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The great West. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1889-18??, September 30, 1892, Image 11

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Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn90059299/1892-09-30/ed-1/seq-11/

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mz come when men with hearts and I
Must rim and take the misdirected reins
Of government too long left in the hands
Of Aliens and of lackeys. .He who stands
And seee the mighty vehicle of state
Hanled through the mire to some ignoble fate
And makes not saph bold prptpet as he can.
Is no American.
—Bfia Wheeler Wilcox in Arena.
The Meaning of the Revolt.
Throughout the civilized world
there is a revolt against the existing
social system. Thinking men of the
last century imagined that inven
tions would so increase the produc
tion of wealth as to make it possible
for all men to enjoy its blessings.
The inventions in every branch of la
bor have made their appearance.
The necessaries and the luxuries of life
can be quickly and easily realized.
One would suppose that there would
follow these improvements— these
wonderful aids in wealth production
—seasons of general 'prosperity, leis
ure for the toiler, time and means of
recreation, for' study and pleasure.
But the very reverse of these condi
tions has taken place. Absolute pov
erty on the part of the masses was
never more keenly felt; the struggle
of the average man to maintain a
family was never more severe; the
luxury of owning a modest home free
from encumbrance was never so
fully realized.
The demand for the mere privilege
of work l —the desire to exchange
toil for bread and clothes and a shel
ter—has become universal. Every
branch of labor has gone into or
t ganization, with this object in view—
f 1 to secure the means to maintain life
in deceney. The great body of the
f people in Europe and America are on
the alert to secure some situation—
position—job—, that will permit
them to live as they feel they ought
to live. Without question, the mo
tive that inspires seven-eighths of
our politicians to work for the eleva
tion of their party to power, is sim
ply to get a situation and settle the
question of how to “make a living.”
In the old world the workers, feel
ing the full force of these conditions,
cross the Atlantic in the hope of find
ing here a demand for labor, and to
realize the dream of fife—a home. In
New England and the old and wealthy
states, the American artisan, acting
in the same spirit, pushes on to the
those who feel this pressure of
thetfiges, wfeo are engaged in this
contescvFith want, this everyday
fight for life, are intelligent men and
women, and they have revolted
against such a civilization. It may
be that involuntarv poverty is fixed
in the laws of nature, but they do not
believe it. It may be that legisla
tion is powerless, they do not believe
it. It may be that common prosper
ity, absence of want, justice, equal
ity, are meaningless terms to be only
realized, if ever, in the world beyond
the stars—they do not believe it.
There is a deep, strong, neverfaal
ing feeling among the u«or. that this
magnuiceni earth, ncn with tne guts
of trod, exhaustless in its resources,
capable of sustaining all who are at
any time inhabitants, was never
meant to be the cheerless, hopeless,
gloomy place that it is—that tne de
sire to participate in the achieve
ments of the age, the aspiration for
better conditions, the dream by day
and by night of peace and joy are the
beckoning of God to the poor to take
possession of their own.
This is the meaning of the revolt.—
People’s Voice.
The Supreme Court
From the Concord People.
The supreme co urt has been a stench
for the past fifteen years from the old
chief justice down. He is not up for
sacrifice, and neither is that inflated
little toad, Collins, but Dickinson,
Vanderberg and Mitchell must go.
These men are the most sordid set of
judges that can be found. In the
last fifteen years they created Selah
Chamberlain Duke of Minnesota, and
robbed the state of $6,000,000 of
money, which money went to support
the flirtations of his daughter with
that enemy of virtue and decency,
the Prince of Wales.
Farmers of Minnesota, it has cost
you SBO,OOO a year to support this
questionable flirtation, owing to this
corrupt supreme court. Very many
of you lost lands through their tax
title decisions which after many
years they skinned back.
They decided against forfeiture,
and then skinned it back; they
knocked out the lien law, emasculated
its successor of everything valuable
there was in it, but they have been
compelled to take that back.
