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The great West. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1889-18??, September 23, 1892, Image 3

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ALLIANCE.
National Economist: The wealth
firoducers of this country want noth-
Dg cheap but money, and this they
propose the government shall furnish
them at the same rate it now supplies
the national bank, that ia at cost.
Cleveland. Harrison. Sherman, et al.,
may put this statement in their pipes
and smoke it. It is official.
The Harrisburg Patriot says:
Whitelaw Reid upon a platform of
protection is a spectacle that will no
doubt shake Cleopatra’s needle to
pieces with mirth. Americans are a
humorous people, proverbially able
and willing to enjoy a joke, but the
funniest thing that a humorous per
son ever did was to place Reid upon
such a platform.
Carthage Record: The people of
this county were not brought up iu
the woods to be scared by an owl.
The idea of going into the Third
party does not frighten them one bit,
none, except the cowards, who are
useless in an army where fighting is
to be done. It is a surrender in ad
vance for any Alliance man to say
that he will not stick to his principles
no matter where it carries him.
*
* Chicago Sentinel: It takes just as
much labor on the part of the indi
vidual to procure a fiat dollar as it
does one hundred copper cents or
twenty "rickies.” or 4121 grains of
standard silver, or 2:3.8 grains of gold,
9.10 line, and either will pay just as
much debt as the other if the govern
ment declares them ail a full legal
tender —and of the whole batch the
paper dollar is the most convenient.
Topeka Advocate and Tribune: If
“ever field of waving grain makes Re
publican votes, ” as the distinguished
bummer from the Fifth district says;
it must be that the number of Repub
lican votes increases as the price of
grain goes down. Perhaps he means
that every field of grain makes just
that much more money for the rail
roads so they can afford to buy votes
in Tennessee and ship them into the
state.
Chicago Express: There is not a
workingman anywhere on God’s green
earth but who produces more than he
consumes. What he produces is, by
rights, his. and he ought to be allowed
to enjoy it. Carnegie, for instance,
••makes” a larger profit off the labor
of his workingmen than the men
themselves, over and above a bare
existence. It isn’t right. It ought
to be changed, and will be changed
if the people but vote right.
Santa Ana Sentinel: Mr. Peffer
Bhows from the report of the currency
that between the years 1882 and 1890
$57-1,000,000 of the circulating
medium was withdrawn, and adds:
“It is within reason to believe that if
this amount had been put out and
kept out among the people as the law
provided, the lawmakers intended and
expected, and the business needs of
tho'country required, there would bn
but littLe indebtedness among people.
Chicago Sentinel: The future of
wage labor is seen in the recent his
tory of some wage slaves in an Amer
ican factory. One stayed away to
bury his mother and another to bury
his wife. They were told when they
returned that they were not needed;
while a third who had the misfortune
of losing a child, and was absent that
day was allowed to keep his place
only after the cruel remark that he
could return to work provided he had
no moro children likely to die.
Journal of the Knights of Labor:
“When it comes to choosing between
two shades that are nearly alike, a
woman can be trusted to make a wise
selection. Kate Field supports Cleve
land. ” But when it i omes to mistaking
these two scarcely differing shades for
totally different colors without being
able to tell what different color either
of them is, and then making a fool’s
choice between them, the free, inde
pendent and intelligent men voters
are the ones to be depended upon.
Alliance He aid says and might
add that it would possibly be a lead
ing and not inappropriate question to
ask Democrats and Republicans alike
—who voted against free coinage—
which country they considered them
selves representatives of, the United
States or England? They have done
the latter’s work consistently: Since
congress killed the silver bill the
price of silver bullion has fallen to
67.1 cents per ounce. That means
that England can give India 32} per
cent advantage over the American
wheat and cotton grower. Two and
one-half per cent on the cotton and
wheat consumed by England will
more than repay her the amount of
money expended to kill the silver bill.
Thus it is that the producers are
taxed to pay for the damage inflicted
upon their interests by recalcitrant
public servants.
