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National Economist: The wealth firoducers of this country want noth- Dg cheap but money, and this they propose the government shall furnish them at the same rate it now supplies the national bank, that ia at cost. Cleveland. Harrison. Sherman, et al., may put this statement in their pipes and smoke it. It is official. The Harrisburg Patriot says: Whitelaw Reid upon a platform of protection is a spectacle that will no doubt shake Cleopatra’s needle to pieces with mirth. Americans are a humorous people, proverbially able and willing to enjoy a joke, but the funniest thing that a humorous per son ever did was to place Reid upon such a platform. Carthage Record: The people of this county were not brought up iu the woods to be scared by an owl. The idea of going into the Third party does not frighten them one bit, none, except the cowards, who are useless in an army where fighting is to be done. It is a surrender in ad vance for any Alliance man to say that he will not stick to his principles no matter where it carries him. * * Chicago Sentinel: It takes just as much labor on the part of the indi vidual to procure a fiat dollar as it does one hundred copper cents or twenty "rickies.” or 4121 grains of standard silver, or 2:3.8 grains of gold, 9.10 line, and either will pay just as much debt as the other if the govern ment declares them ail a full legal tender —and of the whole batch the paper dollar is the most convenient. Topeka Advocate and Tribune: If “ever field of waving grain makes Re publican votes, ” as the distinguished bummer from the Fifth district says; it must be that the number of Repub lican votes increases as the price of grain goes down. Perhaps he means that every field of grain makes just that much more money for the rail roads so they can afford to buy votes in Tennessee and ship them into the state. Chicago Express: There is not a workingman anywhere on God’s green earth but who produces more than he consumes. What he produces is, by rights, his. and he ought to be allowed to enjoy it. Carnegie, for instance, ••makes” a larger profit off the labor of his workingmen than the men themselves, over and above a bare existence. It isn’t right. It ought to be changed, and will be changed if the people but vote right. Santa Ana Sentinel: Mr. Peffer Bhows from the report of the currency that between the years 1882 and 1890 $57-1,000,000 of the circulating medium was withdrawn, and adds: “It is within reason to believe that if this amount had been put out and kept out among the people as the law provided, the lawmakers intended and expected, and the business needs of tho'country required, there would bn but littLe indebtedness among people. Chicago Sentinel: The future of wage labor is seen in the recent his tory of some wage slaves in an Amer ican factory. One stayed away to bury his mother and another to bury his wife. They were told when they returned that they were not needed; while a third who had the misfortune of losing a child, and was absent that day was allowed to keep his place only after the cruel remark that he could return to work provided he had no moro children likely to die. Journal of the Knights of Labor: “When it comes to choosing between two shades that are nearly alike, a woman can be trusted to make a wise selection. Kate Field supports Cleve land. ” But when it i omes to mistaking these two scarcely differing shades for totally different colors without being able to tell what different color either of them is, and then making a fool’s choice between them, the free, inde pendent and intelligent men voters are the ones to be depended upon. Alliance He aid says and might add that it would possibly be a lead ing and not inappropriate question to ask Democrats and Republicans alike —who voted against free coinage— which country they considered them selves representatives of, the United States or England? They have done the latter’s work consistently: Since congress killed the silver bill the price of silver bullion has fallen to 67.1 cents per ounce. That means that England can give India 32} per cent advantage over the American wheat and cotton grower. Two and one-half per cent on the cotton and wheat consumed by England will more than repay her the amount of money expended to kill the silver bill. Thus it is that the producers are taxed to pay for the damage inflicted upon their interests by recalcitrant public servants. People’s Press: Of every new party it is said “It will soon be as bad as the old parties.” This cannot be consistently said of the People’s party for the reason that it proposes to keep the power in the hands of the people themselves The initiative, the referendum and the imperative mandate will effectually keep the ••crooks” of all parties straight National Economist: The indecent manner in which the Democratic house treated the Alliance sub-treas ury bill in waiting until the very last hours of the session, when debate was impossible, to make an adverse re port upon the measure, is another evidence of the unfairness with which labor’s demands generally have been treated by the old party congress, and is another nail in the coffin in which the putrid carcass of plutocracy will gAon be ensconsed. SHY ANOTHER BRICK. This One Is Awfully Soft and Falls to Pieces at a Touch. If Mrs. Lease, of Kansas, can spare a moment from the cares and respon sibilities of electing a president, she might lake a trip to Springwells, Michigan, and inaugurate some meas ures looking to the amelioration of the condition of her own sex. There scores of women work in the brick yards. digging in the pits and carry ing the moulds. The upper parts of their bodies are almost nude, and the lower portions are barely covered by coarse cloth. Several carry naked babies while they work. They came from Poland.