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The number on the printed ad dress slip will tell at what num ber your subscription expires. SI.OO A YEAR IN ADVANCE. FOE TRIAL SUBSCEIBEES. *®“LOOK AT THISAny person who does riot take the Great West can have it for four months for 25c., on trial. Subscribe either with your Alliance Secretary, or your Postmaster, or send direct to TldE GREAT WEST, 679 Wabasha St., St. Paul, Minn. TP A^RJ^nEYR.- Have You Subscribed for “The Great West?” Has the Rising Tide of the Great Revolution Your brethren throughout the world have discovered a new destiny for toil. There is no lawlessness involved, nor infringements upon the rights of others. Nevertheless it is a newefreed. Its primary principle is that CHANCE SHALL NO LONGER ENNOBLE A DUNCE, Nor shall FRAUD BE THE ONLY SOURCE OF WEALTH, Nor POVERTY THE ONLY HERITAGE OF LABOR. Are you aware of the fact that the tide rises, broad, deep, rapid The movement is magnificent. Pine forests of Maine, ranches of Texas, hill farms of Pennsylvania, yellow groves of Florida and California, wheat fields of the Dakotas, are astir—and the movement has reached the old world. Four and a half million men belong to a single federation. THE GREAT WEST leaped into this conflict with the strong arm and sharp sword of Truth. It has spared no man who bent a servile knee. The entire party press of the Northwest has been arrayed against it. It has been attacked on the floor of Congress and jumped upon in two legis latures. It has been challenged for a fortune on the grain exposures—won the challenge and not the fortune! Whatever the motive, it hae struck terrific blows against the grain conspirators of the northwest, and has never weakened in its work for humanity. It has not been a skimmilk warrior—on the defensive. It is aggressive. In its investigations it has opened up the books of railway companies, taken canal documents from eastern vaults and established astounding re lations with the largest banks in Europe. The wonderful elevator letters from the grain plutocrats all went to Paris to reach 679 Wabasha St., St. Paul. Do not let dead and dying ideas keep you from the light. Ask your Alliance Secretary or your Postmaster for club rates, or send direct to the office. For rates see double-column adv’t under head of “Our Books.” Lay aside all your prejudices and come up to the help of the Poor against the Mighty. i Not an American could be found who did not profoundly believe in the perpetuity of the American Republic. The past was strewn with aw ful wrecks—amid the mighty timbers of which Humanity poured forth in to new epochs, a wounded, bleeding, hopeless mass. But in America—the “land of the free and the home of the brave”—lntelligence was enthroned, and all the maelstroms of the past would be charmed into silence, and peace, and usefulness, by the deity which presided over the school house! Thirty years ago no man could urge the probable fall of the great Re public, because no man could even prophesy a cause for decay! That in this land of schoolhouses, a degradation of the public conscience should creep in—as it did in old Greece and Rome—and men barter public interest for private welfare—had not even budded into a possibility. Much less had it come to flower. The orator, the statesman, the image-breaker and the priest—all glowed with a magnificent patriotism, which could hardly wait for July 4th to display itself in brilliant figure and comely meta phor. Men at the fireside read the still warm words of statesmen, and watch ed with critic eye the trend of public acts at Washington. The long list of forensic heroes is a scroll of great men, whose auditors were not hushed in a committee room, but were scattered amid the cabins of a generation of men—men, whose almost puritanic integrity had not yet lost the pow er to blush! We have been, in childhood, in an Irishman’s shanty, and a woodsaw yer’shome, and heard of Websters, and Cassius M. Clays, and Wades, and Sewards, and Haynes, and Cameron the elder, and Douglas, and Sumner. A score of men who, apparently, prepared the golden pathway of pros perity for the feet of the unborn, pattering down the corridors of a time yet to come. Hail, happy day—when the roseate hue of national hope was never lost amid the bitter fights on capitol floors or Kansan plains! Alas, those mighty ones sleep in graves sodden with a present degradation. Alas, the people float along on a tide which bears them out to a stormy future. Alas, the public cheek no longer blushes at the knavish deed—and the public conscience no longer burns at public wrongs. Buchanan was disgraced and his ministry overthrown for the theft of a paltry dollar. But a party is labeled “Grand Old Party” which in a night robs the people of three hundred millions of wealth; and gives to soulless syndicates an empire which the Great Caesar never dreamed of, or Alexander wept to conquer. Such is history for thirty years. Such is the heritage left for our chil dren. We found this nation with the toiler owning 80 per cent of its wealth, we leave it to the coming toiler with less than 30. We found it with two millionaires—we leave it with 9,000! We found it with a mortgage on a home a badge of disgrace—we leave it with over 9,000,000 mortgages on less than eleven million homes. We found it ready to bury forever the wretch who bought his public place—we leave it with no power to procure place except by