People’s Press: Of every new
party it is said “It will soon be as
bad as the old parties.” This cannot
be consistently said of the People’s
party for the reason that it proposes
to keep the power in the hands of the
people themselves The initiative,
the referendum and the imperative
mandate will effectually keep the
••crooks” of all parties straight
National Economist: The indecent
manner in which the Democratic
house treated the Alliance sub-treas
ury bill in waiting until the very last
hours of the session, when debate was
impossible, to make an adverse re
port upon the measure, is another
evidence of the unfairness with which
labor’s demands generally have been
treated by the old party congress, and
is another nail in the coffin in which
the putrid carcass of plutocracy will
gAon be ensconsed.
SHY ANOTHER BRICK.
This One Is Awfully Soft and Falls to
Pieces at a Touch.
If Mrs. Lease, of Kansas, can spare
a moment from the cares and respon
sibilities of electing a president, she
might lake a trip to Springwells,
Michigan, and inaugurate some meas
ures looking to the amelioration of
the condition of her own sex. There
scores of women work in the brick
yards. digging in the pits and carry
ing the moulds. The upper parts of
their bodies are almost nude, and the
lower portions are barely covered by
coarse cloth. Several carry naked
babies while they work. They came
from Poland.—Denver Times.
The above reminds me that in the
campaign of 1890 I said in one of my
speeches that in the protected state of
Pennsylvania there were women work
ing at the coke ovens—women so
worn and haggard, so bent and
wretched, that even that old savage
chief, Sitting Bull marvelled when
he saw them that the whiteman could
so abuse his squaw. This statement
was sneered at by a fervid disciple ot
the doctrine of protection to the Amer
ican laborer, who declared that it was
a calamity lie.
It seems however, that when a pro
tectionist imagines he can score a
point or discredit a speaker of the
new school of politics, he can paint a
moro hideous picture than a calam
ity ite.
Doubtless the barbaric story of the
Denver Times is true, writes Annie
L. Diggs in the Topeka Advocate and
Tribune. Even still more horrid hells
than the brick-yards of Springwells
are peopled with women, and may be
found in every city in this civilized
Christian land of ours. The women
in the brick-yards are among the
lucky ones who have been able to get
work; they at least may breathe God’s
free, pure air. They doubtless get
something of a pittance in the shape
of wages, hence they are in the high
way toward “prosperity,” and should
they be economical, prudent and lay
by a portion of each week’s wages,
they will in time become wealthy. At
least that is the assurance we daily re
ceive from the upholders of the pres
ent order of business. Why, Carnegie
himself was once a poor boy. He was
economical, prudent, and put by a
portion of each week’s wages, etc.
But what about the. thousands of wo
men in the foul pestilential slums of
our American infernos who have not
struck a vein of prosperity such as
that within the wholesome precincts
of a brick-yard? How about the thous
ands of unemployed, despairing. God
forsaken women, and the famine
pinched, emaciated babies sweltering
and gasping in foul alleys reeking
with green slime, fetid with stench of
offal, horrible with vermin and dia
bolical with oaths and obscenity.
While the good Denver Times is
picturing the prosperity of this coun
try why not show up something worth
while. Pshaw, Mr. Times, don’t turn
your readers off with such a pale
little picture as that of a Springwells
brick yard. Get thee round behind
scenes in the locality of some of your
infant industries, and don’t be a bit
bashful about painting the picture
well. Then after you have done your
best in the calamity line, be good
enough to tell us what you propose
to do about it? You seem not to ap
prove of the methods of the People’s
party speakers. What better method
for the amelioration of these brick
workers do you propose?
The people who are taking upon
their shoulders the responsibility of
assisting in the election of Gen.
Weaver do propose some new meth
ods to deal with the new conditions
which confront the workingmen and
working women of America. Per
haps the people of the new political
school are the better able to “shoulder
the responsibility” of electing Gen.
Weaver, because they are not bowed
unto earth with the shame and the
crime of responsibility for the condi
tions which call to high heaven for a
change. The speakers and writers
who are shouldering the awful re
sponsibility of electing either Benja
min F. Harrison or Grover Cleveland
are entirely occupied with denial that
there are any wrongs which need
righting. They are too busy declar
ing that the nation is in a high state
of prosperity, to give attention to
women in brick yards, unless they
chance to want a brick to cast at
some woman who is striving with all
her God-given powers to ameliorate
the condition of her voiceless, hope
less. helpless sister women.
