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The great West. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1889-18??, July 18, 1890, Image 2

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the other side of which makes its holders to be spat upon and hunted down
by the law and hanged.”
There is no answer to the above dirt. None of it sticks. It is the off
spring of a weak and damaged intellect—without a conscience and without
For the Great West
“And he said, Thy brother came with subtlety and hath taken away
thy blessing”—Genesis xxvii —3s
While honest pride exulting cries, “Behold the advancement of the race!”
In sorrow, sober truth replies. The rogues are keeping equal pace,!!
Smooth Jacobs, with their subtle plans, and offerings false, deceive the blind;
Though the rough Esau’s, with honest hands, present the true, they’ve left
The ancient clutched his brother's heel; the moderns take theirs by the
But the method they so well concal, is sanction’d by the victims’ vote.
Improving on the ancient tricks, they’ve foupd a way for “watering stock”
Without the aid of “speckled sticks”—winning our farms and herds and
They’ve woven a web ’tis claimed protects consumers against financial ills;
The fly walks in, nor ever suspects his hard-earned wages foot the bill.
There’s nought that science doth utilize, nor art invents, the race to bless,
But soon or late they seeze the prize, to enrich themselves and the mass
A mighty force from out the skies—fain Science! caught with cunning snares
Now, swift as thought ,o’er the earth it flies, gathering gold for millionaires.
And art constructs a wondrous steed, that flies through mountains, over
With a hundred tons, at lightning speed; but the smooth-skin'd brethren
hold the reins.
Of grand improvements while they boast; to evade the law and blind our
They make false statements of the cost, drawing dividends from specious
Cunning machines, by genius made to do the work of human hands,
Are forcing men of every trade, to accede to all their harsh demands
Thus, guardians of the people’s rights! from honest men’s inventive brains,
While science and art is shedding light— Monopoly is forging chains!
And the sons of toil the chains must wear, or fight the monster to the
Could he monopolize the air he’d levy a tax upon our breath!
No old-time arbitrary laws decreed by tyrant potentates,
Were more inimical to freedom’s cause, than modern trusts and syndicates
With stringent laws let them be chained! the ancient sages knew full well,
The beast in man must be restrain’d through fear of— tis a shame to tell.
But punishment must follow crime, the rights of others to secure;
And never since, the dawn of time, more need to be both swift and sure
Let us unite and force the fight, till fraud shall fear to show its face;
Till being poor from doing right, shall be no longer deemed disgrace.
Till honest dealing shall be prized on earth, nor wait for heaven’s reward;
And all oppression is despised below, as .tis above abhor’d.
Till, when tis asked what man is worth, by one rule shall be answer given
Not counting gold, nor measuring earth—but the “golden rule” approved
of heaven.— C. Durand.
In Regard to the Amount of
Money in Circulation.
Which Throws the Treasur-
er’s Report off its Feet
In all the discussions on the sub
ject of the amount of money in circul
ation, the party press has always
fallen back on the governments re
port of the amount. It was given in
* the Secretary’s annual report —and
was repeated in the President’s mes
sage. The falsity of these figures has
often been exposed, until even the
financial journals of the country re
cognizes the fact—as a fact—that
there are not $lO to the head of
money in the United States—perhaps
not seven!
But the dirty, whipper-snapper
party press has never admitted any
thing-ror recognized anything. It
never does. Its masters w r on’t let it.
It still leads its spaniels by the nose,
and the spaniels are still licking its
greasy hand.
But the demands of commerce
sometimes get' outside the party har
ness. The monied men in this coun
try wanted to know if there were
$689,000,000 of gold in the country,
as the mint records recorded!
And so the treasury department
sent out circulars to all the state
and private banks to ascertain how
much gold there was on a given date.
Nearly 7,000 banks responded—all
but 741 in the country—and they of
course, had the reports from the na
tional banks. By these returns it
was found that there was in the or
dinary banks only $34,000,000 in
gold. The national banks held $72,-
000,000 and the government vaults
$313,000,000 —so there is a total of
gold in the country of say $450,000,-
000 counting $30,000,000 in people’s
Of this sum, however, $313,000,-
000 is absolutely out of circulation,
leaving about 137,000,000 actually
in use by both the people and the
National Banks. But the bank re
serves, etc., canijot be called circula
tion. This shows the fact that the
foreign drain of our gold has been
enormous—and that the demonetiza
tion of silver was a stupendous
E. D. Stone writes us:
Will send five dollars for the cam
paign fund as soon as the convention
is over. I wish I were able to send
SI,OOO. I would gladly do it.”