purchase. We found the public prison open to the law breaker—we leave it with the senate-door opened to the public pilferer! Thirty years finds the new generation—now in active life—pushing for ward to emprise and power by fraud, cunning, public theft. Our politics cries for reformation. The old genius arises like a thin spirit of the “Ancient-of-Days!” It cries in the wilderness of poverty! It sings Mareel iaise. It marshals the dim spectres, of hopes not yet dead, into legions at the ballot box—and lifts Humanity again upon the broken shields. But alas! Like the cry of the banshee in the black forests of superstition, the wail is not the slogan of the highlands, or soul-music from the warm val leys of patriotism. It cries of memories—of wrongs—of man’s sad wants! Butin the forefront of these legions, which silently press against the bars of misfortune, the political debauche draws his pewter sword, winds his tinsel horn—and the song and the slogan is a mockery. Thirty years have cast a net-work over humanity—a net-work of pov erty and cowardice, for the two go hand in hand. And here we are—with mighty cities, magnificent railways, bridges the glory of the age, triumphs of invention and a victorious intellect. But the vast train of followers in this procession step to the rythm of clanking chains and despondent mur murs. Thirty years have destroyed the public conscience; and amid the i< V \ ' l i . Minn Historical • SOwWj A* Reached You Yet? Thirty Years Ago The Great West. JUSTICE TO THE POOR IS THE RI CH T EOUSN ESS OF GOD. ST. PAUL. MINN., FRIDAY, APRIL 17. 1891. legions of reform a cry goes forth which has shaken granite walls to crum bling rains—a cry which will be followed by a flood of tears if not a sea of blood—a cry which wrecks hope and thrills with /ear. That cry ij “Whom can we trust?” Thirty years have passed and thirty years will come. We stand by di verging roads, at the foot of the past thirty. One road leads to a resur rection of the hopes of humanity. ' The other leads to dissolution of patriotic hopes, and into the jungles of civil strife and domestic poverty. As ye now choose, so will your future be. For—during years, and years, and years, Humanity will never struggle again as it is struggling now, if it be lost in the jungle. Think, oh ye men, when will ye again be inspired to seek the better path if ye be now misled by those whom you thrust into leadership? Therefore, have care; have circumspection; have patriotism to' strike, and strike awful hard; do not be enthused into confidence where it is not won by character. In all the doubtful and mystifying mazes of political warfare you have an unerring guide which God Almighty provides for the weak; a ship is guided by a small rudder—and that rudder is always in the stem of the boat! You can put your rudder back of your,political craft, and the craft will answer the helm every time. No man who receives the approbation of the corrupt jurists, and the plutocracy, or the praise of the political powers of the dominant parties, can be trusted! Let this be your rudder. Let this be your guide and helm. If a man, in this historic struggle, is befriended by the evil genius of the hour, he is no man for you. He will betray—he has betrayed, humanity—or else the master-spirits of dominant statecraft would put the heel of their condem nation upon him! Men, what shall the next thirty years bring forth? VOICES FROM THE PAST. The National Banking System Condemned by the Statecraft of the Past. We take the following powerful comment from the “National Reform er,” interspersing with an occasional comment of our own. It is well worth reading: Here we have some of the abuses of money which the Alliance proposes to remedy through National legislation. Much has been written on the subject of National banks and we do not propose here to tire the reader with a repetition of what has been said. In order to sustain our position, however, we will, at the risk of being charged with a tediousness, quote a few authorities as to the power which banks of issue have over the business of the country. In his letter to Mr. Gallatin, December 13, 1803, Thomas Jefferson says: “The nation is at this time strong and united in its sentiments, and cannot be shaken. ‘But suppose a series of untoward events should occur, sufficient to bring into doubt the competency of the government to meet a NATIONAL BANK BILLS 1 Are no more money than your indiuidual note. They are backed by paper bonds, and “Faith" S| backs the bonds. THEY ARE NOT LEGAL TENDER, p They are the offspring of public robbery, the hand- p maid of tyranny.. Until Plutocracy permits the m government to issue its own “Faith” object to re- E ceiuing them. Talk “Rag Baby” to the Flutes. [I crisis of great danger, an institution like this, penetrating by its branches every part of the union, acting by command and in phalanx, may in a critical moment, upset the government. “I deem no government safe which is under the vassalage of any self constituted authorities, or any other authority than that of the nation or its regular functionaries. What an obstruction could these banks be in time of war! They might dictate to us the peace we should accept, or with draw their aid. Ought we to give further growth to an institution so powerful, so hos tile? That it is hostile we know. First. From the knowledge of the principles of the persons who com pose the body of their directors and