Women of the People’s party are
all protectionists, Mr. Timea but we
want the fact and not the theory.
We want a protection which protecta
We ave out on the march in a great
home crusade, and we charge the po
litical machinea which have tricked
and duped their loyal followera with
the unjust and wicked legislation
which is responsible for the home
lessnesa the wretchedness and the
crime in this dear land of ours.
Shy another brick at us, Mr. Times;
that one bounced back.
Where Want and misery Abide.
The average visitor fancies that
New York is that promenade on
Broadway between the Union Square
and the Metropolitan opera house,
past the hotels and Delmonico’s. But
to see New York go east or west of
this Broadway only a few blocks to
where the atmosphere is fetid, the air
is full of the wind-blown, sun-dried
droppings in the streets, where the
streets are all a-litter with rotten
fruit waste paper and ashes, where
the tenements are ranged along the
flagging like never-ending factories
j where the children swarm and pilfer
I like Arab bands, where the young
j men hang about the saloon doors in
j sullen crews. where the mothers 101 l
I in the windows upon dirty pillows,
and the men come and go at night
Land morning with dinner pails or
| shoulders crushed down beneath piles
1 of ready-made clothing.
ON TO WASHINGTON.
We’re beaded straight for Washington
with Weaver brave and true,
The foremost man, the mighty man who
fought the Wall street crew;
He leads the people’s army forth injustice
to undo;
And the truth goes marching on.
Glory, glory, hallelujah!
Glory, glory, hallelujah!
Glory, glory, hallelujah!
To Washington, march on.
The Shylock breed with soulless greed
must honest work ’‘resume.”
The lords of land at law’s- demand shall
yield the people room,
And autocrats who fix the freights shall
share Belshazzar’s doom,
For God is marching on.
The tools of gold, alarmed, behold the com
ing countless host;
From silver states this news awaits—“an
avalanche has crossed;”
On Southern fields and Northern plains the
parties old are lost,
For truth goes marching on.
Then cheer again the noble men, brave
Weaver and brave Field;
The blue and gray are one to-day, and
every foe shall yield;
We bear aloft the starry flag, with free
dom’s sword and shield;
And right goes marching on.
—Georare Howard Gibson, Lincoln, Neb.,
in the Journal of the Knights of Labor.
An American Lord.
A significant item is going the
rounds of the press. “Little William
Vincent Astor, who was born the 15th
day of last November, is the richest
baby in the world, as he is the heir to
$150,000, 000. ” And this is recorded
of a child born in that country of
which Thomas Jefferson said less
than three quarters of a century ago:
“We have no very rich among us.”
What vast progress must have been
made to produce such results. What
wonderful increase in man’s power
over the forces of nature must have
been caused by the inventive genius
of the age to make it possible for one
father to so enrich his offspring.
What a glorious thing it is to be born
in this age when fortunes have been
so piled that babes may rest under
silken canopies and laugh at the old
terror that man is born to trouble as
the sparks fly upward, and sneer at
the idea that man shall earn his
bread in the sweat of his brow.
But there is an unfortunate reverse
to this picture. There were other
babes born in the month of November
last year. There are other mothers
who thanked God for their great joy,
and other fathers who learned some
thing more of life and'its responsi
bilities when they felt the first touch
of that bark that had been “launched
on the other side, and slipped from
heaven on an ebbing tide.” But
these others did not enter a world for
a life of leisure and criminal idleness.
It was not for them to break the laws
of nature and receive their daily bread
in hands unstained by toil. No
greater natural gifts were given to
the descendant of the pelt peddler
than to the little one who brought
happiness to the day laborer’s tene
ment. Both shall hear the same
promise of reward for filial obedience
and love. If their lives show honor
to father and mother they shall be
long in the land the Lord their God
hath given them. But one will roll
in luxury while the other slips from
his mother’s lap to enter a protected
workshop when he should be playing
in the fields.