—Denver Times. The above reminds me that in the campaign of 1890 I said in one of my speeches that in the protected state of Pennsylvania there were women work ing at the coke ovens—women so worn and haggard, so bent and wretched, that even that old savage chief, Sitting Bull marvelled when he saw them that the whiteman could so abuse his squaw. This statement was sneered at by a fervid disciple ot the doctrine of protection to the Amer ican laborer, who declared that it was a calamity lie. It seems however, that when a pro tectionist imagines he can score a point or discredit a speaker of the new school of politics, he can paint a moro hideous picture than a calam ity ite. Doubtless the barbaric story of the Denver Times is true, writes Annie L. Diggs in the Topeka Advocate and Tribune. Even still more horrid hells than the brick-yards of Springwells are peopled with women, and may be found in every city in this civilized Christian land of ours. The women in the brick-yards are among the lucky ones who have been able to get work; they at least may breathe God’s free, pure air. They doubtless get something of a pittance in the shape of wages, hence they are in the high way toward “prosperity,” and should they be economical, prudent and lay by a portion of each week’s wages, they will in time become wealthy. At least that is the assurance we daily re ceive from the upholders of the pres ent order of business. Why, Carnegie himself was once a poor boy. He was economical, prudent, and put by a portion of each week’s wages, etc. But what about the. thousands of wo men in the foul pestilential slums of our American infernos who have not struck a vein of prosperity such as that within the wholesome precincts of a brick-yard? How about the thous ands of unemployed, despairing. God forsaken women, and the famine pinched, emaciated babies sweltering and gasping in foul alleys reeking with green slime, fetid with stench of offal, horrible with vermin and dia bolical with oaths and obscenity. While the good Denver Times is picturing the prosperity of this coun try why not show up something worth while. Pshaw, Mr. Times, don’t turn your readers off with such a pale little picture as that of a Springwells brick yard. Get thee round behind scenes in the locality of some of your infant industries, and don’t be a bit bashful about painting the picture well. Then after you have done your best in the calamity line, be good enough to tell us what you propose to do about it? You seem not to ap prove of the methods of the People’s party speakers. What better method for the amelioration of these brick workers do you propose? The people who are taking upon their shoulders the responsibility of assisting in the election of Gen. Weaver do propose some new meth ods to deal with the new conditions which confront the workingmen and working women of America. Per haps the people of the new political school are the better able to “shoulder the responsibility” of electing Gen. Weaver, because they are not bowed unto earth with the shame and the crime of responsibility for the condi tions which call to high heaven for a change. The speakers and writers who are shouldering the awful re sponsibility of electing either Benja min F. Harrison or Grover Cleveland are entirely occupied with denial that there are any wrongs which need righting. They are too busy declar ing that the nation is in a high state of prosperity, to give attention to women in brick yards, unless they chance to want a brick to cast at some woman who is striving with all her God-given powers to ameliorate the condition of her voiceless, hope less. helpless sister women. Women of the People’s party are all protectionists, Mr. Timea but we want the fact and not the theory. We want a protection which protecta We ave out on the march in a great home crusade, and we charge the po litical machinea which have tricked and duped their loyal followera with the unjust and wicked legislation which is responsible for the home lessnesa the wretchedness and the crime in this dear land of ours. Shy another brick at us, Mr. Times; that one bounced back. Where Want and misery Abide. The average visitor fancies that New York is that promenade on Broadway between the Union Square and the Metropolitan opera house, past the hotels and Delmonico’s. But to see New York go east or west of this Broadway only a few blocks to where the atmosphere is fetid, the air is full of the wind-blown, sun-dried droppings in the streets, where the streets are all a-litter with rotten fruit waste paper and ashes, where the tenements are ranged along the flagging like never-ending factories j where the children swarm and pilfer I like Arab bands, where the young j men hang about the saloon doors in j sullen crews. where the mothers 101 l I in the windows upon dirty pillows, and the men come and go at night Land morning with dinner pails or | shoulders crushed down beneath piles 1 of ready-made clothing. ON TO WASHINGTON. We’re beaded straight for Washington