’Open Letter to Dr. Fish.”
The following poem appears in the
Pipestone “Farmers’ Advocate,” a
grand good jpurnal in the western
part of the state. At whatever sac
rifice of modesty, we will republish in
the Great West, lest the writer feel
that such evidences of friendship and
trust do not stir us to grater efforts.
Still, we urge that the credit given
below is deserved in only a very
small degree. Opportunities have
come through an open door, and we
have only grasped them as ten
thousand others would have done:
I cannot frame thoughts into speech with my
To express my proud thanks for the yict’ry you
Oh, it was generous, brave, manly and fair,
The way that you vanquished the proud million
You met the Great Giant in his armour of Gold,
And forced him to kneel to the truth which you
M r e accept it as a good omen in the oncoming
That the Gold gambling theives must yeild to
the right!
We ask for no quarter, are hearts are as steele,
We will conquer the foe or die on this field,
We are sworn to defeat this proud obligarchy,
The demo-republican bribe taking party!
Then let us all rally ’round the brave Doctor
Who knows the right medicine to put in their
We know his diagnosis—among all is the best,
You can get his prescriptions by—taking the
Gbeat West. *
To the Editor: A man who writes
for a. newspaper does so on presump
ion that his readers are up to the
average standard of mankind in in
telligence. Occasiouallv, however,
he strikes a snag, in the person of
some individual who requires proof
that the sun is in the heavens and
the earth under his feet. It is pain
ful for a busy man to descend from
the table-land of ordinary thought
and wrestle with such an individual
in a pot-hole.
Your correspondent denies the
truth of my statement that “there
were thousands of the wealthier and
more influential class,” at the close
of the American Revolution, “who
wanted to make Washington king/’
and vet he admits that “certain rich
men favored a constitutional mon
archy. If so, who did they want
forking? Was it Benedict Arnold?
He denies that “the capitalistic
class supported General Grant for a
third term, believing that his election
ment an empire;” and then he ad
mits that “General Grant’s adherents
claimed that there would be no
danger to our liberties in electing
him for even a number of terms, and
liis son Fred Grant after 'him!” He
fails to see that one man bolding the
office of president for a life-time and
then turningit over to his son would
shockingly resemble an established
hereditary monarchy.
Everyone knows who was alive at
the time of that campaign, that
Grant’s re-election, for a third term,
was vigorously opposed by Blaine
and others, because it was recognized
as a departure from the two-term
principle established by George
Washington, and dangerous to the
liberties of the country. The press
rang with the charge that it meant a
change in our form of government.
Frank Blair, Jr., declared publicly
that “if Grant went into the White
House again, he would never leave
it until he was carried out feet fore
most.” A prophetic work was writ
ten at the time called “The Coming
Crown.” I find the following pass
age quoted as having appeared, at
that time, in New York Tribune:
“It is astounding, yes, startling, the
extent to which the faith prevails in
money circles in New York that we
ought to have a king.” All Wall
Street backed up Grant’s candidacy;
and Roscoe Conkling was his great
advocate on the floor of the National
Convention, as the recognized repre
sentative of the wealth of New York.
I do not desire to disparage Gener
al Grant; he was a great man, and
the country owes him a vast debt of
gratitude. Ido not mean to assert
that Grant himself was a party to a
conspiracy; to overthrow the liber
ties of this country; but the men be
hind him were; and it is hard to tell
how far, if elected, he would have
been controlled by his friends.
Your correspondent asks how
could Grant have established an em
pire. There are a great many ways
of killing a dog. How did Coeesar
overthrow Roman liberty ? How did
Napoleon, the Great, terminate the
French Republic? How did Napo
leon, the Little, do the job for the
second Republic? Ask the ghosts of
the French statesmen who were
aiTested in their beds at midnight
and transported to death in the
malarial regions of South America.
The wealthy classes of this country
could readily hire men to foment la
bor riots in the United States, just
as William Pitt, the English minister,
hired Anacharsis lvlootz and his fol
lowers, to bring discredit on the
French revolution bytheir ridiculous
excesses. Fifty thousand dollars,
judiciously expended, would create
such turmoil and apprehension in all
our large cities that the whole prop
erty-holding and conservative class
of the United States would demand
a “stronger government” and that
means a king. With “the man on
horseback” as president, and the
capitalists ready to foment discon
tent among impoverished workmen,
and a purchasable press ready to
rise a concert howl against republi
can institutions, the empire would
not be far off.
