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THE LESSON OF THE HOUR.
It Is No Use to Contend Agra Inst the Law —The Thing: to do is to Change the haws. That the differences between the em ployers of labor and the employed are increasing as time advances must be clear to all who pretend to keep pace with current events. The association of laboring men in the various labor organizations, with a view to the bet ter protection of the interests of those who toil, is a natural result of the gradual encroachments upon the rights and pr ifits of labor growing out of the concentration of capital and the organ ization of those who control it It must be apparent however, to the most casual observer, that the means thus far employed by organized labor have not been productive of results as satis factory as could be desired. While un doubtedly much good has come from or ganization in many ways, and especial ly in the way of educational benefits, there is evidently disappointment in regard to the attainment of much that has been anticipated. Very evidently organized capital seeks nothing short of the absolute destruc tion of all labor organizations. They stand in the way of that complete con trol of labor which has unquestionably been determined upon. To the thought ful observer this has been apparent for some time, and it has been clearly in dicated in the labdr troubles of recent date. While organized resistance to the encroachments of capital is more potent than individual resistance, it is evident that the method must be changed if it is ever to be entirely suc cessful. The strike and the boycott have, at best, achieved only doubtful success. All the powers of so-called civil government are at the disposal of capital in all such contests. The tele graph system and the daily press are employed to disseminate false impres sions among the people, always to the prejudice of labor. Every possible agency and instrumentality is brought to the service of capital. The idle hordes, which it has been a part of our public policy to produce and main tain, are always available from which to recruit substitutes for strikers, and nearly all such contests result either in the submission of the union men to less favorable conditions than they former ly enjoyed, or in their entire displace ment by men who are not affiliated with any labor organization. It must be granted, therefore, that such methods are decidedly unsatisfactory in their re sults. At Homestead, the men are locked out because they refused to comply with the unjust demands of the Carne gie company and place themselves com pletely at the mercy of such a heartless tyrant as manager Frick, and their pieces are being filled, very slowly, to be sure, but with a persistant deter mination that promises ultimate suc cess. Y k In case of the switchmen’s strike at Buffalo, N. Y., the outcome is the same. The ultimate triumph of the corpora tion was never a matter of serious doubt. In Tennessee is presented another phase of the labor problem. The em ployment of convicts there supercedes free labor and robs the families of honest men of their daily bread. But there seems to be more in this convict labor system than appears upon the surface. Senator Thomas C. Platt, president of the Tennessee Coal & Iron Co., in a recent interview respecting this system, said: “One of the chief reasons which first induced the company to take up the system was the great chance which it seemed to present for overcoming strikes. For some years after we began the convict labor system we found that we were right in calculating that the free laborers would be loath to enter upon strikes when they saw that the company was amply provided with con vict labor, and as I am one that does not approve of the convict system, I don’t mind saying that for many years the company found this an effective club to be held over the heads of the free laborers.” Think of this for a moment. A wealthy mining company whose presi dent has been honored by a seat in the United States senate, employing peni tentiary convicts at cheap rates with the idea that free laborers, seeing the “company was amply provided with convict labor, would be loath to enter upon strikes, ” and holding this fact as a “club over the heads” of honest men to terrorize them into the most abject submission. V But it is unnecessary to detail special instances of the encroachments ’of capital upon the rights of labor, or the unsatisfactory results of past or present methods of resistance Nothing has yet been attempted by the great body of organized laborers intended to change the conditions that render strikes and lock-outs possible. It must begin to dawn upon the minds of laboring men that this is the only practical solution of the labor problem. Everything else is mereley of temporary benefit, even if successfuL As long as these conditions exist, there is no hope or possibility of permanent relief. How is this change to be effected? The