with Weaver brave and true, The foremost man, the mighty man who fought the Wall street crew; He leads the people’s army forth injustice to undo; And the truth goes marching on. Glory, glory, hallelujah! Glory, glory, hallelujah! Glory, glory, hallelujah! To Washington, march on. The Shylock breed with soulless greed must honest work ’‘resume.” The lords of land at law’s- demand shall yield the people room, And autocrats who fix the freights shall share Belshazzar’s doom, For God is marching on. The tools of gold, alarmed, behold the com ing countless host; From silver states this news awaits—“an avalanche has crossed;” On Southern fields and Northern plains the parties old are lost, For truth goes marching on. Then cheer again the noble men, brave Weaver and brave Field; The blue and gray are one to-day, and every foe shall yield; We bear aloft the starry flag, with free dom’s sword and shield; And right goes marching on. —Georare Howard Gibson, Lincoln, Neb., in the Journal of the Knights of Labor. An American Lord. A significant item is going the rounds of the press. “Little William Vincent Astor, who was born the 15th day of last November, is the richest baby in the world, as he is the heir to $150,000, 000. ” And this is recorded of a child born in that country of which Thomas Jefferson said less than three quarters of a century ago: “We have no very rich among us.” What vast progress must have been made to produce such results. What wonderful increase in man’s power over the forces of nature must have been caused by the inventive genius of the age to make it possible for one father to so enrich his offspring. What a glorious thing it is to be born in this age when fortunes have been so piled that babes may rest under silken canopies and laugh at the old terror that man is born to trouble as the sparks fly upward, and sneer at the idea that man shall earn his bread in the sweat of his brow. But there is an unfortunate reverse to this picture. There were other babes born in the month of November last year. There are other mothers who thanked God for their great joy, and other fathers who learned some thing more of life and'its responsi bilities when they felt the first touch of that bark that had been “launched on the other side, and slipped from heaven on an ebbing tide.” But these others did not enter a world for a life of leisure and criminal idleness. It was not for them to break the laws of nature and receive their daily bread in hands unstained by toil. No greater natural gifts were given to the descendant of the pelt peddler than to the little one who brought happiness to the day laborer’s tene ment. Both shall hear the same promise of reward for filial obedience and love. If their lives show honor to father and mother they shall be long in the land the Lord their God hath given them. But one will roll in luxury while the other slips from his mother’s lap to enter a protected workshop when he should be playing in the fields. There is too wide a chasm between the babes born on that November morning. It is too wide for the well fare of either. Too wide for the safety of institutions under which such differences can exist Too wide for the honor of that faith which rests upon promises made impossible of realization by the very ex istence of babes inheriting so many millions standing as a perpetual barrier between chil dren of nature and nature’s gifts. While such conditions exist there can be no rest for the reformer, no sur render of his demand that laws tend ing to increase the power of monopoly shall be repealed in the interest of nature’s safety and honor.—Chicago Times. Llsht Ahead. The American farmer has been seed. ing his mortgaged ground for many years and giving up the price of his products to usurious money sharks— that is to say, what the railroads have not taken for transportation to market. He has grown poorer each year, while the non-producing vultures have been accumulating billions. Now, when he finds himself at the absolute mercy of a heartlesa grind ing plutocracy, and stops to look about him and see the causes which have led to his condition, the corpora tion” hireling screams in his ear. “keep your hands on the plow; you don’t know anything about politics and have no right to inquire into such matters. We ll attend to the ship of state, as we have nothing else to do, while you have your debts to pay and your families to feed. Toil on and keep silent, for you have no time to spare in acquiring political knowledge. We ll tell you how to vote when elec tion day comes.' ’ But the producer is tired of this kind of business and finds it necessary to do a little think ing and acting for himself The two old political machines have outlived themselves and their operators will be compelled to hunt a new job. The people have rebelled against the oppressive money power and refuse to submit longer to extortion and robbery. This is an excuse for the existence of a great reform party and the assurance it has of sweeping the country. The people realize their power and feel that the time has ar rived for.them to exercise it The farmer will leave his plow and the laborer will pause in his toil long enough this y ear to destroy the leaches which are sapping their very life blood. Prosperity, happiness and relief from- a galling slavery to Eng lish gold-grabbers will follow the victory of the party of the people. Somhern Alliance Farmer. POSSISM. If