally related, and that it takes two to make a bargain. Granted. And yet moral considerations affect even these fundamentals of commerce. For let it once he known that an article supplied is the fruit of fraud or blood, and the demand becomes seriously impaired. Or lc-t the demand he for a commodity which it is shameful to vend and the supply diminishes. And it becomes clearer with study that in what we may roughly call the purchase and sale of labor, something more has to be taken into account than the lowest rate for which the exchange can possibly be made. The “law of trade" is undoubt edly to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest market. Hut when some tricky politicians tried by forgery to put that sentiment in Garfield’s mouth, with an application, it nearly lost an election. People were not pleased to hear that a candidate for tire presidency held such au unfeeling theory about labor. Wore they not right ? Br. Metcalf thinks not. He seems to be aware that those who are guided by ‘•theoretical arguments” may protest, but all the same he holds thi3 theory about labor. “Because we buy where we can buy cheapest, the party who seeks our trade must himself buy where he can buy cheapest, and hire his help where he can hire cheapest.” And so he justifies the “dominie’s good wife,” who buys her cheap shirts with some compunctions when she knows at what starvation wages they are made, be cause, forsooth, the wages to those who get them are better than none, and be cause in this wise the “dominie’s wife” saves her back and fingers. But are we willing to accept that doctrine V Is it right for me to save my strength by purchasing the labor of a sewing woman at a price which means slow starvation? If I get my shirts so cheaply because they are sewed by a woman who gets but thirty-five to fifty cents a day for doing them, then I am buying them too cheaply. 1 have no right to them. There is blood on them. And if the curse is on all the traffic in those indis pensable garments, then it is my busi ness to work as hard as I know how to bring about a state of things in which men shall pay the value of what they are wearing, and not grind them out of the weaker members of the human fam ily, who are simply too weak to better themselves. It needs but a second thought to see that this principle can not be accepted by itself nor as a final ity. The “cheapest market” as far as labor i3 concerned, must mean the cheap est consistent with justice and human ity. A market where labor is bought at any price which involves the phys ical or the moral degradation of the man who sells it, is not a labor market, but a slave mart. And let this be said, too. Every thing that is bought in this world lias to be paid for, aim that too at its full value. If trie purchaser cheats the seller, then he will have to pay indi rectly what he does not pay outright. It labor is not paid its fair wages, wages I mean which will enable the laborer to live in decency and honesty, then the cost comes out of ail of us in taxes to support the poor, to reform criminals, to pay the expense of the sickness and death imported to our own homes out of the foul nests where underpaid and half • fed labor breeds disease and death. There are laws which take a broader sweep timn laws of trade. And our conservative thinkers must not forget them in these days of ag!ta tiou aud reform. And there is no law of trade, and no law of supply and de mand which can prevent labor from costing enough to give every man a fair living. If we do not pay it in one way we have to in another. Same recent words of the Rev. Wash ington Gladden, in “The Forum,” lit ■ so w ell into this discussion, that I quote them : “The theory that labor is noth ing but a commodity is a theory that will not work. ***** The em ployer is bound to consider the effect of the employment which he furnishes, ! and the reward which he gives for this service on the lives of those whom lie employs. ***** ue iia8 no right to wax fat by consuming their strength and their life. It is possible that some oi the disciples of Ricardo may require me to prove these proposi tions. Hut I am loth to argue the the sis that a man ought not to be a can nibal ; I will venture to regard it as a moral axiom. All talk of cheapest and dearest markets is impertinent in the face of these great facts of human deg radation and humau suffering.” I am far from believing that lir. .Metcalf does not sympathize with that sentiment. And yet his words certainly make him appear on the other side. And I hope it does not seem invidious to single out from a paper abounding in suggestive and wise thought, these instances in which the writer seems to have gone somewhat wide of the truth. “(July by bearing each other's burdens can we reael. the secrets of each other’s hearts.” HOME RULE