conditions have grown up under a system of class legislation and class favoritism for which existing political parties are responsible, and which they manifest no disposition to remedy; and if laboring men would make their organizations effectual for the per manent betterment of their condition, they should utilize them politically for the overthrow of parties that propose no practical plan of relief, and in support of a party that is pledged to such a revolution as will enable the in dustrial classes to legislate in their own interests. There are laws that must be repealed and others that must be enacted. The power to control the volume of currency must be taken from corporations and restored to the people where it constitutionally belongs. Taxa tion must be limited to the necessities of an economically administered govern ment, and it must be levied upon the possessions and the incomes of the wealthy rather than upon the necessi ties consumed by the poor. The labor er must be protected against the “pau per labor of Europe,” not by a duty I V r A upon manufactured products, but by effective protection against the impor tation of the pauper labor itself. Labor must be rewarded with the product of its own industry. “Wealth belongs to him who creates it,” and avarice and greed must not be permitted to rob him of the fruits of his toil. These things can only be secured by legislation, and such legislation can be secured only by the political co-operation of the labor forces of the country. The sooner la bor organizations recognize this fact, and cease their strikes, except at the polls, the sooner will they realize an improvement in their condition.—Tope ka (Han.) Advocate. THE TOOL OF PLUTOCRACY. The Militia is a Standing Menace ,to the Liberties of the People. Great excitement prevails iu this city among the workingmen and radicals of all shades of opinion over the revolu tionary aspect of the labor movement. The facts that the troops iu New York, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Idaho and Wyoming have been called out to pro tect the capitalist system in its unjust privileges marks a momentous crisis in the history of this country. The Volks- Zeitung truly says: “The spirit of Homestead is abroad in the land.” In this assertion the producers of wealth should steadily bear in mind that the calling out of the military force is usu ally done under false pretenses. Thus it was in Idaho, Wyoming and Pennsyl vania. When Mr. Frick caused the gathering of the militia in Homestead he sttaed he had four or five thousand men ready to go to work as soon as the state would protect them. Under that plea the mobilization of the whole militia took place. Nearly two months have since passed, and the mills at Home stead are still short of hands, although lies and deceptions have abundantly been practiced to inveigle the unwary. It appears that the strikes in Buffalo have produced similar developments. The militia becomes more and more a tool of the greedy plutocrats. Never in the history of industrialism has there been such utter discomfiture as the failure of the ignorant tyrant Frtck to make steel without skilled la bor. Foots have been erected, mercen aries hired to murder, law ignored, press bribed, a credulous public insult ed with the Bergman humbug, armies marshaled and millions spent in ruin and folly. But no steel has yet been made at Homestead. Could Carnegie and Frick gracefully retreat by ac knowledging the organization of steel workers undoubtedly they would do so. The time seems not to have been ripe for the international millionaire con spiracy against organized labor, and probably a scheme to bring on a Eu ropean and American war, pretend to be whipped and surrender our iron clads would work better. Behring sea and the fishery questions are on hands and always ready. The king hater of organized labor in this valley is a villainous countenanced drawn steel manufacturer, one McCool, once a blacksmith, small hotel keeper, and finally in the steel finishing busi ness. This illiterate parvenue has dis tinguished himtelf by discharging from his works an educated mechanic, the son of Prof Broome, for the high crime* of collecting money for the families of some poor laborers who are out with the strikers of Carnegie’s mill. All these acts are blessings in disguise, awakening the masses to people’s party principles. Pittsburgh has organized a fine club, with 122,000 subscribed on the night of opening. They will un doubtedly sweep the county. Wonders are daily upon us. It is certainly revo lution. Weaver and Field may carry Pennsylvania.