But these propositions are so
plain to every man who has sense
enough not to boast that he was
the first ad vocate of the nomination
of Benjamin Harrison for president,
that 1 decline to discuss them fur
ther. There are some vacua which
only God can fill.
Cremation of Greenbacks.
“About a quarter of a mile from
the treasury department in what is
called “white lots” stands the fur
nace which is to consume our dollar.
The furnace, and the building in
which it stands, was built expressly
for this purpose at a cost of ten
thousand dollars. The furnace, is
circular, ten feet high and seven in
diameter, and open at the top. With
it is connected an air blower, which
is attached to an engine some twenty
rods distant. To this furnace, sup
plied with shavings in advance, every
other day, comes the “burning com
mittee,” bearing boxes of doomed
dollars, sealed finally in the registers,
and secretary’s offices. The commit
tee is formed of a person from each
o itlie bureaus with one more not con
nected with the department. In their
presence the final seals are broken,
and the complicated locks of the fur
nace opened. Then the packages are
thrown into the furnace, each lot be
ing called and checked by committee,
averaging about $1,500,000 every
other day. A is set to the
shavings, the committee and a few’
spectators witness the ascending
smoke of the sacrifice;” then retire.
This is copied from Clemmer Ames
10 years in Washington P. 337.
Then the people’s money, the money
that saved the Republic, was turned
into ashes because it didn’t bring us
ury into the pockets of the money
mongers. More anon. — Rev. D. Og
lesby, in Kansas Commoner.
J. Whitehead.
There never was any better advice
given to a vexed to tired mortal than
just—“ Keep Cool.” If some fat man
sits on your hat—keep cool. If you
run for office and the opposition pa
per charges you with being a chicken
thief, and proves it, why—keep cool.
But in these cases the prescription is
not easy to take. Strange how
much advice one can get for nothing.
But though it may be hard to “keep
cool” in yonr mind when insulted or
imposed upon, keeping physically
cool is no trouble at all, if you are
blessed with sense enough to take
“The Burlington” when traveling.
It is the Scenic Mississippi River Line,
and should be your selection when
going to Chicago, St. Louis, or any
city or large town east, west or
south. The river breezes will make
the trip delightful. For tickets,
time-tables, etc., call on any agent
of this or connecting lines, or ad
dress W. J. C. Kenyon, Gen. Pass.
AgentC.B. & N.R.R.,St. Paul, Minn.
Birds of a feather flock • together.
Who were at that meeting in Red
field and what was it for? “The far
mers’ friend” will be known this year
by the company he keeps.—Dakota
Ignatius Donnelly
Keep Cool.
Former*- in Urn
It is scarcely necessary to-say that the!
farming class far outnumbers any other
in this, province. The census of 1881
showed that in the whole Dominion
those engaged"in agricultural pursuits
were nearly three times in number the
next largest class, namely, those speci-'
fied as the “industrial” portion of the
population, and it is safe to say that in
this province the farmers are proportion
ately stronger than in any other. Now,
in the Ontario legislature and govern
ment, as in all the other provincial legis
latures and governments, and also at
Ottawa, the bona fide representation of
the farming community has always been
in inverse ratio to its strength.
If we are not mistaken only two of
the twenty-one gentlemen who have j
held portfolios in the government of this j
province since confederation have been
farmers, while on the other hand the
lawyers among them number thirteen.
Of the present government all the mem
bers who have seats in the house at this
moment belong to the legal profession.
For obvious reasons it is always desir
able that the legal element should be
strong in all governments and legisla
tures, but there is quite as good reason
why the agricultural class should be
well represented in the bodies which
make and iu those which administer the
laws of these Canadian provinces.
It is not surprising that the desire
should have begun to manifest itself
among the farmers for a larger share in
the conduct of the affairs of the province
in which they have so great au interest,
and they are now beginning to show
that they feel their strength and are
ready and willing to take the place to
which, especially in a country like Can
ada, they are entitled. —Toronto Mail.
The Middleman-.