stockholders. Second. From their opposition to the measures and principles of the government and those friendly to them. Third. From the sentiment of the newspapers they support. Should we not make a beginning toward an independent use of our own money, towards holding our own bank, and lettiDg the treasurer give his draft or note payment at any particular place, which in a well conducted government ought to have as much credit as any private draft or bank note or bill, and would give us the same facilities which we derive from the banks. Treasury bills or notes, bottomed on taxes, and thrown into circula tion, will take the place of so much gold or silver, but bank paper must be suppressed, and the circulation restored to whom it belongs.” Jackson, in his farewell address, speaking of the United States Bank, whose capital and power bore no comparison to the present National Banking System, said: “The immense capital, the peculiar privileges bestowed upon it,enabled it to exercise despotic sway over the other banks in the entire country. From its superior strength it could seriously injure, if not destroy, the business of any one of them which might incur its resentment, and it open ly claimed for itself the power of regulating the currency throughout the United States. In other words, it asserted (and undoubtedly possessed) the power to make money plenty orscarce,at its pleasure, at anytime, and in any quarter of the Union, by controlling the issues of other banks, and permitting an expansion, or compelling a general contraction of the circul ating medium, according to its own will. The other banking institutions were sensible of its strengih, and they soon generally became its obedient instrument, ready at all times to execute its mandates; and. with the banks necessarily went also that numerous class of persons in our commer cial cities who depended altogether on bank credits for their solvency and means of business: who are therefore obliged, for their own safety, to pro pitiate the favor of the money power by distinguished zeal and devotion in its service.” “The result of the ill-advised legislation, which established this great monopoly, was to concentrate the whole moneyed power of the Uuion with its boundless means of corruption, and its numerous dependents, un der the direction and command of one acknowledged head; thus organiz ing this particular interest as one body, and securing to it unity and con cert of action, throughout the United States, and enabling it to bring for ward, upon any occasion, its entire and undivided strength to support or defeat any measure of the governn eat. In the hands of this formidable power, thus perfectly organized, was also placed unlimited dominion over the amount of the circulating medium, giving it the power to regulate the value of property and the fruits of labor, in every quarter of the Union; THOMAS JEFFERSON. ANDREW JACKSON. * and to bestow prosperity or bring ruin upon any city or section of the country, as might best comport with its own interest or policy. “We are not left to conjecture how the moneyed power thus organized and with such a weapon in its hands, would be likely to use it. The dis tress and alarm which pervaded and agitated the whole country, when the Bank of the United States waged war upon the people, and in order to compel them to submit to its demands, cannot yet be forgotten. The ruthless and unsparing temper with which whole cities and communities were oppressed, individuals impoverished and ruined, and a scene of cheer ful prosperity suddenly changed into one of gloom and despondency, ought to be indelibly impressed on the memory of the people of the United States. If such was its power in a time of peace, what would it not have been in a season of war with an enemy at our doors? No nation but the freemen of the United States could have come out victorious in such a con test; yet, if you had not conquered, the government would have passed from the hands of tha many to the hands of the few; and this organized money power, from its secret conclave, would have dictated the choice of your highest officers, and compelled you to make peace or war, as best suited their own wishes. The forms of your government might for a time have remained; but its living spirit would have departed from it.” John C. Calhoun, in a speech in the United States Senate, said: “Place the money power in the hands of a combination of a few individ uals, and they, by expanding or contracting the currency, may raise or sink prices at pleasure; and by purchasing when at the greatest depression, and selling when at the greatest elevation, may command the whole prop erty and industry of the community, and control its fiscal operations. The banking system concentrates and places this power in the hands of those who control it. Never was an engine invented better calculated to place the destiny of the many in the hands of the few, or less favorable to that equality and independence which lies at the bottom of our free institu tions.” Senator Beck, in a speech in the United States Senate, December 21, 1885, said: “Every secretary of the treasury has disregarded the law and acceded to. their demands. Our officials have thus aided and abetted the organiz ation of the most powerful body of the capitalists in the United States, against silver coinage—men who control the currency of the country and hold the obligations of all its business