the People Can Be Deceived the Beet Win Be Easy. The trend of all modern politicians Vs to deceive the people as much as as it is well understood among them that the less the voter knows the more subservient he is to the will of the self-constituted leader. This condition is bad enough and is now often rebuked by the people, who have become educated through the Alliance, and this is what makes them so intolerant of the farmers’ unions. But there is something worse than the political schemer, says the Ten nesee Toiler, and that is the would be political boss* the man who has been honored by the people with po sitions of honor and trust and who has grown to imagine that the office belongs to him by some sort of divine right. This latter class is the most contemptible and deserves the con demnation of all when a man has been placed in a high and honorable position, and will use the position to deceive the people by making state ments which he knows to be false. He ought to be repudiated by all hon est men. We find the following false statement 4n the Union City Commer cial pretending to be indorsed by lsham G. Harris: John H. McDowell in his speech at Troy some time ago, declared that in the year 1816 the government of the United States loaned money to farmers “on land and non-perishable farm produces. ” John E. Wells, Esq., saw the falsi ty and absurdity of the declaration at once, but not having the documents at home bearing upon that portion of our political history, he addressed a letter to Senator Harris, asking him to give the facts in the case. The following is Sepator Harris reply: John E. Wells, Esq —My dear sir: In the hurry of other engagements 1 have postponed answering yours of the 22 in stant until now, and in answer must ex press my surprise that anybody should have asserted that the government of the United States, in 1816 or any other time, “loaned money on lands and non-perish able farm products.” There is not the shadow of truth in any such assertion. The government of the United States never had, and has not now, the constitutional power to loan money to anybody on any sort of security. If is this correct it is one of the tricks of bossism. Senator Harris is an old politician and lawyer, he has been fifteen years in the United States sen ate, and when a man so highly hon ored by the people will stoop so low as to join in with a one-horse lawyer who has not sense enough to learn his country’s history, in order to aid him in deceiving the people, it is sufficient to teach the people how little respect he has for them, and ought to show every thinking man in Tennessee that Senator Harris relies more upon their ignorance for support than upon their intelligence. Senator Harris knows the statement as published is not true. He knows that the old United States bank did lend money on land and on goods, but of course he will claim that it was a private corporation, in which the government had a $7,000,000 interest, and dodge the question «in that way. But Senator Harris' knows the govern ment did lend the Pacific railroad $64,000,000 to build the road. Sena tor Harris knows that the govern ment loaned $1,500. 000 to the Centen nial exposition, and that the United States supreme court declared that it was a loan. Senator Harris knows that the government did loan $1 000, - 000 to the Cotton exposition at Now Orleans, and that it was called a loan in the bill and that he voted for it knowing all this. How dare he at tempt to deceive the people by send ing out a statement over his own sig nature that “the government of the United States never had, and has not now, the constitutional power to loan money to anybody on any sort of security.” The whole thing is gotten up in order to play the boss, deceive the people and help defeat the Alliance and drive its members back into the ranks. But both bossism and the party lash have lost their power. In dependent action is the need of the hour, and the slogan cry must be “the will of the people and the law of the land.” . The Itules. At each session of congress the house spends more or less valuable time in perfecting a set of rules by which it is governed. Sometimes weeks and months are consumed in this task. To the general public it appears that these rules are made to facilitate .business, but that is not the case; they-are made for the sole and only purpose of obstructing the trans action of business. To such an extent has this l)een carried, that under the rules nothing could be done if a few members saw fit to stand in the way. In fact when congress wants to transact any .business, the rules usually are suspended in order that business may be transacted. Just think of the absurdity of spending the hard-earned money of the people in building up a code of rules that are so burdensome and imperfect ttat when it is. desirable to transact any legisla tion it must be thrown aside to permit its being done. —National Watchman. "■_ ! . ' m m. m AIA ma m Suffering Children. “No laughter permitted in this mill. Children who sing will be discharged.” Such are the rules of the mills where children spend seventy hours a week. Think of it mothers!—Philadelphia Labor World. We wonder what Jesus Christ Would say if he should happen to visit the mills where the above rules are posted. Would he repeat what he said two thousand years ago in old Jerusalem: ••Suffer little children to come unto me and forbid them not. for of such is. the kingdom of heaven;” or would he tear down the rules, scourge the taskmasters with a rawhide, and get himself locked up in the Bridewell two months for disorderly conduct?'