—Special N. Y. Cor. Non conformist THEY OWN THE COURTS. The Railroads Will Soon Dictate Terms the People Will Be Compelled to Ac cept. Judge McCormick, of the United States court, at Dallas, Tex., rendered a decision in the case of the railroads against the Texas railroad commission, deciding every point in favor of the companies and granting an injunction against the commission exactly as prayed for. This is considered one of the most im portant decisions in years, and it will probably put an end to the high-handed doings of state railroad commissions in general. In April, 1891, the Texas legislature railroad commission which began to establish rates reducing tariffs to such a degree that all the roads claimed that they were doing business at a serious loss. Actions were brought by trustees of the mortgages of several railroads against railroad companies themselves and the Texas railroad com mission, asking for an injunction, show ing that the rates made by the commis sion were unreasonable and praying that they be restrained from continuing such rates in effect or making new rates which were not returnable, restraining the commissioners and shippers from bringing actions, claiming forfeitures as provided in the act. After full argument the injunction was (panted exactly as prayed for. This decision protects and is a guarantee to railroads and holders of their securities that state commissioners cannot estab lish and enforce unreasonable rates.— Texas Exchange. That Picture Of a man, on the fifth page, and the article with it, came from the A. N. Kellogg plant, and is, we presume, from their splendid alliance editor, George C. Ward, of Kansas City. We use nearly a page of his work every week in Kellogg plates,,and when the plates contained this article and the cut it was a great surprise. The insti tute work is truly a great work. It called out audiences in the midst of the worst season ever known in Minne sota. In the heat of a redhot campaign we modify the institute, using but one day for eachfnstitute. —Great West. Thus writes Dr. Fish. We shall have to own up, but true to our Adamio origin, must throw all the blame on the doctor's wife, who put up the job. George C. Ward. —Many thousands of men in this country are receiving vast annual in comes. They neither work nor beg. FARMERS’ ALLIANCE. ALLIANCE NOTES. If money was robbed of its interest drawing attribute, it would lose its power to absorb the wealth produced by productive labor. “Exploiters” and “promoters” issue bonds and mortgage the future labor of sons of toiL Why should not the peo ple loan capital to labor itself upon its bonds. —One day’s subsistence, free access to natural opportunities and a daily mar ket for its product, is all labor needs to make it independent, not of capital, but of capitalists. —Why should labor, which produces all wealth, grovel in abject poverty and toil for a bare subsistence, while the drones, who toil not, fare sumptuously and are clad in purple and fine linen? —How can the nation thrive when the people are compelled, by reason of debt, to pay a higher rate of interest for their medium of exchange than the per cent, made by them in the pursuit of their calling?—Exchange. —The real fight to-day is within the lines of hired men. Capital pays some hired men very high salaries for no other service than to beat down other hired men in their wages.—Noncon formist. —There are two kinds of protective tariff men. One kind is determined to protect money if it takes despotism to do it. The other kind is determined to protect manhoodand a free government if it takes the bailbt to do it.—Noncon formist. —Scarce money means cheap labor; JM The Omaha convention adopted the following resolution: “Fourth—Resolved, That we condemn the fallacy of protecting American labor under the present system, which opens our ports to the pauper and criminal classes of the world, and crowds out our wage earners; and we denounce the present ineffective laws against contract labor, and de mand the further restriction of undesirable emigration.” The pauper laborers of England and Europe are pouring in to the United States at the rate of half a million a year, while the American employers of labor are willing and anxious to hire labor, where it can hire it the cheapest and if it were not for the protection afforded by the stone wall of organized labor, wages would soon be beaten down to the level of a “bare subsistence” such as suffices to keep alive a Chinaman, a Polander or a Russian Jew.— George C. Ward. plenty of money means higher prices for labor and its products. If you are a producer you do not need a map to show which of these propositions you favor. The new party is the only party favoring money.—Missouri World. —The first donation of land was made by democrats. There were about 80,- 430,939 acres given by democrats prior to 1861. The Union Pacific grants, the largest ever made, were given by the republicans, but only two democrats voted against them in the house.