AND CATHOLICISM. By A. J. G rover, Attorney at Law. iCbieasro.l 1 noticed in a recent issue of The Universalist, an editorial paragraph which seemed to indicate that you favor Home rule for Ireland. If so. let me suggest a reason or two why you are wrong—although entirely in accord with the public opinion ol this country. In the same issue is a leading article show ing the significance of the receht inau guration of Cardinal Gibbons in ISalti more, which cannot be too highly com mended. Such an anti-republican dis play should have been universally con demned ; yet it was almost universally approved by at least the political press, if not also by the religious. Everybody who is well infoimed knows that true Roman Catholics think the oflice of cardinal much higher and of more con sequence than that of president, and his will far more binding upon them than the Constitution and laws, or any oath of allegiance that they have taken or can takea3 citizens of the United States. If any one doubts this, I am prepared to prove it by the highest ltomau Cath olic authorities. Romanism is march ing on to a point where it will be able to hold, by casting its vote as a unit, the balance of power politically, in this country. Both political parties are on their knees, metaphorically, with bare heads, and hats under their arms, to Romanism, already. The leading pa pers of both parties filled pages, illus trated with glorifications of the shame ful pageantry lavished by truculent knaves and fools, on the Big Indian of Romanism, at Baltimore. The pres ident. as was reported, sent his secre tary, Lamar, with a persona] letter, con gratulating the man Gibbons on his elevation to the office, the insignia of which are a scarlet cap and robe. IIow' mucii different was tiiat performance from au inauguration of aD Indian chief ? What is the difference between a scarlet cap and a feather cap V IIow much more intelligent or cultivated are those who delight in the Baltimore dis play, aud those who delight in a war dance V But I wished to speak of Home rule for Ireland. Home rule for Ireland would as certainly be Rome rule as Home rule for Utah would be Mormon rule. If Home rule for Ireland would secure self-government for the people of Ireland, every lover of liberty would, or should be, for it. But it would not. It would transfer the absolute power to the Vatican. The rule of the British Parliament is much safer and better and cheaper for Ireland, tyrannical and unjust and expensive as it is, than would he the rule of the Pope. In the days of slavery, Home rule—that is, State rights for the slave States—would have been the rule of slavery. The Irishman shivering befoie the judge, being assured that justice would be done him replied, “Thai is just what I am afraid of, your honor.” So of the Roman Catholics in Ireland—and the population is mostly Roman Catholic— justice in one direction, or some meas ure of justice, is what they fear most. They want all the available money for the church. They want to drive out or butcher every Orangeman, every Prot estant, every heretic. Establish Home rule aud you establish Roman rule. No Protestant voice would then be heard or tolerated in Ireland. Xo ear nest word can be spoken against Roman ism in Lower Canada now—or scarcely in Chicago—unless under the protec tion of the police who are sworn to keep order—as w as illustrated only a few weeks ago on our streets. Most critical are the times when the political press and the Protestant pul pit are silent on this Roman question for the sake of votes. The politicians say : “Keep still, or Hatter the Roman Catholics;” and the Protestant clergy obey. Romanism is exactly the samp in every feature—in doctrine and prac tice—that it was when Luther risked his life to rebuke aud expose it. What does Protestantism amount to when it ceases to protest V Its protest was all there ever was of it. When it becomes too weak or too wicked to protest, what is there left 5* When slavery ruled tins republic it did so by unity of action, unity of vote, unity in Congress, unity in the pulpit, unity in the tone of the press. Jiy thus acting, Northern pulpits were silenced, Northern newspapers subsidized, North ern politicians and parties compelled, for party success, to do the dirty, wicked, anti-republican work of slavery. Now Romanism has stepped into the empty shoes of slavery. Now Romanism dic tates silence and subseivieucy to pulpit and press, to politicians and political parties. This shameful moral coward ice came very near paving the way to 1 the destruction of the republic. The ! nation’s life was barely saved at im- j meuse cost. Are we not traveling the same w icked road to a much more fear ful danger, when we sell ourselves, our principles, our religion, our republic, and the future of our children and lib erty to