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SYNOPSIS OF HISTORY.
FROM A BRIEF REVIEW OF AN AMERICAN REPUBLIC. (In but Three Chapters.) CHAP: I. IN THE BEGINNING. A government of the masses, by the masses, l'or the musses. • •- CHAP. 11. DWINDLING DOWN. A government of the classes, by the classes, for the classes. CHAP. 111. it’s come to this. A government of the asses, by the asses, for the asses. The End (Thunk God ) Workingmen, Unite! While congress is conducting a sham investigation of the Pinker tons, these bandits are to be emplo - ed by the state of Penns.vlvani as regular detectives and police officers at the public expense for the private benefit of coal barons andiron kings. Democratic governor and republi can president—the first, a few days ago, hesitating to interfere, the sec ond imploring Frick to be magnani mous—are now of one mind. The militia of one is at Homestead, the army of the other is at Coeur d’Amue. Organized labor must and shall be crushed. And it will be crushed—surely, irre trievably—unless it rises in its might on election dav. Capital holds it by the throat in the economic field. Capital holds it under the iron heel of the military on the first snow of manly resistance. In the political field only can Labor fight Capital and win. Un ted in the political field, the workingmen of Hoims ead ele ted their own burgess. United in the field, the workingmen of this country can elect their own judges, their dwn legislators, their own gov ernors, Hwftrown president. Divided in the political field, they will again elect democratic and re publican lackeys of their bosses, who will further divide them in the econ omic field by breaking up all their or ganizations and using for that pur pose all the political powers—legisla tive, judicial, executive, police and military. Woe to the workingmen if the next election day should and them still di vided in the economic field. The army will be doubled. The militia will he quadrupled. ~~ The gallows will be in permanence. Workingmen, unite! Save your selves, save your posterity from the most abject slavery the world has yet seen. Your own fate, the fate of the country, the fate of humanity, is in your own hands.—The People, New York City. National Bankers’ Circular, Dear Sir: It is advisable to do all in your power to sustain such daily and prominent weekly newspapers, especially the agricultural and religi ous press as will oppose the issuing of greenback paper money, and that you withhold patronage or favors from all applicants who are not will ing to oppose the government issue of money. Let the government issue the coin and banks issue the paper money of the couotry, for then we can better protect each other. To repeal the law creating national banks, or to restore to circulation government issue of money, will be to provide the people with money, and will therefore seriously affect your individual profits as bankers and lenders. See your member of congress at once, and engage him to support our interest, that we may control legislation. (Signed by the secretary) Jas. Buell. 147 Broadway (room 4), N. Y. Reader, the above shows plainly, why an old party paper with 500 cir culation pays, and this paper with 2,000 subscribers does not pay a living.—Michigan.Patriot. Congreaaion&l Barroom. N. Y. Inder endent. Three or four members of the house of repr sentatives, not including Judge Cobb, the only man whose name has leaked out, appeartd on the floor in a condition which may be described as “gentlemanly drunk,” it w as three or four more than ought to thus have appeared. That num ber was sufficient to disgrace the house; and we heartily wish that the committee had required Mr. Watson and the other witnesses to give their names, so that they might be held up to the contempt of their constitu ents and of the public. The time has paesed when a single district in the United States would be willing to have it known that its representa tives appeared intoxicated on the floor of congress. That might do thirty or fifty years ago, but it will not do now. Even Georgia will ask more sharply than this committee of congress did, why Judge Cobb was drinking whisky while making his speech. There is a barroom in the capitol building where members get any liquors they please. Iw barroom is a disgrace to congreifc and to the country. There is no more reason for a barroom in the capitol than there is for one in the treasury building. That barroom is the ammunition of the prohibition party, we might almost say its justi fication. There must be more than a dozen or a score or a hundred men members of congress who want that barroom maintained or they would not allow it to exist. An active, con scientious ma jority could kick it out of the building. Why is it not done? We fear this investigating committee did not get to the bottom of the business. THE RECORD Of