—Great West. —When you have read this paper give it to a city toiler. Let the laborers in the cities know that the people’s party farmer appreciates and pities his condi tion and he will vote the people’s party ticket. Preach to him that “the inter ests of rural ahd civic labor are the same; their enemies are identical.” —ln Massachusetts even the old par litical Rip Van Winkles seem to be arousing to a sense of the condition of affairs. The Salem Republican declares that “the people’s party is the opponent which the republicans have most to fear.” We hope they will prepare for the cold blast, so it will not be quite so icy when it strikes.—Great West. —Delegates to the St. Lpuis confer ence will remember the fair treatment we received at the hands of the St Louis Chronicle. It has recently hoisted the Weaver and Field ticket and will fight fbr the people’s party. The Cin cinnati Post has also flopped over, and the Detroit Evening News has joined the people’s, party. The Cleveland Press hoists the people’s party ticket These are all metropolitan city papers and have a combined em ulation of 160,000. —Winfield Free Press. —The most pitiable aspect of the Homestead trouble is to see men so eager to work that they take the bread from the mouths of their fellow-men; they enter into ignominious contracts with th& employers who treat them like so many head of cattle; they work under laws that would disgrace a peni tentiary. The most pitiable? Yes. The men who submitted to a lockout rather than to accept unjust conditions of work; the families that have been turned homeless on the hills of Penn sylvania; the munjered of Homestead in their graves, and the widows and or phans who mourn for them—all fhese are less to be pitied than the men whom pressure of want has driven to accept the places of the locked out working men.—National Watchman. THE REAL ISSUE. Not a Question of Hours and Wages, But the Right of Labor to Organise is at Stake-Labor Must Fortify Itself on the Last Battle Ground. Organized labor cannot any longer close its eyes to the nature of the con flict upon which it is about to enter. It is not a question of hours, or wages or any other question of minor importance or mere detail, but the stake at issue is the very right of existence of labor or* ganizations and their recognition by employing manufacturers and operat ors. As the Cleveland Plain Dealer says: The war now being waged upon organized la bor is a fight against the force which has brought wages up to their present standard and is alone holding them there. The Carnegie company is willing to take back its old men, but they must go back as individuals, not as members of the Amalgamated association. It is the test of a long contemplated and deep laid scheme to crush the power of the association. That accomplished, the men will be helpless and must accept any wages offered. This is the real issue at Homestead. Thus it can be seen that every trades unionist is vitally interested in the out come of this terrible conflict, which will be a fight to the finish, waged with des perate tenacity on both sides. The New York Morning Advertiser says: It is very clearly demonstrated now, if it was not before, that the fight at Homestead has but one purpose, the emancipation of the Car negie steel works from contact or dealing with the Amalgamated Association of Steel Work ers. In other words, it is the same fight that the New York Central railway made two years ago against its employes—not so much a ques tion of wages as of independence. In the very outset of the Homestead struggle Manager Frick announced that no union man should ever again work in the Homestead mills. The new scale appears to have been the pretext for bringing on the fight Now Jones, the ironmonger of Pittsburgh, has taken up the contest and declared his independence of THE STONE WALL. Organized Labor Builds it—The Tariff is Not in it. labor organizations and unions The Home stead strikers have agreed to accept the new scale of wages, and all they ask is the recogni tion of their association. This Frick rejects. It is not wages with him, but freedom from in terference. In other words, the big manufacturers of the country are on a strike against the labor organ izations. What Is the meaning of this? Have the labor organizations been too exacting? Have they made themselves offensive by their personal'interference and their demands? Surely every honest employer should recog nize the right of workingmen to organize for their own good and their own protection. The men who handle picks and shovels have the same right to band together that capitalists have to form combinations, trusts and con spiracies. It must follow, then, that the,, labor organi zations have in some way offended the capital ists who employ. The discontent manifest in labor circles is not due to wages, but a desire upon the part of employers to be free from all dictation, interference or even persuasion on the part of trades unions. This is not a wholesome sign, but it is well to have the real facts understood. It is a war upon trades unionism. Yes, it is war upon trades unionism, and it will be well for trades unionists to take cognizance of the entrenched position occupied by capitalistic monop oly and decide for themselves