RoYhan priests, bishops and cardinals? Home rule would enable Romanism to ruin Ireland—to squeeze the orange dry—as it has Spain, Portu gal, Italy and the South American States. When Ireland pays, as it did in teu years ending 1879, $650,009,000 for whisky, she would not ordinarily have anything more left than the priests want. Home rule would establish the Homan church with temporal power. The allegiance to the Hope would be more obligatory than allegiance to any civil power that could or would be set up. The law' would be Pope first in all cases. In the ten years from 1869 to 1879, the landlords collected of Irish tenants $535,000,000 or $115,000,000 less than the cost of whisky. There is no way of telling how much was paid into the irresponsible treasury of the priesthood and the Roman pont:ff, but it is safe to say, at least as much as was paid for land and whisky put together, or $1,185,000,000. While these vast sums were being drawn,, from poverty and ignorance, for whisky and superstition, the Americans were probably sending shiploads of provisions to keep the Irish people from starving. Home rule would make Romanism dominant, and ignor ance and poverty more absolute. This is what Home rule means. THE POET'S DEATH-SONG. The recent death of l’aul Hamilton 11 ay ne, the noblest poet that the South has produced, lends peculiar interest to his lofty strain of linal triumph which I appeared in the May number of Ilar ! per's Magazine. Mr. Hayne early de j voted himself to literature, and his ; name is associated with nearly all the best Ameiican magazines, especially the Southern ones, several of which, though short-lived, rose to eminence under his editorship. When the war I deprived him of his fortune he still con i tinned true to his standard. Ilis pict : uresque little home near Augusta, fur i nished with what ancestral goods he j managed to save in the destruction of | Charleston, has been the scene of his | labors for twenty years. Having expe i ienced all the phases of prosperity and adversity, his lingering decline with consumption made him a calm and fear : less student of the coming change. The lesult is beautifully shown in this poem i which, though written tWo years ago, j by a strange coincidence was published j just before thtr.. ! verify its truth. We repeat it for those 1 who may not have seen it in Harper's \ Magazine: FACE TO FACE. By Paul H. Hayne. Sail mortal: eonldst thou but know What truly it moans to die, j The wings of thy sou! would glow. And the hopes of thy heart beat high; | Thou wouldst turn from thy Pyrrhonist schools And laugh their jargon to scorn, ; As the babble of midnight fools Ere the morning of Truth be born: But 1, earth’s madness above, In n kingdom of stormless breath— I gaze on the glory of love Iu the unveiled face of Death. I tell thee his face is fair As the moou-liow’s amber rings, And the gleam in ids unbound hair Like the flush of a thousand Springs; His smile is the fathomless beam Of the star-shine’s sacred light, When the Summers of Southland dream In the lap of the holy Night: For I, earth’s blindness above, In a kingdom of halcyon breath— I gaze on the marvel of love In the unveiled face of Death. In his eyes a heaven there dwells— But they hold few mysteries now— And his pity for earth’s farewells Half farrows that shining brow; Souls taken from Time’s cold tide He folds to his fostering breast, And the tears of their grief are dried Ere they enter the courts of rest: And still, earth's madness above, I In a kingdom of stormless breath, I gaze on a light that is love In the unveiled face of Death. Through the splendor of stars imptarled In the glow of their far-off grace, He is soaring world by world, With the souls in his strong embrace; Lone ethers, unstirred by a wind. At the passage of Death grow sweet. With the fragrance that floats behind The flash of his winged retreat: And I, eartti’s madness above, ’Mid a kingdom of tranquil breath, Have gazed on the lustre of love In the unveiled face of Death. But beyond tire stars and the snn I can follow him still on his way, Till the pearl-white gates are won In the calm of the central day. Far voices of fond acclaim Thrill down from the place of souls, As Death, with a touch of flame, Uncloses the goal of goals: And from heaven of heavens above God speaketh with bateless breath— Mj angel of perfect love Is the angel men call Death! A bright little piece revealing the sunny spirit of the invalid singer, sug- ) geated by the advice given hiui by a j friend to “cultivate cheerfulness,” ap peared also in tire J uue Harptr's, as fol lows; “CULTI VATE HAPI’I.NESS.' ’ Is happiness n plant of mortal birth. Which, slirt *dlj cultured grows in gracious j earth? Bather a heavenly gtory. or bright dew, Slipped from the t om of the cloudless blue, tin some fair 1 