There is too wide a chasm between
the babes born on that November
morning. It is too wide for the well
fare of either. Too wide for the
safety of institutions under which
such differences can exist Too wide
for the honor of that faith which
rests upon promises made impossible
of realization by the very ex
istence of babes inheriting so
many millions standing as a
perpetual barrier between chil
dren of nature and nature’s gifts.
While such conditions exist there can
be no rest for the reformer, no sur
render of his demand that laws tend
ing to increase the power of monopoly
shall be repealed in the interest of
nature’s safety and honor.—Chicago
Times.
Llsht Ahead.
The American farmer has been seed.
ing his mortgaged ground for many
years and giving up the price of his
products to usurious money sharks—
that is to say, what the railroads have
not taken for transportation to
market. He has grown poorer each
year, while the non-producing vultures
have been accumulating billions.
Now, when he finds himself at the
absolute mercy of a heartlesa grind
ing plutocracy, and stops to look
about him and see the causes which
have led to his condition, the corpora
tion” hireling screams in his ear.
“keep your hands on the plow; you
don’t know anything about politics
and have no right to inquire into
such matters. We ll attend to the ship
of state, as we have nothing else to
do, while you have your debts to pay
and your families to feed. Toil on and
keep silent, for you have no time to
spare in acquiring political knowledge.
We ll tell you how to vote when elec
tion day comes.' ’ But the producer
is tired of this kind of business and
finds it necessary to do a little think
ing and acting for himself The two
old political machines have outlived
themselves and their operators will
be compelled to hunt a new job. The
people have rebelled against the
oppressive money power and refuse
to submit longer to extortion and
robbery. This is an excuse for the
existence of a great reform party and
the assurance it has of sweeping the
country. The people realize their
power and feel that the time has ar
rived for.them to exercise it The
farmer will leave his plow and the
laborer will pause in his toil long
enough this y ear to destroy the leaches
which are sapping their very life
blood. Prosperity, happiness and
relief from- a galling slavery to Eng
lish gold-grabbers will follow the
victory of the party of the people.
Somhern Alliance Farmer.
POSSISM.
If the People Can Be Deceived the Beet
Win Be Easy.
The trend of all modern politicians
Vs to deceive the people as much as
as it is well understood
among them that the less the voter
knows the more subservient he is to
the will of the self-constituted leader.
This condition is bad enough and is
now often rebuked by the people, who
have become educated through the
Alliance, and this is what makes
them so intolerant of the farmers’
unions.
But there is something worse than
the political schemer, says the Ten
nesee Toiler, and that is the would
be political boss* the man who has
been honored by the people with po
sitions of honor and trust and who
has grown to imagine that the office
belongs to him by some sort of divine
right. This latter class is the most
contemptible and deserves the con
demnation of all when a man has
been placed in a high and honorable
position, and will use the position to
deceive the people by making state
ments which he knows to be false.
He ought to be repudiated by all hon
est men. We find the following false
statement 4n the Union City Commer
cial pretending to be indorsed by
lsham G. Harris:
John H. McDowell in his speech
at Troy some time ago, declared that
in the year 1816 the government of
the United States loaned money to
farmers “on land and non-perishable
farm produces. ”
John E. Wells, Esq., saw the falsi
ty and absurdity of the declaration at
once, but not having the documents
at home bearing upon that portion of
our political history, he addressed a
letter to Senator Harris, asking him
to give the facts in the case. The
following is Sepator Harris reply:
John E. Wells, Esq —My dear sir: In
the hurry of other engagements 1 have
postponed answering yours of the 22 in
stant until now, and in answer must ex
press my surprise that anybody should
have asserted that the government of the
United States, in 1816 or any other time,
“loaned money on lands and non-perish
able farm products.” There is not the
shadow of truth in any such assertion.
The government of the United States never
had, and has not now, the constitutional
power to loan money to anybody on any
sort of security.
