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The great West. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1889-18??, July 18, 1890, Image 1

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768 WABASHA St., St. PAUL,
Great West Company.
Capital Against the Laborer, and His Cash as Well.
The Great Battle, Like Other Conflicts,
is Opened by Skirmishes.
It is Conspiracy it the Eyes of the Law And these Pleutocratic Scoun
drels Snould be Made to Know it. The Courts
a “Howling Farce!”
It has been determined that a combination of men, or the effort to pro
duce a combination by one man, to injure another person’s business is, in
the law,
We present this week the absolute testimony of a far-reaching and de
structive conspiracy organized to injure individuals both in trade and out
of it. That farmers are being boycotted is now evident to all. But that
there is any remedy in the courts we do not believe. We have no faith in
the courts against plutocracy—nor has any other sensible man. To say
that the “weight of influence” of wealth and power oyerbears justice is but
to state what every beggar on the street knows. Even a Mayor of St.
Paul tells his constituents outright that he will not enforce certain unpop
ular laws. We have about prohibition laws not being enforced. But not
one of the Railroad laws are enforced —not one. It has taken a special
effort of the entire state force and a political campaign to get a car for a
farmer—and the citizens of Dover are to-day’s witnesses of the advantages
of wealth. The farmer can get no justice in the courts—the Supreme Court
is a mockery and a derision. The Supreme Court stands by the Railroad
when it condemns
away from private ownership FOR PUBLIC USES-and when the warty
claws of the toad-scalded hand of the octopus has a clutch on that land the
LAW has no more right to
The plutocratic justiciary steps in and says that control of rates is de
preciating the value of private property ! Sinee when, under the
has a legislature the right to take my private property and give it to any
man or men to own as their private property ? The state does not pro
pose to break up locomotives, or bend rails, or burn ties, or blow up build
ings—but it does propose to control the use of property which it took from
one to let another use for public purposes—for it could let its use for no
other purpose.
There is no use cringing at the feet of the black-gowned rascals who
owe their positions to good wire-pulling and splendid achievements at the
These wholesale dealers combine to injure every citizen they deal with.
They are hedged about with privilege against the boycott of labor! But
they themselves boycott the cash of the tailor!
We have published the names of two firms that have boycotted not on
ly farmers, but alliance stores—men engaged in legitimate business. We
now follow this up with a correspondence that ought to make our heads
If the farmers of Minnesota will stand this they are not the brave men
we believe them to be. • There are thousands of tuen in this state who will
never buy a scantling, from this time on, of a firm which belongs to the
Minneapolis Lumber Combine. The fact that any given number of buyers
go to a yard to buy a bill of lumber, and first refuse to buy if the lumber
comes from a Minneapolis yard, would sooij make a rattling among the
dry bones! Many a man will go roofless until he can buy as a freeman
The following correspondence will doubtless explain itself. The Nichols
Lumber Company are a firm of dealers at Onalaska, Wis. One of our
Minnesota Lecturers and purchasers had been dealing with them for the
Alliances. The heading of the following letter will explain the nature of the
combination, controlling six states:
Offce of
Northwestern Lumberman's Association
No. 304 Lumber Exchange.
Territory embraced: Minnesota lowa and North Dakota South Dako
ta, Nebraska and Montana
C. H. Nichols Lumber Co.,
Mr. Frank Pooler:
Dear Sir: — I am very sorry to be obliged to come lO you with another
complaint, but I have a letter from our member at Dover, Minn., which
states that about April Kith. 1890, vou shipped one car to C. French and
another car about May 2d, 1890, to the same parry. This man French is
a consumer and not entitled to consideration from the trade. ( hope you
can see vour way clear to make some adjustment of this claim with us,
and to await with interest what you have to sav in regard to it. Yours
tru j v W. G. Hollis, Secretary,
’(To C. French, Dover, Minn.)
To this demand of the Combine the Nichols Lumber Company respond
ed as follows
W. G. Hollis, Lsq.:
.. Minneapolis, Minn.
Dear Sir Replying to yours of the 19th inst. we say that we did ship
the cars to the party, and have shipped to him continually, for more than
a year He buys and sells, or distributes, among the farmers who are
members of the Alliance, and those who are not ; is buying and shipping
(all the time, and is certainly entitled to consideration as a dealer from any
one and we shall continue to ship to him while he is in business as he is,
and sends us any orders, and should we ship to a consumer at that sta
tion will reimburse him for the damage to his trade by our so doing. Nev
er having heard from the other dealer there, we know very little about him.