oruing, to the soul’s surprise, Fresh with tin irng .nee born in l’urudise. ANECDOTES OF HOSEA BALLOU. lliY ONE WHO KNEW HIM.] Hosea Ballou, the great leader of the Universalist movement in New En gland, and the founder, really, of the American Universalist Church, was not only an acute, profound thinker, but a man whose preaching had a wonderful influence over the popular mind. He understood men. The “common peo ple” heard him gladly; the young list ened to his instructions with delight. Often in the discussion of the knottiest theological points, his illustrations were so striking, simple, that he kindled the liveliest interest in his themes, and moved his congregations almost as the winds move the waters of the great deep. Nearly forty years have passed since I heard him preach upon the atonement, but I can never forget the clear, beauti ful manner in which he set forth the divine love for sinful men. Then it was common enough tc hear sermons upon the wrath, or anger of God, and to be told that Christ suffered to ap pease that wrath. “People find it hard to understand,”-—said Mr. Ballou,—“how a good God can love sinful, evil men, but it can be made very plain. Mother, you have a little girl, and she goes out into the street to play, but in a short time runs back into your presence, all bespattered over with dirt. You take your child into the nursery, wash her face and hands, comb her hair, put on a clean dress, and she looks as hand some and happy as before. Now, tell me, would you love the child because you had washed it, or would you wash it because you loved it V ” Tlie New Testament idea of atone jent, as we conceive it, could not well be presented in finer words. An angry, half pagan w oman, bitterly opposed to Mr. Ballou’s theological views, once said to him when a crowd pressed about him, “You are old Mr. Ballou, the Universal preacher, arn’t you V” “My name is Ballou, madam.” “Well, do you profess to preach as Christ and his apostles did?” “That is my aim, madam, as well as I am able.” “But do you say, ye savpents, ye generation of vipers, how can ye es cape the damnation of hell ?” “No madam, I do not preach precisely like ^fgag^ftelirySu are~a pretty gospel minister, confessing that you don’t preach just as Jesus aid.” “But 1 don’t have any of that sort of people to preach to in my congregation, madam. If you will get them all together some Sunday afternoon, in your church, I will go and preach to them.” The foolish woman was answered accord ing to her folly. To any one intelli gent enough to see fully his point, he would, perhaps, have added, that Christ preached hell to the Scribes and Phari sees who well understood the literal and the symbolic use of the term, while neither he nor his apostles ever threat ened Gentiles with Gehenna lire ! A Calvinist minister of the ancient stamp, insisted that Hr. Ballou must be perfectly willing to be damned be fore he could be finally saved. “Well,” said Mr. B., “I should not like any mistake on so important a point. If I am willing to be damned, you are cer tain that I shall be saved ?” “Oh, yes ; certainly.” “Well, with that positive as surance, I have no serious objections 1” Lyman Beecher and Ilosea Ballou were acquaintances, friends, in some ways, in the olden days. Fifty years ago. New England girls went out to domestic service. It chanced that Mr. Ballou's servant was one of Dr. Beech er’s members. Upon her he was ac customed to call in his parochial visits. But it was his custom to call upon her, as a servant, in the kitchen, and not upon the family at all. One day the two famous men met in the street. “Good morning. Mr. Ballou.” “Good morning, Dr. Beecher.” “Mr. Ballou, I had a stiange dream a few nights ago.” "Ah, Dr. Beecher, what did you dream ?” “I dreamed that I died and went to heaven. And I saw a great mauy good people there, Baptists, Methodists, Congregationalists ; but I did not see a single Universalist in heaven, any where.” “Ah,” responded Mr. Ballou ! “Well, I suppose you did just as you do when you come to our house to make your calls, you went around to the back door, and into the kitchen. If you had gone into the parlor you would have been very likely to have found us all at home!” In a famous sermon, preached more than a half century ago, from the words, “Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free,” Mr. Ballou pointed out, first, some of the maiks or characteristics of truth, and then the marks or characteristics of error. "Truth,” he said, “is consistent with itself; one part is related to an other. and all the parts when brought together make one consistent whole. Error is discordant, one part antagon izes another.” These points were wrought out with great clearness ami force. Then came a broadside against the cast-iron Calvinism prevalent in New England in that