If is this correct it is one of the tricks
of bossism. Senator Harris is an old
politician and lawyer, he has been
fifteen years in the United States sen
ate, and when a man so highly hon
ored by the people will stoop so low
as to join in with a one-horse lawyer
who has not sense enough to learn his
country’s history, in order to aid him
in deceiving the people, it is sufficient
to teach the people how little respect
he has for them, and ought to show
every thinking man in Tennessee that
Senator Harris relies more upon their
ignorance for support than upon their
intelligence. Senator Harris knows
the statement as published is not true.
He knows that the old United States
bank did lend money on land and on
goods, but of course he will claim that
it was a private corporation, in
which the government had a
$7,000,000 interest, and dodge
the question «in that way. But
Senator Harris' knows the govern
ment did lend the Pacific railroad
$64,000,000 to build the road. Sena
tor Harris knows that the govern
ment loaned $1,500. 000 to the Centen
nial exposition, and that the United
States supreme court declared that it
was a loan. Senator Harris knows
that the government did loan $1 000, -
000 to the Cotton exposition at Now
Orleans, and that it was called a loan
in the bill and that he voted for it
knowing all this. How dare he at
tempt to deceive the people by send
ing out a statement over his own sig
nature that “the government of the
United States never had, and has not
now, the constitutional power to loan
money to anybody on any sort of
security.”
The whole thing is gotten up in
order to play the boss, deceive the
people and help defeat the Alliance
and drive its members back into the
ranks. But both bossism and the
party lash have lost their power. In
dependent action is the need of the
hour, and the slogan cry must be “the
will of the people and the law of the
land.” .
The Itules.
At each session of congress the
house spends more or less valuable
time in perfecting a set of rules by
which it is governed. Sometimes
weeks and months are consumed in
this task. To the general public it
appears that these rules are made to
facilitate .business, but that is not the
case; they-are made for the sole and
only purpose of obstructing the trans
action of business. To such an extent
has this l)een carried, that under the
rules nothing could be done
if a few members saw fit to stand in
the way. In fact when congress wants
to transact any .business, the rules
usually are suspended in order that
business may be transacted. Just
think of the absurdity of spending the
hard-earned money of the people in
building up a code of rules that are so
burdensome and imperfect ttat when
it is. desirable to transact any legisla
tion it must be thrown aside to permit
its being done. —National Watchman.
"■_ ! . '
m m. m AIA ma m
Suffering Children.
“No laughter permitted in this mill.
Children who sing will be discharged.”
Such are the rules of the mills where
children spend seventy hours a week.
Think of it mothers!—Philadelphia
Labor World.
We wonder what Jesus Christ Would
say if he should happen to visit the
mills where the above rules are posted.
Would he repeat what he said two
thousand years ago in old Jerusalem:
••Suffer little children to come unto
me and forbid them not. for of such
is. the kingdom of heaven;” or would
he tear down the rules, scourge the
taskmasters with a rawhide, and get
himself locked up in the Bridewell
two months for disorderly conduct?'—
Ex.
JOHN SHERMAN’S PERFIDY,
m» Remedies Are Worse Then the Dis
eases He Would Core.
Again has John Sherman been
caught in the knavish act of betray
ing the people into the hands of the
Shylocks.
So glaring has been the act that he
is obliged to confess. The worst of
his confession is that he wants to ap
ply the remedy for what he confesses
to have been a “failure” And any
body who knows John Sherman knows
that his remedies are worse than the
diseases which he proposes to cure,
says the Chicago Express. He is
simply letting go to get a better hold.
Here is what the Ghicago Times
says upon the subject:
••Assuming the role of a great
financier, Senator Sherman secured
the passage of the silver act bearing
his name two years ago. He pro
claimed then his faith that it would
settle the silver question in the inter
est of the people. He knew then, as
he knows now, that the’ pretense was
as much a falsehood as those which
have characterized his other med
dlings with the national finances. He
sought the demonetization of silver at
the command of his Wall street mas
ters. He accomplished his object
though its party had solemnly pledged
itself to the use of silver as money.
He exploited his achievement before
the people of Ohio in the campaign
last year as one entitling him to the
support of honest voters. He now
confesses the failure of his infamous
act and asks congress to repeal
its most important provision. Let
fair note be had of the story.