But the most damnable thing they
have stolen from you are your rip
arian rights on navigable waters, the
effect ol which is just being felt where
a combine of railroads that holds the
water front on Lake Superior, with
the Pennsylvania Coal company has
just added $1 per ton on all coal land
ed there, which is at least 33 per cent
added to its cost.
This court also reached a decision
barring a man the right to the courts
to recover insurance of a company
unless he can first get the certificate
of the nearest justice of the peace or
notary public, that he has suffered
loss to the amount of said policy,
and if said high-mucky-muck does
not see fit to put the loss at that fig;
ure, then he is barred recovering
yond the amount stated.
Such an aggregation of damage to
the people’s interests has at last
aroused the people to the fact that
our judiciary are corrupt from stem
to stern, and new men are needed
who have more sense and less non
sense about them, in place of tire
last named three the people will
place Daniel Buck, Thomas Canty,
the ablest judge Minnesota ever had,
and W. N. Davidson. It is quite
likely the rings will fix it up so as to
run only one ticket for so
inucn the better, it will
ness that will i.
9waa lahoa
Don’t fail to vote for Hon. Swan
Nelson, for lieutenant governor. He
is a splendid, modest, able gentleman.
We need him to appoint the standing
committees of the Senate. The rail
road corporations have controlled
that too long, to the great injury of
the people.
Elect Daniel Buck, Thomas Canty, and W. N. Davidson. Buck and Canty are Sure of Success, hut if Davidson
is defeated they will he in a minority of Two to Three and can do Little for the Peonle. The Plutocrats are Count
ing on Electing William Mitchell, for he is on both the Renublican and Democratic tickets, and that, with the two
judges who hold over, gives them a majority. Explain to yioiir Neighbors, and get a Solid vote for Davidson in vour Twp.
Legislative Record of Hoe. Me Nelson
Look at the Unhandsome Spectacle Made by this Reforrr.zr
in Voting on Railroad Taxes.
Then Read Donnelly’s Position on the Same Questions.
The State Senate Wakes- Up, but Knute Nelson Sleeps on the
Marble Sfab 'of ‘ ‘No Resurrecion Here . ”
The reeords of public men are public property. When men permit t aero
selves to be set up for high offices they invite criticism of their past acts. *
Two men are candidates for the office of governor of Minnesota —Hon.
Ignatius Donnelly, the candidate of the peoples party; and Hon. Knute
Nelson, the candidate of the republican party.
From 1875 to 1878, inclusive, these two gentlemen were noth members
of the state senate of Minnesota, and voted on a great many important
questions; and the record of their votes is inscribed in the printed journals
of the senate, and we propose to contrast those votes. We have no words
of abuse for Mr. Nelson. Every one concedes his ability, bat we have a
right to ask the voters to scan carefully his record, because it expressed Ms
feelings and convictions at a time when he probably did not expect to even
be a candidate for governor of this state. He cannot escape from the rec
ord he made; for it was the same fight, so far as the principles are con
cerned, that is bang carried on now, as will be apparent as we proceed. -•
I D%
It has been freely charged, for years padt,by the public, and bublic
speakers, that Mr. Nelson was and is a tool of the railroads, an. attorney
for James J. Hill, president of the Great Northern Railroad Company, and
a sympathizer with the corporations against the people. Does his record,
daring his four years in the state senate, sustain that claim, or disprove it?
We assert that it sustains it.
The first test vote that occurred in the senate during Mr. Nelson’s term
as Senator, was on Hie first day of February, 1875. Wefind on page 56 of
the Senate Journal, that Senator E. F. Drake, of St. Paul, (president of the
Sioux City R. R. Co.,J had introduced a bill to extend the time in which the
railroad companies should pay their taxes due the state, on their gross
earnings. This was the grasshopper era. If the railroads did not pay up
their taxes ci»o nua M l«,. £'£&• P ,ay for urWrr rue-rwnroaas Ought
be poor, but the people were a hundred times poorer. The bill was intro
duced Jan. 22d; referred to the committee on Finance, of which Hon. John
S. Pillsbury, (the Minneapolis millei,) was chairman, who, six days after
wards, reported it back with a recommendation that it pass; the same day
it was rushed through the committee of the whole, read the second time,
redfcl the tWrd time and passed, with only one dissenting vote, without dis.
cuesion of any kind; everybody but one voted for it, without understand,
ing it. It went to the house. The senators however began to get the thing
through their heads, and three days thereafter Mr. Coggswell made a mo
tion that the House be respectfully requested to return that bill to the Sen
ate, so that the Senate could reconsider the vote whereby the bill passed.