Trulv yours, C. H. Nichols Lumber Co.
'' ' ’ Per J. E. North, Secretary
This had the ring of manhood to it, and it meant an instant grapple
with a corporative combine of millions. It brought forth the following:
Minneapolis. Minn., June 23d, 1890
j C. H. Nichols Lumber Co.,_
Gentleman: —Your favor of June 21st, 1890, at hand. It is hardly
worth our while to discuss who are and who are not dealers. You must be
well aware that a man who buys and sells, that is, simply ‘ scalps' 7 lumber,
carrying no stock whatever, it matters not whether he buys for a farmers’
society or any one else, can never be considered a legitimate competitor of
a regular dealer who maintains a stock. If the substance of your letter is
your ultimatum I would like to know it so that I can lay this matter be
fore our Board of Directors promptly. We cannot consider Mr. French a
dealer in any sense; on the contrary, he is a constant menace to the trade
of legitimate dealers who carry regular stocks. Of course if he chooses to
put in a stock and come into legitimate competition with the trade all well
and good, and we shall then not have the slightest objection to your sales
to him. Yours truly, W. G. Hollis, Secretary.
■ .-.■".
• rr’V : ‘ * y ' 7
Minneapolis, Minn., June 19th 1890
June 21st, 1890
The Great West |
ST. PAUL, MINN., FRIDAY, JULY 18, ,1890.
But the Nichols Lumber Company was not moved by this invitation to
stand by an illegal combine. They replied:
W. G. Hollis, Esq.,
Minneapolis, Minn
Dear Sir: —Your letter of the 28rd, came to hand. As far as Mr
French is concerned the substance of our last ultimatum. We know him to
be a dealer as we construe it; and* he handles more stock than your dealer,
and we shall continue to ship to him so long as he will buy of us, unless we
shall have changed our mind to conform to your ideas. We feel perfectly
friendly to your association, as you will know, but in all such cases as the
one in question we must draw the line. We appreciate your gentlemanly
efforts to couple us with your association, but we can not bring ourselves
to protect dealers who do not recognize us wishing to be kindly remem
bered even though we do not agree we are, respectfully yours,
C. H. Nichols Lumber Co.
PerJ. E. North, Secretary.
The farmer can get, by this correspondence, an inside view of the
method by which prices and profits are controlled, and competition de
stroyed. The lumber dealers put themselves under the charge of certain
officers who hold them, under a guarantee deposit, from violating any
rules adopted against trading with individuals, or alliance agents. This is
our American free market! Every retail dealer is a watch within his local
territory. The extension of the system means the absolute subjugation of
the consumer to the dealer. There is but one method of breaking up this
pernicious system—to boycott the Association—and set up opposition
combines controlling what the farmer produces. This latter suggestion
is the ‘‘Wheat Trust” which we have so long and earnestly urged upon the
Porter’s Mortgage Census is one of the Boldest
Schemes of the Plutocrats ever yet
The testimony against the mortgage Census accumulates rapidly. The
absolutely stunning testimony of last week in which our reporter offered
$lO for the loan of Porter’s “instructions,” has startled the entire state.
There is a tide coming which will sweep the whole rascal gang of Shylocks
out of the government. •
Never has there been known such a secret and contemptible attempt
to override and deceive the people. The nation is
Every dollar of National Bank Currency goes over the bank counter
when it creates a debt instead of paying it! Every dollar of money in ex
istence represents a mortgage over and over again! The sum of these
debts rolls up into the illimitable and unpayable billions. Every bogus
bond is a mortgage —every trust-bond is a mortgage —every dollar of cur
rency represents a mortgage—and if one-tenth of the mortgages on land
were paid not a dollar of currency
in this country. This is not distempered exaggeration. It is the solid
truth which can be proven without difficulty, as is know by every financier-
Against the exposition of this remarkable condition the government is
arrayed. It staggers at the exposinx—and reels before the facts. The
financial legislation
is a Nemesis of Vengeance, crying from every home sacrificed, and the tears
shed upon the hearthstones of a million cottages are witnesses. You look
in upon these people, and see the anxious care weighing down strong
frames and palsying the brawny arm. It is not age—it is not toil—it is not
solemn-visaged death, or the gaunt and skinny finger of disease, nor is it
crime that brings the sullen look and the faltering footsteps! It is Debt!