concerns; men who can contract or inflate the circulating medium on which all our commercial transactions de pend.” * * * “These men control boards of trade, chambers of commerce, and the best talent of the press; they can crush all who are in debt if they dare dis sent from, or object to the demands they make. The reports of their con ventions and speeches are laid before us with a parade and semblance of au thority equal to the report of the secretary of the treasury, or the message of the president.” * * * Many other authorities might be quoted to sustain our position but it is unnecessary. Now, for a consideration of the second object. At the time of the in stituting of the National banking system (March, 1863) there was no gold or silver either in the banks or the government treasury. The war between the States had driven it out of circulation. As early as 1862 Mr. Spauld ing, the author of the legal tender bill, speaking of the bankers and capi talists, said: “All the gold they possess could not carry on the govern ment ninety days.” It was to stop the issue of legal tender notes, or to control them, that the bankers secured the passage of the National Bank Act. The bank notes were not made a legal tender. They were made re deemable m greenbacks. On one side of the greenbacks was stated in plain language “The United States Will Pay The Bearer One Dollar.” On the other side it said: “This is a dollar for everybody but the bondholder; and to obtain coin for him we’ll make the importer hustle round and pay duties on imports, in coia, or we’ll go into the Street hnd bqy it for him.” Now what was the greenback based upon? It was supposed to rest upon coin as a basis; but there was no coin. The whole thing, bank notes, greenbacks and bonds rested and now rests upon the stability of the gov ernment. The government is behind it all, not alone with her coin, but with all her weal th. Then why should the people issue bank notes, guaran teeing them to be good, loan them to the bankers at one per cent for the privilege of borrowing them back at ten per cent? Although bank notes are used as money and generally accepted as a medium of payment, they are not money, inasmuch as they are not a legal tender. Why should gov ernment loan them to the people. A bank note is a credit, not of the banks, but of the government. The people are the government and hence a bank note is the credit of the people. The whole gist of the National banking system is, that it has entirely reverse d the natural con dition of things. The banker collects interest on what he owes and the people pay interest on what is coming to them. Think of the folly of such a system and then wonder how it can exist among intelligent peo ple. When the U. S. government undertook to provide money based on faith in the government and its public property, it created two kinds—bonds and greenbacks. The bonds were grabbed by the banker as good enough even for Shylocks. But the people’s bonds, the greenbacks, they smirched with this legend: “This note is a legal tender at its face value for all debts public and private, except duties on imports and interest on the public debt.” That is, the Banker made Uncle Sam say: “This money is good for all —except me and my pet bondholders. You take paper—we’ll make you furnish me and my pets gold!” To Answer When the False Charge is Made Has Been Injured by her Railroad Laws. The R. R. Commissioners of lowa have made their Report for the past year—and the Pioneer-Press and St. Paul Despatch, yes, and the Daily News, in this state, and plenty of guffers in other states, ought to be made to eat it. We are not speaking in metaphors. The exact words are meant. These plutic traitors who are depraving the public conscience by continu ous lying for party’s sake, should be compelled to masticate and swallow the truth. They have persistently misrepresented the facts. They use “poor Iowa” to adorn every tale of granger woe and point every moral of their assinine sophistry. Now let them face the facts, and if their brains can not under stand them perhaps their stomachs can. The “poor lowa,” under granger railroad laws, has seen the most prosperous year—for the railroads—ever known in the state. Repeat that, gi anger: The roads, in their Reports do some angle-worm contortioning! They wig gle some and squirm some—but the truth is born. * Their increase in net earnings last year were over TWO MILLIONS OF DOLLARS! We quote the following: Total earnings for 1890 $41,318,133 Operating expenses 27,296,283 Net earnings $14,021,849 There was an increase of cost of operating of $1,688,317, and yet the increase in net earnings was $2,160,539! Poor lowa—bedridden old granger!—it is a shame to abuse the rail roads thus “ben’t it?” BUT, Howls the plutic liars—there hasn’t been a mile of new road built—the tracts are grass-grown, and the whole state will slowly lapse into barbar ism. Surely. But somehow the new construction-cost in lowa LAST YEAB—EIGHTEEN-NINETY — Was over twenty-one million dollars! What? A mile of new road built in ■ it* • ' s" -• ‘ ■ — — V * HNNESOTA [ ISIUnjEALrab Republic was toundeo SOCIEIYPP°® principles which involved ______ the Duality of Labor. To des > troy the power of Labor is to construct taste. A Caste cannot co-exist with a Republic. r- : ‘ Wall Street is the Government BE YE PREPARED THE MOST PROSPEROUS THE STATE HAS EVER KNOWN! VOL. 11, WHOLE NO. 79 CALHOUN. that lowa