day. “Let us take,” said the preacher, warming with his theme, “some of the doctrines taught by the doctors of the church, and apply to them the general principles we have now laid down, and see how they will abide the test. The doctors of the church tell us that God, from eternity', has elected a certain number of man kind who shall be finally saved. And the number of the elect is fixed. You cannot add another to those God has chosen. You cannot, by any possibil ity, take one away ! Now, let us re gard this as settled, and then take an other doctrine which these doctors teach us, and carry it over, and lay it down by this point we have just got settled, and see how these two things will match together. These doctors of divinity tel! 113 that there is a great roaring devil, who is abroad in all the world, tempting men to sin, and trying to drag people down to hell. lie was ones an angel in heaven, a holy angel. How he fell, nobody knows. How long lie was a falling, nobody can tell. John Milton says he was nine days; and I suppose he knew. And now' what is this devil really trying to do ¥ Why, he is trying to get away some of the very people God from all eternity has elected to save! Does not the devil understand the doctrine of election ¥ Where has he been all his life ¥ Hasn’t he ever been to the Presbyterian meet ing ¥” _ OPEN LETTERS TO YOUNG GIRLS. I. Letter of Introduction. The old forma! preface will answer for ordinary purposes, but wishing to come nearer to you, young girls and young women of this broad land, I feel it a bar to freedom. While I would, spir tually, clasp the hand, and speak to you with all the sweet familiarity which affection breeds, by this same ugly in vention of a preface, we must stand at arms’ length, our friendly converse turned into severe, formal discourse. So, as unable to defeat the enemy we must outwit him; let us pass by kid gloved and swallow-tail-coated Preface, and receive genial and neat but simply attired Lstter-of-Introduction, come by special request. Then draw nearer, my dfurs. one and hlT.“Sira'Tet ‘ac quainted with each other. IIow bright your eyes, and how pleasant your faces ! Most of you, I gladly see, have the line glow of health upon your cheeks, and intelligence and interest illumine your faces. Ah, could you but know the inspiration to me of looking into your sweet countenances, and how deeply you stir me to do something for each one of you that shall make your lives brighter and better, if but to write you now and then a helpful letter. I am drawn to you all, whether plain or comely, you of the soft hazel eyes, you of the large brown, and you of the deep blue. Not merely in your fresh ness and innocence do I delight, but back of ail external charms your souls look out upon me. Life is fair and sweet to you as dew-wet flowers on a May morning, and, speaking of the fu ture, I see your eyes glow and your bosoms swell with the hope of accom plishing something good and useful. And you will, though you may need courage, determination and faith, all of which shall be added unto you, with the flight of years,—and 1 may help you by seeking your best happi ness. Would it not give you a new strength, should you grow weary, to know that some one watches your course with approval, only waiting for the end, impatient to speak the glad “Well done?’’ So I watch you, my dear young friends, with deep interest, and great hope, foreseeing your vast and noble mission. Just here, mischievous, good-natured Letter - of - Introduction suggests that only one party is being presented. So, begging your pardon for the seeming oversight (1 had my reasons for it, as you shall see). 1 paint my own portrait forthwith. To begin, then, I am plain —you would scarce notice me in a crowd,—I have no striking features, and when I have been told that I had beautiful eyes and a line forehead, on looking in my mirror I have realized that love is very blind. I have, how ever, frequently been told, and I hope truly, that I showed genuine interest in the welfare of those 1 cared for, and this tendency must go far toward in creasing in myself, and others, that higher or soul comeliness, which we 1 know' to be the best and rarest of all beauty. I have long felt that the great hope for every good cause lay in the young. Beginning properly, you will easily continue to identify yourselves with the right side : and it is so much simpler to begin as we should, than, once in the wrong path, to reverse our course. You have so many rich years j before you, and will meet and may j mold so many more minds than could your fathers and mothers. Kvery day the communication between far distant countries becomes more easy, and the miugliug of all classes of people more free, so that where once you might have been bound by severe regulations of I caste, to-day you live