— Ex. JOHN SHERMAN’S PERFIDY, m» Remedies Are Worse Then the Dis eases He Would Core. Again has John Sherman been caught in the knavish act of betray ing the people into the hands of the Shylocks. So glaring has been the act that he is obliged to confess. The worst of his confession is that he wants to ap ply the remedy for what he confesses to have been a “failure” And any body who knows John Sherman knows that his remedies are worse than the diseases which he proposes to cure, says the Chicago Express. He is simply letting go to get a better hold. Here is what the Ghicago Times says upon the subject: ••Assuming the role of a great financier, Senator Sherman secured the passage of the silver act bearing his name two years ago. He pro claimed then his faith that it would settle the silver question in the inter est of the people. He knew then, as he knows now, that the’ pretense was as much a falsehood as those which have characterized his other med dlings with the national finances. He sought the demonetization of silver at the command of his Wall street mas ters. He accomplished his object though its party had solemnly pledged itself to the use of silver as money. He exploited his achievement before the people of Ohio in the campaign last year as one entitling him to the support of honest voters. He now confesses the failure of his infamous act and asks congress to repeal its most important provision. Let fair note be had of the story. “Under the old law there was a cer tain amount of silver dollars coined monthly as full legal tender dollars. To that extent there was use of silver as money. It was not a complete re turn to the time-honored custom of the country. But it was in a measure a relief to the people and a degree of protection against the absurdity of what is termed the gold basis.’ By his law of 1890 Senator Sherman pro vided for tho discontinuance of the coinage of silver dollars save such as might bo needed to redeem the notes issued in payment for the bullion purchased by the government “in terms of gold.” This was the de monetization of silver, conceived and executed by the cunning trickster who had once before accomplished the same infamy. By this act silver was deprived entirely of its *use as money.’ In accordance with an un varying law. the metal depreciated in value. Having secured his end, the Ohio gold bug now asks that all pur chases of bullion be stopped. He confesses the correctness of the charge in the Democratic platform adopted at Chicago that the Sherman act of 1890 was a cowardly makeshift fraught with possibilities of danger in the future which should make all of its supporters as well as its author anxious for its speedy re peal. ‘ 'Republican organs will still uphold John Sherman as their greatest finan cier. He will once more go before the people as the champion of honest money. Partisans who have shouted their denunciations of Democratic tendency to demonetize silver will ac cord him the same blind support they gave him when pursuing the oppo site course. But the great plain peo ple of the country will have seen in this last confusion of his folly reason for refusing him further credence either as a statesman or honorable defender of popular rights.” In accusing John Sherman. The Times is only half right. That is. it makes an effort to excuse the part which Democracy has taken in deny ing the people their rights to a resto ration of the silver dollar. It is seek ing to hide the sins of Democracy by throwing stones at John Sherman. “The great plain people” which the Times talks about are learning the lesson that the Democratic party is equally guilty with the Republican party in the war upon silver. It can boast of a president who could not wait to be inaugurated before he opened his batteries on the “Dollars of our Fathers." And also that it has twice re-nominated the same man to the presidency. It can also boast of an overwhelm ing majority in the lower house which has twice in a single session refused to undo the “infamy’’ which John Sherman, more than any other one man, has been guilty of imposing upon the American people. To be honest* the Times must squarely admit there is but one party that stands for free and unlimited coinage of silver—just as it existed for nearly a century—and that is the People’s party. Tile Grand ff*arty of tlie I'eople. Western Watchman. Cal., has an interview with Governor Tillman of South Carolina, which, if true, is in deed remarkable, coming from him. It says: A Columbus. S.'C.. correspondent interviewed Governor Tillman on his return from a visit to Washington. In speaking of the action of the Dem ocratic congress, he said: The Dem ocrats are not doing themselves credit as economists. Their extravagance will be apt to give the third party still another boom, because the people are already disgusted by their behavior on the silver bill. Then what can you expect but that the people in their desperation will seek some relief in another channel. Where an abuse in politics creeps in it takes forceps; ac quafortis and the surgeon’s knife to cut it loose. The Republicans set an example of outrageous extravagance and the Democrats have not got the nerve or the patriotism. I don't know which to roof it out The present condition