On page 92 of the Senate Journal of 1875 we have the record of what
took place.
“Senate File. No. 71. A bill to extend the time of payment of taxes
due the state on gross earnings of railroad corporations.”
“ The question being taken on the adoption of the resolution, [Mr.
Coggswell’s resolution to recall the bill from the House,] the roll being
called there were 16 yeas and 23 nays.”
Ignatius Donnelly voted yea. Knute Nelson voted Nay. So the res
olution was lost. But the bill was subsequently killed in the House.
On the 24th ol February, 1875, (p. 272) Mr. Nelson introduced S. F.
313: “A bill to extend the time for the completion of the St. Paul and Pa
cific Railroad.”
There was a great battle over this bilL A number of poor men, actual
settlers, had helped to grade the road bed and furnished ties, etc., and the
company refused to pay them, and a scheme was formed to get the road
into the hands of new men, free from these old claims. We read on page
390 of the Journal, that Judge Macdonald, {the candidate of the peoples
party for Attorney General), moved to commit the bill to a committee of
one to amend it, so as to provide that before any lands were conveyed to
the company the state should reserve 600,000 acres “ For the purpose of
securing the payment of debts contracted and due for the construction of
said lines of railroad or any part thereof, the same being the debts con
tracted in the building of said railroad, and secured in the act approved
Feb. 21,1874,” etc.,and further providing, that before any conveyance of
land should be made to said company, the company should execute an as
sent to the payment of said debts, so that the company should not after
wards set up a claim against the state. This latter proviso was the nub of
the whole matter. If the company was not forced to assent to the pay
ment of the debts due to the citizens, for the construction of the road; in
other words, if they were not allowed to swindle poor men out of their pay
while keeping the work for which the work was due, they might fall back on
legal quibbles, that the state only held the land in trust for the company
and must hand it over, etc., and thus defeat the creditors.
And consequently on this last proviso the fight was red hot, and the
friends of the settlers were on one side and tie friends of the railroad com
pany on the other. The Journal, page 392, says: Q
“ The question being taken on the last proviso of Mr. Macdonald’s
amendment, and the roll being called, there were yeas 24, nays 14. Among
the yeas were Donnelly, Amos Coggswell, Judge Macdonald, Michael
Doran, Wm. Meighen (who now heads the peoples party electoral ticket),
Thos. S. Buckam (now judge of the sth judicial district), Morton S. Wilk
inson (ex-United States Senator), Judge Wells, Milo White (afterwards
Congressman), Gen. Berry of Winona Co. (formerly Att’y Gen.), Benedict
Blake, Butler, Child, Clark, Conkey, even Drake (the R. R. president), Hill,
Gen. Hubbard (afterwards governor), Henan, McGovern, MeaJey, Bill
Murray of St. Paul, and even John S. Pillsbury of the Wheat Ring after
wards governor of the state. j
On the other side there were 14 votes, and one of them was that of
Hon. Knute JJelson.
So the proviso was adopted.