unfettered. Here Letter-of-Introduction again interposes, deftly jogging my arm, and whispers that I have said enough, bo we can now look into each other'3 eyes with frank interest, acquainted. And as yon read the following letters alone in the quiet of your chamber, you will realize that in spirit we are working to gether for one end, and that this mes sage to you is prompted by the love and yearning of one who holds you contin ually in tender remembrance. Dorothea Maple. DISAFFECTED CHURCH MEMBERS. There are very few churches that have been organized as long as live or six years that have had no disaffected members. I am of the opinion that quite a large per cent of church mem bers is at some time of this class. The causes for it are numerous, or at least the supposed causes, such as dislike for a pastor, want of sufficient attention, dissatisfaction with choir, or organist, or Sunday-school management, or meth ods for raising money, or a score and more of other supposed grievances. When people are of this class they are of very little service to the church, and generally they do very little for the ad vancement of the common cause. It would seem that professed Christians might all have enough of the spirit of the Master to endure the crossing of their own will, or even some apparent slight, without becoming soured in spir it; but such is not always the case. The grace of patience in these things is often very small. While some of these petty troubles are healed in a little time, often with little special effort in that direction, many grow into perma nent church estrangements through the unwise and discourteous conduct of other Christians, (juarrels that would die out if left to themselves are kept alive by the interposition of a third party. What is the usual course pursued by adisaflectedchurch-memberV He ieaves his own church, absents himself from its services, withdraws liis financial support, turns away from a!! his cove nant obligations, and attends some other church, throwing his influence j there. He finds as cordial a reception ! usually, as though he bad brought a j letter of commendation and dismission | £*oj» ^ sister church. Special pains as? I usually taken to make such persons j feel at home, to assure them of a cer | dial welcome. Inquiry is not made as i to the reason of their leaving their own | church, there is so much rejoicing in j this new accession. This may not be : so often done in the city as in the coun try, but it seems to me it is a radical wrong that needs to be righted.— Herald of Gospel Liberty. GOSPEL WITHOUT COST. A venerable Kentuckian told the In terior the following story : A wealthy planter, a man of education, an elo quent speaker, a successful politician, was converted. He wanted to do good. Tils neighbors were irreligious, and he I felt that his first duty was to them. He built a commodious church, put an organ in it. and hired an organist. He obtained a license to preach, and pre pared some excellent sermons. When the house was ready he sent his servants all over the neighborhood, and invited everybody to come to church at 11 o’clock next Sunday. The people came aud listened. At the close of the ser vice the preacher thanked them for coming, and invited them to come again next Sunday. On Saturday he sent his servants out to remind them of the Sabbath service. He did this year after year, paying all expenses himself, not taking collections from anybody or any thing ; for he wanted to convince the people that the gospel was free, ••with out money and without price." ••And what was the result V” we asked. “O. he preached for twenty years, and there wasn't a single conversion in all that time!" People are not likely to prize very highly that which costs them noth ing. If you want to get a man into the church, begin by getting hfta to do something for it. If you want to de velop the piety of a church, train it« members to work and to give. Iu tiie current number of the Revue ties Deux Monties there is an article on al cohol by M. .Tales Rochard, who presents the following budget as representing the direct and indirect taxation which France imposes on itself in the coarse of a year iu honor of the great god Alcohol: Price of alcohol consumed .3,639,872 . Value of days’ works lost.. ,'.!0,8fu Cost of treatment.. 2,833 660 l ost of lunacy. 92,852 Loss by suicides... !2ti 80(1 Cost of crimliials. 355,783 Total. 779,221 —Dali Mall GauJIe. —Gladstone is to be the leader in the House of Commons. For personal glo ry without any responsibility it is the best possible position. Fite Providence Journal observis thut though the growth of the .vernation doctrine has beec and must remain slow, it seems destined to steadily wiu adher ents from that class of every community that best represents its inte’leotual cult ure and catholicity.