“Under the old law there was a cer
tain amount of silver dollars coined
monthly as full legal tender dollars.
To that extent there was use of silver
as money. It was not a complete re
turn to the time-honored custom of
the country. But it was in a measure
a relief to the people and a degree of
protection against the absurdity of
what is termed the gold basis.’ By
his law of 1890 Senator Sherman pro
vided for tho discontinuance of the
coinage of silver dollars save such as
might bo needed to redeem the notes
issued in payment for the bullion
purchased by the government “in
terms of gold.” This was the de
monetization of silver, conceived and
executed by the cunning trickster
who had once before accomplished
the same infamy. By this act silver
was deprived entirely of its *use as
money.’ In accordance with an un
varying law. the metal depreciated in
value. Having secured his end, the
Ohio gold bug now asks that all pur
chases of bullion be stopped. He
confesses the correctness of the charge
in the Democratic platform adopted
at Chicago that the Sherman
act of 1890 was a cowardly
makeshift fraught with possibilities of
danger in the future which should
make all of its supporters as well as
its author anxious for its speedy re
peal.
‘ 'Republican organs will still uphold
John Sherman as their greatest finan
cier. He will once more go before
the people as the champion of honest
money. Partisans who have shouted
their denunciations of Democratic
tendency to demonetize silver will ac
cord him the same blind support they
gave him when pursuing the oppo
site course. But the great plain peo
ple of the country will have seen in
this last confusion of his folly reason
for refusing him further credence
either as a statesman or honorable
defender of popular rights.”
In accusing John Sherman. The
Times is only half right. That is. it
makes an effort to excuse the part
which Democracy has taken in deny
ing the people their rights to a resto
ration of the silver dollar. It is seek
ing to hide the sins of Democracy by
throwing stones at John Sherman.
“The great plain people” which the
Times talks about are learning the
lesson that the Democratic party is
equally guilty with the Republican
party in the war upon silver. It can
boast of a president who could not
wait to be inaugurated before he
opened his batteries on the “Dollars
of our Fathers." And also that it has
twice re-nominated the same man to
the presidency.
It can also boast of an overwhelm
ing majority in the lower house which
has twice in a single session refused
to undo the “infamy’’ which John
Sherman, more than any other one
man, has been guilty of imposing
upon the American people.
To be honest* the Times must
squarely admit there is but one party
that stands for free and unlimited
coinage of silver—just as it existed
for nearly a century—and that is the
People’s party.
Tile Grand ff*arty of tlie I'eople.
Western Watchman. Cal., has an
interview with Governor Tillman of
South Carolina, which, if true, is in
deed remarkable, coming from him.
It says:
A Columbus. S.'C.. correspondent
interviewed Governor Tillman on his
return from a visit to Washington.
In speaking of the action of the Dem
ocratic congress, he said: The Dem
ocrats are not doing themselves credit
as economists. Their extravagance
will be apt to give the third party still
another boom, because the people are
already disgusted by their behavior
on the silver bill. Then what can you
expect but that the people in their
desperation will seek some relief in
another channel. Where an abuse in
politics creeps in it takes forceps; ac
quafortis and the surgeon’s knife to
cut it loose. The Republicans set an
example of outrageous extravagance
and the Democrats have not got the
nerve or the patriotism. I don't know
which to roof it out The present
condition of. things in Washington
demonstrates the fact that neither of
the old parlies will give the people
relief. My opinion is that the extrav
agance of the present congress, added
to ils cowardice on the silver ques
tion* will giv« a good root to the third
party.
Ck>r«nuM«Rt Can Make Money.
••If government can make money
Why should it tax the people for
means to pay its expenses? Why
shouldn’t it start its money printing
machine to work and turn out money
enough to pay all bills as they ac
crue?” These are some of tbe ques
tions which People’s party advocates
will have to answer. They are usu
ally propounded by men who have
given the subject of money no thought
and who do not realize that money is
not wealth, but only its representa
tive. The financial student will read
ily understand that the Omaha plat
form. of all the platforms this year,
is the-only one whose financial plank
is strictly consistent with good sense
and a true conception of what money
really is. It will be noticed that, af
ter demanding money of the people at
a tax not exceeding 2 per cent by the
subtreasury or a better system, it con
cludes as follows: “Also by payments
in discharge of its obligations for pub
lic improvements.” Why does it
qualify this demand by inserting tho
words “for public improvement?”