of. things in Washington demonstrates the fact that neither of the old parlies will give the people relief. My opinion is that the extrav agance of the present congress, added to ils cowardice on the silver ques tion* will giv« a good root to the third party. Ck>r«nuM«Rt Can Make Money. ••If government can make money Why should it tax the people for means to pay its expenses? Why shouldn’t it start its money printing machine to work and turn out money enough to pay all bills as they ac crue?” These are some of tbe ques tions which People’s party advocates will have to answer. They are usu ally propounded by men who have given the subject of money no thought and who do not realize that money is not wealth, but only its representa tive. The financial student will read ily understand that the Omaha plat form. of all the platforms this year, is the-only one whose financial plank is strictly consistent with good sense and a true conception of what money really is. It will be noticed that, af ter demanding money of the people at a tax not exceeding 2 per cent by the subtreasury or a better system, it con cludes as follows: “Also by payments in discharge of its obligations for pub lic improvements.” Why does it qualify this demand by inserting tho words “for public improvement?” Why not include all other expenses? The answer is plain enough. When the government engages in public im provement it is engaged in adding to the wealth of the country, and since the only legitimate function of money is to stand as a representative of wealth, it is perfectly consistent with reason and good sense that it should strike the money necessary to defray the cost of such improvements. If the government builds a §20,000 postof tice anywhere in the country, what it does is to apply labor to material in bringing the $20.000 property into existence where nothing existed be fore, and it is not only right to strike the money to represent this amount of wealth but it is wrong to use any other money for such purpose. On the other hand the expenses of gov ernment incurred for other things than public improvement are in curred, not in the production, but in the consumption of wealth; thus, presidents, congressmen, governors, legislators, foreign ministers and the whole host of government employes, are not wealth-producers, the duties they perform do not and cannot add one cent to the material wealth of tbe country. On the contrary all government officials are, and of ne cessity must be, consumers of wealth created by others and for which they can give no adequate return of intrin sic value. Hence it follows that con sistency demands that the govern ment should collect from the people money sufficient to represent the amount of wealth which the officers and employes of tho government con sume. This is the penalty which la bor must pay for having to be gov erned.—National Economist. “Uncle Sam” and “John Bull” Uncle Sam at the telephone: Hallo! That you, Mr. Bull? John Bull—Yes. What do yoti want? U. S.—Wo want free coinage of silver. Can we have it. J. B. —Not by a dog-goned sight, if the court knows herself, and I think she do. U. S.—Why not? J. B.—Because it would make silver worth 100 cents on the dollar, and we would have to pay about 40 cents more on the ounce for your silver with which we buy our wheat and other supplies from India. This would increase the price of wheat and other supplies about :iO per cent. We won’t stand it. FT. S.—But. Mr. Bull, we have both silver and wheat to sell, and that’s the reason our people want free silver. J- B.—The “people bo damned.” What do we care for the people. U- S. —But the people are about to make us trouble about this question, and something must be done or they will enact a free silver bill themselves. What shall we do? J. B.—Get up a racket over the seal question, trot out the old tariff scare crow or shake the bloody shirt; any thing to attract their minds from the money question. U. S.--But those schemes won’t work any longer. The people are hungry and clamorous J. R—Feed ’em soup. I’ll have Salisbury send you a receipt to make cheap soup. Now don’t bother me any more. I’m busy at a game of baccarat and collecting my rents from Ireland. Good-bye. U. Sw—Good-bye, John. Have the Bank of England take good care of John Sherman’s picture. He’s a good fellow and will stand up for an honest dollar. J- B.—Oh, yes; he is England’s best friend in America. Give him my best, and tell him we Englishmen think he’s a bully boy. Now good bye. |J. S.—Good-bye. We’ll try to fool the people a little longer, but they are getting onto our racket United States olf.—Southern Mercury. Tlie Wont Ensmr of Kansas. The worst enemy of Kansas is the man who is constantly striving to .de stroy the credit of its people. —Cham pion. Very well, who is it that has been proclaiming Kansas people repudia tors* and filling the press with reports that were calculated to injure their credit? We agree with you, and, upon your own testimony, we charge it against your Republican press that it is the worst enemy Kansas ever had.—Topeka Advocate and Tribune. A Bloodless Revolution. Organized labor was never so stirred up as now. In /act. even un organized labor begins to see that it must do something to be saved. There’s a revolution on. ' On with the •campaign of education” that the people may te enabled to vote intel ligently; vote right—that the revolu tion may be a bloodless one.