if there is not a way of taking the fort and turning the gnns upon the enemy, by judicious and united use of the free man’s weapon, the American ballot. As Mr. J. R. Detwiler happily and cogently writes in the Topeka Advo cate: In recognition of these facts, it is fitting that the sympathy and assistance of all good oltizens be extended to the striking workmen in their contests against the avarice of the capitalists. But let us take a view of the contending forces and their weapons of warfare. Organized labor has been rel ylng upon strikes, boycotts and pressure of public sentiment,- while organized capital has carefully entrenched Itself behind legislative enactments. In preparation for the great contest with organized labor, it has secured absolute control of the legislative, judicial and executive departments of the gov ernment, both state and national. * * When it wishes to enforce a reduction of wages it calls to its aid an armed band of Hessians, under the command of Pinkerton, for the purpose of driv ing out the American workmen who belong to the union and introducing a gang of non-union workmen fresh from the densely populated, oppressed and poverty-stricken districts of the king cursed countries of Europe. Our work men fly to arms and repel the Pinkerton invad ers, the riot aot is read and the state militia is called out, not for the purpose of restoring peace and arresting the treasonable organiza tion of Pinkerton thugs, but for the purpose of intimidating the union workmen, protecting capital and crowding down wages through the introduction of non-union men imported from foreign lands for that purpose. * * Capital has been incorporated. Our statutes are loaded with special legislation in its interests. Cap italists are now waging a war of extermination against labor organizations with a view of re ducing the individual workers to a state of ab ject servitute. Is there no escape? Ah, yes; happily the workmen of our country are armed with the ballot. By reason of num bers we can wrest from the grip of capital every department of our government We can select, from our own ranks, legislators pledged to the repeal of all the class legislation in the interest of capital and enact instead laws that will give to every citizen, rich or poor, equal opportunities and grant special privileges to none. We can select from our own ranks ex ecutive officials who will disarm and disband the army of Pinkerton thugs and protect labor in its rightful demands. Let us have one grand universal strike on the Bth of next November. Let every workman in the United States lay down his ordinary implements of toil upon that day, proceed in a quiet and orderly manner to his usual place of voting and deposit a people’s party ticket in the ballot box, and see that the vote is honestly counted. We will then no longer be cringing suppliants at the throne of power, but we will actually occupy the throne we inherited from our revolutionary fore fathers, and dispense even-handed justice to our present oppressors. These are brave, true words. “He who would be free himself must strike the blow.” If labor wishes to emanci pate itself it must cease listening to those who advise a “masterly political inactivity,” and vote itself into power. To your tents, Oh, Israel!! The Philistines are upon us!!! Let every member of a labor organization and every friend of and sympathizer with organized labor gird up the loins for the fight and cry aloud and spare not. Humanity is at last at bay upon the last battle-ground of liberty and the fate of the toiling masses is trembling in the balance. Geobge C. Ward. LOYAL LABOR LEAGUE. The Trades Unionists of Denver, Col., Prepare to Use Their Ballots Where They Will do the Most Good. The movement which has been inau gurated in this city to make the labor vote an instrument in securing labor’s rights should be espoused by all classes of workingmen. That vote has been too long frittered away and wasted through interested political agencies, while aggressions upon the just rights of labor have been augmenting. It is high time that wage-earners turn the cold shoulder to partisan pol itics, from which they have gained nothing but betrayal, and use their great political influence to protect themselves from the sordid designs of conspiring wealth. The lesson of re cent labor troubles in the east ought to make an impression. The working millions have in the ballot reserve force enough to bring corporate greed to reasonable terms and put an end to the overbearing insolence that is now al most the uniform response to every offer of compromise or arbitration as a means of settling economic differences Unfortunately the requirements of trades unions, for the furtherance of routine business, having excluded pol itics as a distracting partisan element, the effect has been to nulliff the polit ical force of labor, as a distinct factor in promoting and protecting the inter ests of wage-earners. The purpose of the Loyal Labor league, recently organ ized in Denver, is to correct that fatal deficiency and terminate the wretched policy of trusting labor’s aspirations to partisan politicians in the pay of cor porations whose aims antagonize the just rights of working people. Should the Loyal Labor league spread and become national, it would facilitate the emancipation of labor in the United States as no other means can. Labor is now practically at the mercy of cap ital and would be wholly so but for the possibilities of a freeman’s bal. ot. Workingmen of Colorado, is it not about time to use that power effectually in Sour own interests?