Mr. Donnelly was not only determined that the lands should be re
for the protection of men who had done the work, but he wanted it
put beyond question Mist the land should be sold in order to pay them; and
■ge 396 of the Senate Journal, March 3d, 1875:
offered the following resolution:
i known that many poor men, actual settlers in the coun
) of the said road, have performed work in grading or
ished roadbed of the same or in furnishing ties or doing
the same, and have not been paid for suck work, and that
h ignorance, neglected to file their claims with the state
ty days from the 21st of February, 1874, «s provided in
te chapter C 7. of the Special Laws of this state, for the
o / •
The said railroad company have, by reason of their de
so, we
Look to the Supreme Court!
fault in the construction of said road as required 4y law, lost all claim to
or interest in said unfinished portions of the road and the same is now the
propertv of the state, therefore V . •
Resolved, That the bill be referred to a committee of one with instruc
tions to add to it, a provision that fifty thousand acres of the lands which
have alread accrued to the said company, or so much thereof as may be
necessary, shall be sold by the Governor, in accordance with the provisions
of said act of February 21,1874, and the proceeds applied to the payment
to said citizens of the state, of their said claims, under such regulations as
the Governor may prescribe.
This resolution was* lost; yeas 11, and nays 25. Mr. Donnelly voted aye;
Hon. K. Nelson dpdged. He had just made a motion to indefinitely post
pone the whole bill. He was mad, because Macdonald’s resolution had been
adopted to protect the creditors ol the railroad company, and of reserving
certain lands, and on the next page of the Journal, page 397, he is shown
to be present and 1 vb ting. ®
And then the yote came on Mr. Nelson’s motion to indefinitely postpone
the bill; and it earned, yeas 20, nays 16. Mr. Donnelly Toted no;
and Mr. Nelson dodged again on his own motion. So the bill was indefinite
ly postponed. \ \
But the railroad company finally concluded that it was better to have
the bill anyhow, they could not get clear of their creditors, and so.
the same day, the vote by which it was indefinitely postponed was recon
sidered, and t.h«> bill passed. And Mr. Donfelly voted yea, and Mr. Nel
son dodged again. He was mad all through.
Hon. Amos Cogswell, of Steele, was a prominent anti-Monopolist. A bill
(H. F. No. 280) being up, “for the appointment of a Railroad Commission,
er, defining his duties, and to prevent extortion and unjust discrimination,
by railroad corporations,” we read in the Journal of 1885, March 3d,
page 407-8, that the following took place:
“Mr. Coggswell moved to amend the report of the committee of the
whole by striking out all after the enacting clause and inserting the follow-
ing: * * *
Sec. 3. That section (9) nine of said act be amended to read as follows:
No railroad corporation shall charge, collect or receive for the transporta
tion of any passenger or freight of any description upon its railroad for
any distance within this state, the same or a greater amount of toll or
compensation than is at the same time charged collected or received for the
transportation in the same direction of any passenger or like quantity of
freight, of the same class, over a greater distance of the same railroad, nor
shall any such railroad corporation charge, demand or receive from any
person company or corporation, for the transportation of persons or prop
erty, a greater sum than it shall at the same time charge, demand or re
ceive from any other* person company or corporation for a like service from
the same place and upon like conditions and similar circumstances; and all
concessions of rates, drawbacks and contracts for special rates shall be
open to all persons, companies or corporations alike under similar circum
Sec. 4. That section seventeen (17) of said act be amended to read as
follows: The fines mentioned in the last preceding section may be recovered
in a civil action in the name of the State of Minn., and there may be sever
al causes of action joined in the same complaint, as to extortion and un
just discrimination, and as to passenger and freight rates, and rates for
the nee and transportation of railroad cars, and for receiving, handling or
delivering freights, or for the violation of any other of the provisions of
this act, Provided that in all cases under the provisions of this act, a pre-
France of evident* in favor of the state shall be sufficient to authorize
a verdict and judgment for tiie state. - u ‘ ‘
The question being taken on the adoption of the amendment and the
r >ll being called there yvere twelve yeas and twenty-eight nays.”
The yeas were Judge Buckh&m, Clark, Coggswell, Conkey, Donnelly,
Finseth (now Stdte Dairy Commissioner), Hill, McGovern, Meighen, (the
•head of 'our electoral jacket), Wells, Westfall and White,,
Among the 2$ pays were Drake, Pillsbury and Knute Nelson!