Let us now briefly notice the position
of the farmer as a manufacturer of farm
products, for the farmer is as much a
manufacturer when he manufactures
pork, beef, butter, cheese, etc., as the
manufacturer of farm implements or
boots and shoes. Do the consumers of
his goods fare any better at his hands
than he does at the hands of other man
ufacturers# Let us see. The farmer
manufactures butter, takes it to the
grocer and sells it for what he can get,
regardless of what it cost to manufacture
it. The grocer sells it to the packer, the
packer ships it to some commission house,
where it is sold to the jobber, who sells
it to the retailer and he to the consumer.
It has now passed through the hands
of five parties, each one levies tribute on
it and by the time it reaches the con
sumer the same pound of butter the
farmer sold at 10 cents per pound to the
grocer costs the purchaser 30 cents per
pound. What is true of butter is
equally true of every article produced on
our farms. Between the producer and
consumer stand a horde of lazy hulks,
whose capacity for greed is insatiable
and who are determined to disobey the
scriptural injunction, “In the sweat of
thy brow thou shalt eat bread.” There is
no patent on making and selling butter
and yet it costs the consumer 100 per
cent, more than the producer received
for the same article; no patent on rais
ing and marketing potatoes, and yet in
our town the same potatoes for which
dealers pay to farmers twenty-five cents
per bushel the dealer is selling to con
sumers for fifty cents per bushel, an in
crease of 100 per cent. —M. E. King in
Grange Bulletin.
“Sit on the Box and Drive.”
The revolt of the farmers is beginning
to trouble the Republican papers of the
west. The Kearney Enterprise, a Re
publican Prohibition paper published in
Nebraska, is already singing the old song
of the spider to the fly. Of course, it de
clares, the farmers of the west “have
certain well defined grievances” which it
it within their power to redress by an
appeal to the ballot box, but it insists
that the right way to go about this work
is to stick to the Republican party. The
farmers’ movement, it continues, is or
ganized in every state west of the Alle
gheny mountains, and the success of the
movement is essential to the prosperity
of all classes of people; “but,” it asks,
“why should not the Republican farmers
go to victory in the old coach, when
they are invited to sit on the box and
“Sit on the box and drive?” Why, if
any one of them were to be seen hanging
around the boot the magnates who own
the coach and direct the driver would
raise an angry cry of “Cut behind.”—
New York Standard.
A One Sided Boom.
One of the singular features of the
Texas boom so far is that it is principally
confined to city property. What would
do more permanent good would be the
settlement of the millions of idle fertile
lands with thrifty tillers. The towns
already, in most cases, are ahead
of the surrounding country, and will
have to take a rest, sooner or later, till
the wealth producing elements are fur
ther advanced. A permanent Texas boom
can only be maintained by bringing in
wealth producers.—Texas Live Stock
Foundation Principles.
The Farmers’ Alliance of Benedict,
Neb., asks the State Board of Transport
ation to cut down freight rates on rail
roads to a point where they “will be able
to obtain a living price” for their prod
ucts. “We will have you know,” they
tell the board, “that you are pur serv
ants, not our masters. You have one
chance, and only one, obedience to the
will of the people. That’s what this gov
ernment meant when founded, and we
are going to start things from the foun
dation again.”
If the farmers will take a glance ini
the direction of congress it is not unlike
ly that they will find the culprit they
are after. To curse the supreme court
is foolish and can do no possible good.
But a few stout expletives leveled at
congress might do no harm. At alb
events, they would show that the farm
ers were at last beginning to understand
the Source of their troubles.—Chicago
the educated farmer.
Sermon to. the Gtadsating Class of the
Massachusetts Agricultural College.
The baccalaureate sermon before the
graduating class at the Massachusetts
Agricultural college at Amherst was de
livered by Professor C. S. Walker. His
text was Luke xxiii,32: “Strengthen thy
brethren.” The topic was, “The Duty
of the Educated Farmer.” Professor
Walker said:
“Heretofore, in all parts of the world,
the farmer has been no match for his
adversary. He has never held his own
against the soldier or the priest, against
the politician or the statesman. In an
cient times he was the slave, in the mid
dle ages the serf.. In the Nineteenth
century he is the slave, the serf, the
peasant or the proprietor, according to
location. American farmers as a clnsa
are face to face with a crisis. They have
subdued a continent, and furnished the
raw material for our factories and man
hood for our civilization. They have
sustained the nation’s credit with their
hard earned, dollars, rescued endangered
liberty with their conscientious ballots,
and defended time and again the Stars
and Stripes with their loyal blood.