Why not include all other expenses?
The answer is plain enough. When
the government engages in public im
provement it is engaged in adding to
the wealth of the country, and since
the only legitimate function of money
is to stand as a representative of
wealth, it is perfectly consistent with
reason and good sense that it should
strike the money necessary to defray
the cost of such improvements. If the
government builds a §20,000 postof
tice anywhere in the country, what it
does is to apply labor to material in
bringing the $20.000 property into
existence where nothing existed be
fore, and it is not only right to strike
the money to represent this amount of
wealth but it is wrong to use any
other money for such purpose. On
the other hand the expenses of gov
ernment incurred for other things
than public improvement are in
curred, not in the production, but in
the consumption of wealth; thus,
presidents, congressmen, governors,
legislators, foreign ministers and the
whole host of government employes,
are not wealth-producers, the duties
they perform do not and cannot add
one cent to the material wealth of
tbe country. On the contrary all
government officials are, and of ne
cessity must be, consumers of wealth
created by others and for which they
can give no adequate return of intrin
sic value. Hence it follows that con
sistency demands that the govern
ment should collect from the people
money sufficient to represent the
amount of wealth which the officers
and employes of tho government con
sume. This is the penalty which la
bor must pay for having to be gov
erned.—National Economist.
“Uncle Sam” and “John Bull”
Uncle Sam at the telephone:
Hallo! That you, Mr. Bull?
John Bull—Yes. What do yoti
want?
U. S.—Wo want free coinage of
silver. Can we have it.
J. B. —Not by a dog-goned sight,
if the court knows herself, and I
think she do.
U. S.—Why not?
J. B.—Because it would make silver
worth 100 cents on the dollar, and
we would have to pay about 40 cents
more on the ounce for your silver
with which we buy our wheat and
other supplies from India. This
would increase the price of wheat and
other supplies about :iO per cent. We
won’t stand it.
FT. S.—But. Mr. Bull, we have
both silver and wheat to sell, and
that’s the reason our people want
free silver.
J- B.—The “people bo damned.”
What do we care for the people.
U- S. —But the people are about to
make us trouble about this question,
and something must be done or they
will enact a free silver bill themselves.
What shall we do?
J. B.—Get up a racket over the seal
question, trot out the old tariff scare
crow or shake the bloody shirt; any
thing to attract their minds from the
money question.
U. S.--But those schemes won’t work
any longer. The people are hungry
and clamorous
J. R—Feed ’em soup. I’ll have
Salisbury send you a receipt to make
cheap soup. Now don’t bother me
any more. I’m busy at a game of
baccarat and collecting my rents from
Ireland. Good-bye.
U. Sw—Good-bye, John. Have the
Bank of England take good care of
John Sherman’s picture. He’s a good
fellow and will stand up for an honest
dollar.
J- B.—Oh, yes; he is England’s
best friend in America. Give him my
best, and tell him we Englishmen
think he’s a bully boy. Now good
bye.
|J. S.—Good-bye. We’ll try to fool
the people a little longer, but they
are getting onto our racket United
States olf.—Southern Mercury.
Tlie Wont Ensmr of Kansas.
The worst enemy of Kansas is the
man who is constantly striving to .de
stroy the credit of its people. —Cham
pion.
Very well, who is it that has been
proclaiming Kansas people repudia
tors* and filling the press with
reports that were calculated to injure
their credit? We agree with you,
and, upon your own testimony, we
charge it against your Republican
press that it is the worst enemy
Kansas ever had.—Topeka Advocate
and Tribune.
A Bloodless Revolution.
Organized labor was never so
stirred up as now. In /act. even un
organized labor begins to see that it
must do something to be saved.
There’s a revolution on. ' On with the
•campaign of education” that the
people may te enabled to vote intel
ligently; vote right—that the revolu
tion may be a bloodless one.

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