Here the issue wasisquarely joined between the people, the producers,
on the one side aftd the railroad companies on the other. All the amend
ment asked for whs that a railroad companyshould not charge as much or
more for carrying freight passengers ten miles that it did for carrying the
same freight or passengers one hundred miles. Could anything be more
reasonable? It was like saying that a farmer should not ask or receive as
much for 50 pounds wheat as he did for 500 pounds of wheat. And yet
Knute Nelson voted Against this very reasonable proposition, in the in
terest of the railroad companies and against the people. And now he asks
the people to elect Mm governor, to appoint a railroad commission that
is to make the railroad companies obey the laws which Stand on the statute
books, and break up the railroad and elevator rings that have combined
together and are robbing the people.
But this is not all.
On the next page of the same Journal, page 409, during the considera
tion of the same bill we read:
“Mr. Meighen moved to strike out section seven of H. F. No. 280,
and insert in lieu thereof the following:
Section 7. No railroad corporation shall charge, collect or receive for
the transportation of any paesenger or freight of any. descrip Lion upon its
railroad for any distance within this state, the same or a greater amount
of toll or compensation than is at the same time charged, collected or re
ceived for the transportation in the same direction of any passenger or like
quantity of freight, of the same class, over a greater distance of the same
railroad, nor shall any such railroad corporation charge, demand or re
ceive from any person, company or corporation for the transportation of
persons or property, a greater sum than it shall at the same time charge,
demand or receive from any other person, company or corporation for a
like service from the same place and upon like conditions and similar cir
cumstances; and all concessions of rates, drawbacks, and contracts for
special rates shall be open to all persons companies or corporations alike
under similar circumstances.”
> The question being taken upon the amendment, and the roll being
called, there were 15 yeas, and 26 nays.
Among the yeas was Mr. Donnelly; among the nays was Knute Nel
son. So the amendment was lost.
The purpose of Mr. Meighen was this: Mr. Coggswell’s amendment in
cluded three sections, and it might be claimed that senators were favorable
to the 3d section but had to vote against it because it was linked with oth
er sections alone; and it was voted down, 15 to 26, and Mr. Nelson voted
against it. Thus the issue was squarely drawn and again Mr. Nelson
took the side of the railroads against the people.
One of the gripvoqs burdens laid upon the people has been the fact that
the vast quantities ofi land owned by the railroad companies escape their
just share of taxation,'not only while in the hands of the companies, but
even after they have bfeen sold to third parties, or to other corporations,
as in the case of the qfd Sioux City Railroad Company, which sold its rail
road to the Chicago, Northwestern and Omaha line, and then the lands re
mained the property of E. F. Drake and others, who held them for years
free from taxation, under the pretence that the old company was a rail
road company, although it owned no railroad and carried no passengers
or freight. All HJs tended to throw heavier burdens on the actual settlers,
who not only had to pay their own taxes, but the taxes wMch the railroad
lands should have borne. Great popular excitement have followed, par
ticularly in southern Minnesota, on this question. Mr. Donnelly, as far
back as 1876, tried to secure legislation which would have prevented all
this trouble.
On Feb. 3rd, 1876 (107 of Journal) Hon. James Smith, Jr., of St. Paul,
(president of the St. Paul and Duluth Railroad), introduced S. F. 181, a
biH to the general statute as to corporations, so as to provide for
ike mortgaging, foreclosure and sale of railroad companies. On tSOfTvh of
February, 1876, (page 320), Mr. Wilkinson introduced an amendment, to
this bill. The Journal (322) says:
"Mr. Donnelly moved to amend to add to line 43 of the printed bill as
follows? <•
Provided, that whenever any land-grant railroad company is foreclosed
upon, as provided in this act, and the property of the same passes into the
bonds of purchasers thereunder, that all the lauds of the said company, so
sold shad therm ft-*” be subject to taxation, and shall be assessed and
listed therefor as other real property in this state now is, by the officers
whose duty It is to assess and list such real property. *
' Provided, however, that this provision shall not apply to the lands be
longing to those portions of anyroad which,at the date of such foreclosure
proceedings are unbuilt, but that the same shall remain free from taxation,
as if no such foreclosure proceedings had been had; provided that the said
lands shall continue to be owned and possessed by the same corporation
that owns and operates the said railroad company, to which they were
originally granted. >
Mr. Donnelly moved that bis amendment to S. F. No. 181 be ordered
printed, which motion prevailed.”