Vigorous in body, strong in character,
striking in individuality, lovers of home,
massive in common sense, fertile in re
sources, devout believers in providence,
the farmers of America will never allow
themselves to be overwhelmed by the
fate that sunk the tillers of the soil in
India, in Egypt, in Europe.
“From all parts of this land farmers
are coming together. Organization and
co-operation are the wonderful ideas that
have awakened them as never before.
They are grasping hands with a grip
that means something, completing ways
and means, uniting upon ends to be
gained. They demand for themselves
and their children an education equal to
the best. They insist upon a fair share
of the profits of American industry,
claiming that no state can long exist in
which the tillers of the soil bear most of
the burdens and share little of the bless
ings of advancing civilization.
“But they are in danger of making mis
takes in the struggle that shall turn
back the progress of the movement.
They demand leaders. To supply this
demand is the imperative duty of the
educated farmer. Whatsoever of bodily
vigor, mental power and moral heroism
the educated farmer may have acquired
from ancestors, college or university, he
will need, that he may consecrate it to
the great work of strengthening his
brethren, the farmers of America, so that
they shall ever remain an immovable
foundation of this the only Republic
where empire has not been rapidly un
A Canadian Opinion.
The ascendancy of the farmer in
American politics would not place • in
jeopardy the interests of any section of
the people. The well being of the
whole community is bound up with the
well being of the men who till the soil.
There can be no true and lasting pros
perity which is not shared by the farm
ers. Legislation to improve their con
dition by removing from their shoulders
the burden of oppressive taxation is leg
islation to improve the condition of the
whole people. Especially true is it that
there is no antagonism between the in
terests of the farmers and the interests
of their fellow workingmen in the towns
and cities. The wisest men among both
classes fully realize this. There already
exists a sort of agreement between the
Farmers’ Alliance of the United; States
and the Knights of Labor.
When, on both sides of the boundary,
the farmers and workingmen come to
understand that their interests are iden
tical, that the whole political power of
the continent lies in their hands, and
that it is alike their duty and their inter
est to use that power for emancipation
from false theories of government and
progress in true ones, the ringsters and
the demagogues may suffer,, but all dan
ger of plutocratic rule will be forever
averted, and the triumph of democracy
finally assured.—Toronto Globe.
Why the Farmer Stays Poor.
The chief cause of the farmer’s lack
of prosperity lies in another direc
tion. Low prices for his crops would
not be so bad provided he were able to
buy the goods he consumes correspond
ingly cheap. But when he must pay
out of his small income war taxes on all
or nearly all the goods be buys he can
never hope to be prosperous. With the
price of his sugar increased 50 per cent,
and that .of the clothing for himself and
family and the tools and machinery ho
uses in his daily occupation increased in
a still greater ratio by a tariff main
tained to foster trusts and monopolies
and pile up money to be squandered by
politicians and jobbers, he will be com
pelled to scratch a poor man’s head ini
definitely.—Philadelphia Times.
Tlie Farmer's Only Hope.
There is only one basis of hope for the
farmer. He must crawl out from under
the withering shadow of the politician
and take this government, in company
with other workers and friends of hu
manity in general, into his own hand*
and run it on the basis of equity instead
of piracy, as it is now run. He must
control the volume and disposition of the
money that now shackles him to the
shyloek juggernaut, the railway that
takes his product to market and the mar
ket that effects its exchange.. Nothing
short of this will do. All else will be
effort in vain.—Hartford Examiner.
What I would like to see would be a
law passed in Colorado compelling the
railroads to deal fairly with the people.
I would like to see them made to carry
Colorado freight at the same price per
mile that they bring freight in from
Kansas and Nebraska. Fair play is a
jewel but vre have not had much of it
from the railroad companies.—William
Stoddard, Boulder, Colo.
The tiinn is coming—nay, has already
come—when every i mer must declare
either for nr against his calling, and ally
himself an! family with some organiza
Soggestlotixof ,D«*lr*ble Thing*? WM*
the . Farmers Can Achieve.
What the farmer of the south, most
needs is to control his own- market:
The merchant buys his goods at. cer
tain prices, and he fixes the -price- at
which he will sell. The farmer.raises
grain which costs him a certain price
to produce, but he has nothing; tu do
with naming the price at which he will
sell. This is done by the grain or. prod
uce buyer. This is, to some extent,, the
fault of the farmer,, who usually does
not know what his grain costs him. A
manufacturer of plows knows to- the
fraction of a cent what a single plow
costs him, including its proportion .of in
terest on his investment and taxes upon
his property.