Debt? '
What, from extravagance?
The American farmer extravagant ?
In that his wife follows the plow ?
In that his little children are in the field?
In that he wears old clothes, and buys cheap furniture?
In that he parts with a dollar with extreme reluctance?
In that he has the reputation for penuriousness?
In that his bookshelves are empty—and he never yet has owned a bicycle
or a piano ?
In that the school term is but four months?
In that he has no velvet carpets?
In all these are the great farming masses extravagant ?
No, gentlemen of the Marble Hall and damask guilds—it is not ex
travagance—it is the invisible and yet gigantic robberies which have been
perpetrated by you under the aegis of the eonstitutidfc, and the father
hood of
And now, when another twenty years threaten to extinguish the title
of every farmer in the Empire state —and when the Norske farmer of the
prairie sees his gemle hjem of but a single generation taken by the usurer,
the Government of the United States stretches out its paternal hand with
tenderness and love to protect—the bloodsuckers!
Exaggerate, do we?
Well, let us see. Into our door comes a man known to nearly every
alliance man in this state, by name:
“Doctor, that article on the mortgage Census Fraud, last week, strikes
lots of us.”
“Why does it hit you?”
“Yes sir, it does—and it hits one-half of my neighbors’.''
“Why how so?”
“Well sir, the enumerator came around to my door, and I treated him
kindly, and answered all his questions.” (This man now lives in St. Paul.)
Finally he turned to go away, and it came time to do the questioning
myself ”
“How about the mortgages, Mister?” said I.
“What mortgages?”
“I own a farm with a renter upon it.”
“That will have to be told by your renter.”
“But he knows nothing of it—he Jias just gone on.
“Well, I don’t know anything about it either.”
“Well, now, I want that mortgage scheduled.”
“I can’t do it sir. It isn't anything to me.”
“Who will take it then?”
“No one that I know of—l can’t. I have to abide by my instruc-
Seven or eight instances similar to the above have come to us by letter.
We stand actually stupefied by the crime of the government. It bears the
murderous impress of the jailbird and the forger.
i Ye men of toil—what think ye of this? What think ye of the faith
which your old party has kept with you ?
: v : .r V^;^ :
A Clean-cut, Desperate Attempt to Deceive.
the partisan idol!
And this same party is represented by your C. K. Davis who gives 130
millions to the Pacific Kailways.
June 25th, 1890.
It is represented by your Sacred Quintette, who vote to tax you 70
millions more this year than last by the invisible method, and then seeing
—not your sufferings, but Blaine’s political saber—get sorry for it!
It is represented by the 150 bankers in Congress and just one farmer f
It is represented by perjured wretches who sell out committees and leg
islatures—until your C. P. Huntingdon squeal because it costs him $20,-
000 per committee.
If you have signal fires to light upon your political hilltops, let them be
lighted now—and summon your clans to the combat—and put pikes in
your backs, for your enemies may rush on from the rear.
The year 1890 is going to be known as the “Dawn-year of the Up
heaval !” And the full blossom will come soon—very soon!
Crystallized Ignorance is What Troubles the Farm
ers According to the Plutocrats’ St.
Paul Organ.
The following articles are taken from the “Northwestern Railroader”—
the plutocratic journal edited by a railroad hireling named Harry Robin
son—the author of a lying pamphlet published a year or so ago, which we
ha ve reviewed in these columns. The tone of the articles will be food for re
flection. The farmers did not know that they were so ignorant until told
by this Cresar come to judgment:
• “the farmers as anarchists.
We suppose that the Farmers’ Alliance of Minnesota is now the most
disreputable and dangerous organization with any pretensions to respecta
bility in existence in tne United States.”
[Here follows a portion of the “Call” for a special meeting to consider
political action—with that unfortunate portion in which Lathrop speaks of
Marshal Nagle as an “assassin.”]