—Rocky Mountain ews. Worn Oat. The politicians of the south as well as here in the north, try the blood; shirt and every other method of en gendering hate and prejudice. Bul there as well as here their sectional cries are worn out. Brother R F. Arthur writes from Rockdale, Texas: “The political pot begins to boil here. The old party press and theii speakers begin to flaunt the blood; shirt, but it is worn out. The war it over, and we are in the middle of the road, and don’t you forget it We in tend to down both the old twins nexl November. The south strikes hand! with the northwest With Weaver anc Field, the blue and the gray, on U victory!”—Progressive Farmer. The 2,000 Fuad. Ain’t previously reported $771.18 Spring' Grove All. 568 5.20 J F Schuch, Winthrop 50 Proceeds of supscription, for warded by Jno McDonald, Waverly Mills 4.00 Proceeds of subscription, for warded by C AH Holtan, Madison 3,50 Proceeds of subscription, for warded by F C Greene, Ren ville 2.00 Orange All. 625 5.00 Scandia All. 643 4 50 au. 1142 3 ; 0 o Bendsville All 5 00 All. 896 * I^so Proceeds of subscription, for warded by I M Cady, Mag nolia 9.00 AH. 11 2.75 Proceeds of subscription for warded by A Peterson, Teien 1.35 Cottonwood Co. All. 8.50 Hutchinson by Louis Hanson 3.50 Mantorville All 5.00 South Decoria All. 674 3.35 All. 429 5.00 Ben Young 1.00 Dan’l Makoney 1.00 Murray Co. All sloo Bloomfield alliance 6.50 AH. 943 5.00 Cameron All 3.00 Campaign Committee 100.00 Jno McDonald 50 M. Kinsella ] 2J25 La Crescent All ”, 2.50 West Union All 4^oo P P Dusterud [ [SO T H Wolstad ’SO C H Roli ; 5 o L Krogfoss 50 M. Jacobson 50 O. H. Agre P. G. Fieldhammer 25 0 T Lanning .50 H Paulson .50 E. Hanson ”” [SO C B Krogfoss : .50 H H Saynes 50 J B Breli 50 F C Hoffn [25 H Haagestad 25 A Skrukrud 50 1 C Barnool * [SO 0 H Docken ] *SO H H Roli *SO H C Simvold 50 Diamond Lake All. 582 6.00 Campaign Com 15.00 N M Souther, R D Gleason, Redwood Falls. 5.00 Lake Sarah All. 522 6.25 Peter Cornelius 1.00 Zeticue Capstrand 1.00 0 C Bergland 1.00 J W Schroeder 1.00 B Quigley 25 J Gunter 25 Aug Ramm *25 S Stillmaker [SO Wm Foster 1.00 Jos Fisher 1.00 P O’Brien 1.00 Total $1025.33 Expenses. Bal. total last week $1157.44 Oflice help 5.00 Total $1162.44 Belanoe. Expenses 1162.44 Receipts 1025.33 Deficit $ 137.11 NOTICE. Parties who have received blank certificates of nomination of peoples party candidates are requested by the state executive committee to re turn them at once to the secretary’s office, 306 anyd 307 Lumber Exchange Bldg., St. Paul. Louis Hanson, Sec’y. President Loucks, of the national alliance, has been speaking in West Virginia and old Virginia. He gives very flattering reports from each of those states. He attended the state convention of old Virginia, where en thusiasm and ardent hope prevailed. He mentioned that a striking though familiar figure in the convention was that of Col. R. Beyerly, a presidential elector at large, an elderly gentle man, but very active in the work. There were fourteen members—fifteen with himself—of Col. Beverly’s family in that convention, members of the peoples party and all voters. Four of them were his sons and ten were nephews. Can any one give a better showing than that? If so, we should like to hear from them. Cut this Out for Future Reference. Harvest Excursions will be run via “The North-Western Line,” C., St. P., M. & 0. Ry., on August 30, and September 27,1892, from St. Paul, Minneapolis and stations East and North St. Paul to all points West of and including St. James and Sleepy Eye, Minn., in Minnesota, South Dakota, Northwestern lowa, Nebraska, Wyoming and the Black Hills on the Chicago, St. Paul, Min neapolis & Omaha, Chicago & North western and Fremont, Elkhom & Missouri Valley Railways. Harvest excursion tickets will also be sold to Omaha, St. Joseph, At chison, Leavenworth and Kansas City and to all points in Kansas, Colorado, Utah, Oklahoma, Arkan sas and Texas and to certain points in Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama and Lousiana. Tickets will be sold at very low rates and will be good to start on day of sale and good to return with in twenty days. For rate to any particular point, through car service or any informa tion call on agents of “The North- Western Line” or address T. W. Teasdale, Gen’l Pass. Agent, St. Paul, Minn. ii i