If a farmer should be asked what his
wheat cost him, what his com cost him,
what his hogs cost him and what his
cattle cost him, including labor,, inci
dentals, interest and taxes, he would find
it impossible to tell. Hence he is at the
mercy of those who control the markets,
because of his ignorance of the most im
portant item in any business—first cost.
It is necessary that the farmers should
combine for their mutual protection.
The only question is as to form cf com
bination. The cost of com, wheat or oats
could be determined' by averaging the
entire crop of a district, and the farmers
who produce all of these articles are cer
tainly strong enough to control the mar
ket in them, if properly organized; What
is needed is a combination of farmers
that will keep produce off the market
unless a price is paid that will afford a
living profit, and if necessary a like pro
vision to that which obtains in labor
unions and associations as to -support of
members in case of strike oould obtain
here in case of those who were- not in a
condition to hold their produce, .although,
of course, the identical rules could not
be made to apply. Where he now saves
dollars by buying his supplies at a re
duced price he would then, make hun
dreds of dollars by controlling his own
market and affixing his own; prices.
While the grain manipulators would
be strong, yet the market quotations do
not necessarily control the markets. If
the farmer goes to a merchant for flour
does he consult the market reports to see
what he will pay the merchant for the
flour? He certainly does not. And the
same would soon be true as to the farmer
with his wheat.
Cheap freight rates is another desira
ble thing, but that would he the ship
per’s fight if the farmer simply had
nerve enough to control his own prices.
If the Alliance will have its members
combine to control their own produce
they need pay no attention to merchan
dising or railroading. They can devote
their entire attention, to farming, and
be the most independent set of men on
earth.—Frank L. Wells in American
Plenty of Wealth- In the Country,
But where is it? Not in the hands of
the masses; notin the pockets of the great
body of the people;:not evenly distributed
where it might do the most good, but it is
gobbled up by a few great millionaires,
who, by some sort of financial necro
mancy or chance,.have got their hands on
the principal values and main sources of
wealth,.where their accumulations have
rolled in by millions into their plethoric
coffers. What good does it do? Of what
use are great riches thus gathered and
thus concentrated?
The country is rich, is it? Great
wealth and large accumulations are
counted, in a few • hands, and with it
trade and commerce and money are con
trolled and monopolized to the great dis
advantage of the working masses, whose
interests are overslaughed by the finan
cial manipulations of these great operat
ors, by the men who own stocks and
bonds and control banks and railroads
and other money corporations. In i the
midst of all this plethora the people suf
fer. With big money and gold walls in
sight there is scarcity and want. And
why? Simply because of unequal dis
tribution and disparity in condition
which follows thereby. Surely there
must be something wrong in the. social
and financial system which allows and
makes these things possible in a free re
publican nation. Great wealth.for the
few, great want for the many.r—National
Marketing Through the Banks.
The enormous wool industry in Aus
tralia has been largely stimulated by
mortgage and finance companies, as well
as by the banks. An individual or a,
firm desiring to raise sheep. and to grow
wool in any of the Australian; countries.
can usually secure capitall,, or at least
large advances on his stock,, by agreeing
that the clip shall be handjfed, forwarded
and sold by either the banks or the mort
gage companies. Thus,, ot the total im
port of Australian .wool; into Great Brit
ain in 1889 of nearly 1,240,000 bales,
about 12 per cent, .was consigned for sale
through the banks, and; about 3b per
cent, through the-mortgage and finance
companies. The-business is done*on a.
much larger scale, or ratherin a mc fe con
centrated manner;,, than in this c/untry.
Single firms nwn.larger numbers jif sheep,
than any torresponding firms ,or indi
viduals in the United States. —*mericain
Gambling and Legitimate Business.
Legislation to stop gambling in th»
necessities of' life and stop trading in
mythical commodities is to be desired,
but the law should not Wso carelessly
wcwded as to cramp legitimate business.
Some of the operating in.actual merchan
dise to be delivered in the future is
proper and a help to the business of the
country. It enables manufacturers to
contract for supplies, it helps banks
make advances on crops and benefits
in other ways.—Farmers' Friend and
Grange Advocate.
When the upper crust of this country
goes across the ocean every year to spend
$90,000,000 in seeing and feeling of vari
ous .things in the old country we really
cannot see why money should be scarce
and the rate of interest high in this
country.—Exchange. * _ ,

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