“Of course it would be unjust to say that the above represents the
opinions of the farmers of the Northwest at large. The farmers them
selves have no opinions on such subjects. Nineteen out of every twenty of
them are entirely unread in and ignorant of the historical circumstances
alluded to. The words “Dred Scott” and “Taney” are as meaningless to
them as the names of Vathek and Yaftrudner. They know no more about
the functions and records of the U. S. Supreme Court than they know of the
functions and history of the ephors or the Council of Three. It is not on
ly impossible to conceive of them as drawing up such a manifesto as the
above: it is equally impossible to conceive of them giving it an intelligent
What do you say to that, farmers? You don’t have any opinions on
the great inspirational elements of your nation’s history! That is nine
teen out of twenty do not! You old grey heads whose lives have been
identified with abolitionism—who fought the battle of the free-soilers and
the republicans during forty to fifty eventful years—what do you think
of it?
It was the railroad squirts, on the stock exchanges, then, was it, who
upbuilded the mighty fabric of human freedom in the states, and passed
the “personal liberty bills?” It was the lawyers, the loan sharks, the rail,
way attorneys, the stock-gamblers, was it, who formed the “underground
railway” from the slavery-south to Canada?
It was a banker, was it, who made the intellectual world tremble when
the Dred Scott decision made every black man a shackled slave in every
free state?
Only Harry Robinson knows who Judge Taney was—who, at the head
of the Supreme court in 1856, obeyed the dictates of the dominant party,
and made null and void every law against slavery in the free states by
rivetting the chairs upon black Dred Scott, a resident of a northern state?
Well, Mr. Robinson, you are a conceited ass. If vou know anything of
the political history of your country you know’ too well these facts:
Ist. —That in the 50s you could, find precious few republicans in the
cities and villages—and sc-arcelv an abolitionist. It was the farmers who
waged that political warfare for righteousness, just as it is now!
2d.—That it was impossible to get any correct report of the elections
from ’52 to ’6l, for several days—because the farming sections were repub
lican, and it required their votes to overwhelm the almost unanimous pro
slavery vote of the towns.
3d.—That almost every railroad official in the United States was a
proslavery advocate—and, if they were not too ignorant—advocated the
proslavery doctrines.
4th.—That the farmers were the glorified evangels of freedom; the
“Western Preserve” was so thoroughly posted on the Godless courses in
the cities, who loved iniquity, that that name enters into every history of
the period—and there is no man of intelligence but knows that the farmers
are the very best posted class of men—as a class—in American political his
tory. And again three-fourths of the farmers are bet ter posted on court
matters, and on the nature of our judiciary, than the entire balance of the
American citizenship—including the wholesale jobbers of the cities! We
have talked with the latter—fine-looking, well-dressed, well-to-do whole
salers, who actually were shamefully ignorant of every basic element in
American civil polity and political history. *
This miserable “fly” who thus lights upon “nineteen-twentieths” of the
farmers of America is ignorant of the fact that the great laboring classes of
the field are brought closer to the justiciary—to the political machinery—
to the events of the political “macrocosm” than the city people.
One reads the daily murders and the personal warfares of the moment
—and remembers nothing. The other reads weekly and monthly journals
only—which make up the greater movements of the age. The city man
cannot tell who his Congressman is—the countryman knows him by the
cut of his coat and the way he kisses the babies! We will wager our head
that one-half the inhabitants of St. Paul over 16 years of age can neither
tell what counties make up their Congressional District —nor who is their
Congressman! We will lay a wager of SSOO that we can start out on the
street with Robinson, and out of the first fifteen men met twelve of them
can neither tell (1), the boundaries of their legislative district—(2), the
counties making up their Congressional District, and (3), the name of their
. And (4), we will wager that 8 out of the 15 cannot tell even the num
ber of their Congressional District!
We aver that the political ignorance in the cities is something
And all we can say to Robinson is, that at all events they know enough
to uncover his lying attempts to defend railroad roguery. He continues:
“One or two politicians do the ‘fine writin’ and the farmers, being
told that somehow, out of it all, they are to become less poor accept
it as gospel and shout “hurrah” when they are told to shout. It is a pity
that somebody cannot tell them in terms that they will understand that
the language which their spokesmen are using in their name is the lan
guage of anarchy,—that it is the only expression of one side of a doctrine,
. - .
This Republic was loundeo
upon principles which involved
the Dignity of Labor. To des : -
croy the power oi Labor is to
construct Caste. A Caste cannot
to-exist with a Republic.
VOL. I, NO. 40

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