The meaning of this was that as long as a railroad corporation really
owned the land, then the agreements with them, in their charters, that
their lands should be free from taxation, should hold good; but if the prop
erty of the company was foreclosed upon and sold then the lands became
subject to taxation. And the second pro-vision covered the very subterfuge
afterwards resorted to by the Sioux City R. R. Co., and provided that the
lands held by the original company should not escape taxation unless the
company operated the railroad, to build which the lands were given.
- Two days afterwards, Feb. 28,1876, (page 342) Mr. James Smith, Jr.,
in the absence of Mr. Donnelly, had the bill, S. F. 181, taken up, and, with
out waiting to have it engrossed, and without any vote on Mr. Donnelly's
amendment, which was smothered, and never heard of again, the “printed
bill being taken as the engrossed bill,” rushed the bill through by a vote of
26 yeas, and nays none. Mr. Nelson did not vote, although he had voted
on the last roll call. But Mr. Donnelly deserves credit for raising the ques
tion; and Mr. Nelson should have helped him, and demanded, in his absence,
a vote on his very important amendment. a
On March 2d, 1879, H. F. No. 392 came up in the senate. This was a
bill to enable the St. Paul and Pacific Railroad Company to give up its line
from Melrose to Glyndon, and build in lieu thereof a road north of Glyn
don, up the Red River Yalley. It is by virtue of this bill that the St. Paul
and Pacific Railroad, or the Great Northern as it is now, claims the homes
of thousands of settlers in the Red River Valley, and has compelled them to
pay extortionate prices for the same, or be driven off and sacrifice their im
provements. And this wrong has been carrfed through, in spite of a strong
fight made by Mr. Donnelly, to protect the settlers, by means of a lot of
decisions of the courts, in every one of which the law was twisted and per
verted shamefully, to protect the railroads and impoverish the people.
The Supreme Court of the United States has actually gone so far as to de
clare that a settler cannot bring a suit to defend his title to these lends
but that only the state or Railroad Co. can have a hearing in a court of t > *
United States.
When this bill came up in 1876, Mb. Donnelly made a fight against it
but Hon. Knute Nelson (see page 408 of Journal) moved to suspend f
rules to put it through. Here is the Journal record:
“Mr. Nelson K. moved that the rules be suspended and H. F. No. 392, b v
read the second time and placed on file for the third reading. Carried
yeas 30, nays 8.” Among the yeas was Knute Nelson, among the nayswas
Ignatius Donnelly. And the same day the bill passed, (see p. 428), by
vote of 25 yeas and 11 nays. Knute Nelson voted yea, Mb. Donnell t
voted nay.
In short, Mr. Nelson all through those four years voted for eves v !
demanded by the railroads. He was the especial champion and represem ,t ,i
tive of the St. Paul and Pacific Railroad Company, now the Great Nor then
of -x-hiehJfljL. The forgoing record shows
he not only voted for the Railroad Companies, but he made the mot* m °
in many instances, to secure them what they asked. On the other i-"* ■)
Mr. Donnelly was constantly found fighting on the side of the peopi*
boring in the midst of a hostile senate, of which generally two-thirds we, %
republican, to obtain some concessions, that would lighten the burdens o£
the people. If space permitted we could quote a number of instances where.
Mb. Nelson yoted to continue and keep alive land-grants while Mb. Don
nelly voted against them. In one case he stood alone, the whole senate,
voting against him; in another instance he had only one other Senator you
ng with him.
Another grievance that the farmer complained of bitterly, and for which
they could obtain no relief, the republican legislatures turning a deaf ear to,
them for twenty years past, has been the double taxation of mortgageo,
For instance: Suppose A. 8., a farmer, owns a farm worth .$2,000 am n
there is a mortgage on it held by U. D. for $1,500. Now it is clear that
B. has but SSOO interest in that farm; in fact if he cannot pay off the>
$1,500 he has no interest whatever. Under our laws C. D. usually pays ncv
interest at all on his $1,500 interest on that farm, while A. B. pays the
taxes on the whole $2,000, while he owns but SSOO. This is favoritism to
the rich man at the expense of the poor man. Seventeen years ago our
candidate for governor, Hon. Ignatius Donnelly, as a member of the
state senate, tried to remedy this evil, just as he has worked for the same
object several times since in the House and Senate. Here is the record,
taken from page 380 of the Senate Journal, March 2d, 1875:
“Mr. Donnelly moved to refer S. F. No. 324 to a special committee of
one, and to insert the following amendment:
Amend section two of chapter one, laws of 1874: Whenever it appears
that the amount of money secured by any mortgage conveyance upon any
.real estate has been assessed, and that taxes thereon have been paid by
the owner or owners of said mortgage, a reduction shall be made by the
county auditor in the tax due upon such real estate by the owner of the
same, equal to the amount of said tax, so assessed and paid upon the
mortgage debt by the owner of the same.”
Now nothing could have bee*i fairer than this. It did not go so far as
to say that the money-lender must pay his tax on the mortgage, but it
provided that if he had paid it, the farm should be released from that much
taxation. For instance, if A. 8., the farmer, paid taxes on $2,000, (the
farm); and C. D. the money-lender paid taxes on $1,500, (the mort. on the
farm); then the property embraced in that farm really paid taxes on $3,-
500 while it was worth but $2,000. And yet so plain and reasonable a
proposition as this could not be passed in that republican senate, and the
republican candidate for governor, Hon. Knute Nelson, voted against itl
There is the record of the vote, p. 381,-17 for Mr. Donnelly’s motion and
17 against it, and there not being a majority the motion was lost. If
Knute Nelson had voted with Mr. Donnelly, the vote would have stood
18 to 16; it would have carried, and hundreds of thousand of dollars would
have been saved to the debtor-roll of this state. For if the farmers knew
that by the mortgage-holder, paying the tax which he was really bound in
law to pay, it would relieve them of so much tax, they would have seen
that the tax was collected in thousands of cases.
Who is the real friend of the farmers —Mr. Nelson or Mr. Donnelly?
Let that record answer.
Passing from the consideration of the railroad record of these two can
didates for governor, we come to another and a very important question:
—that of cheap school books.
We cannot do better in explanation of this matter than to quote the
following extracts from the Biography, of Mr. Donnelly, which prefaced to
the book “Donnelliana,” and was written by the editor of the G. W.:
“In his career as State Senator and member of the House of Ilepresen
tatives of the State of Minnesota, Governor Donnelly showed the same dis
position to work for the good of the oppressed and the unfortunate which
had been so marked in his course in Congress. He championed every meas
ure which tended to improve the condition of the people, regardless of the
abase s.u»l persecution of was interfering
One of the questions to whicii ms. Donnelly addressed himself, as a
member of the State Senate, was that of the texvbooks used in the public
schools. The Governor of the State, Governor Austin, in his message ad
dressed to the Legislature, in 1874, thus referred to the subject:
“It is estimated by those most thoroughly informed that the people of
the State have paid the past year $250,000 for school books used in the
public schools, and that the amount thus expended increases at the rate of
ten per emit per annum, that being the supposed increase of our population
in the future. I am informed that the average profit of the publisher, as
he wholesales to the jobber and retailer, is about one hundred her cent;
that the original cost of the readers that are sold to us at one dollar each
is but fifty cents, and of a speller, small arithmetic or geography, for
which we pay twenty-five cents, is but ten cents. Thus it wul be seen that
Remember that the great fight
ticket—lonatiuß Donnelly. If hr
PLES Party man who fights Don
nelly fights the whole Peoples
Party ticket from Weaver down
the bed biveb land gbant.

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