Hon. Ignatijs Donnelly, Peoples Party Candidate for Governor, As a Public Official. In this campaign of 1892 the great fight will ba made on the head of our state ticket, Hon. Ignatius Donnelly, our candidate for gover nor. < lf he'can be rendered an object of suspicion to the voters the whole peoples party ticket, state and national, will suffer thereby, so far as the state of Minnesota is concerned; on the other hand the stronger Mr. Don nelly is the stronger the whole ticket will be. The Todd county Aigus, a republican paper, said the other day: “The who stops to make a comparison between Knute Nelson and I. Donnelly must certainly choose the former. In all Donnelly’s career he has not accomplished anything that is of benefit to the classes he pretends to labor for. He is visionary and unsound and his works are the same.” Let us see if the Todd county Argus man is right. MR. DONNELLY AS LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR. We quote the following, from Dr. Fish’s biography of Mr. Donnelly, in Donnelhuna, page 88: , During Mr. Donnelly’s term as lieutenant governor he showed the same disposition to work for the unfortunate that has been apparent in all his later c-ireer. There was at that time no limitation upon the price that could be charged for the use of money, and three per cent, per month, and five per cent, per month after maturity, as I have shown, were the usual rates. When the crisis came, while all property was flattened out, these rates continued to run, and they were bankrupting all the business men of the country. Governor Donnelly began a series of letters in the Minneso tian, then the lead ng Republican paper, published by his friend, Dr. Fos ter, which showed up the enormity of the system aud led to a decision by the supreme, court which swept away the five per cent, per month after maturity extortion. The Todd county Argus says Gov. Donnelly has not been “of benefit to the classes he pretends to work for.” That decision of the supreme court saved thousands of worthy aud enterprising men from bankruptcy; and there was no other public man, except Gov. Donnelly, who had the sense and courage to open the fight against the usurers, so far back as thirty two years ago. Can the friends of Knute Nelson show where he ever took the side of the debtor class, Or of the man that was down? Dr. Fish adds, in the Biography: It is worth remembering that a fierce fight was made by interested par ties to maintain the three and five per cent, a month system; and it was urged that to oppose it would drive capital out of the state and bring everything to destruction. This, by the way, is the same effigy at present erected in every grain field of the West—powerless, except to ‘frighten the weak and strengthen the usurers. It has been charged that Gov. Donnelly is a “flopper,” because he was, *t is said, a democrat in 1856 and a republican in 1857. He was not a democrat in 1856. He declined a democratic nomination Jor the legisla ture in his native city of Philadelphia, in 1855; andßwytowed himself an anti-slavery man; and refused to vote for Buchanan foidpresident in 1856. Mil dons of other democrats and whigs did the samaifching. If they had not the republican party would not have elected Mr. Lincoln in 1860. Gov. Donnelly left the democratic party and joined the republican party when Minnesota was democratic because his heart sympathized with the unfortunate black people of the South, who were in bondage. He believed, with Thos. Jefferson, “that man should not own property in man.” He did not think it right to sell women on the auction block. Can any man to day say he was wrong? Does any man today defend slavery? Would any man vote today to re-establish it? And yet republicans today make it a reproach to Gov. Donnelly that he, with millions of other democrats, left the democratic party thirty seven years ago and joined the party of free dom, as it was then. HE SUPPORTED THE WAR. He stood by the nation through the civil war, making hundreds of speeches before the people, and voting in congress for all the appropria tions to carry on the war and pay the soldiers. Was he right? Does the "Todd county Argus pretend that m all this he was and un- j sound?” HE STOOD BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN. When our leading illustrated newspaper—now republican—was pub lishing pictures, in which Abraham Lincoln was represented as a gorilla, Gov. (Donnelly was one of his foremost champions and defenders; and when one-third of our whole people were denouncing him Gov. Donnelly spoke of him, in congress, in terms which all the world endorses today. Was he light? HE STANDS BY EQUAL SUFFRAGE. In those days our state constitution provided that only white men should vote. Gov. Donnelly took the ground that a man’s rights, as a human being, should not depend on the color of his skin; and he made three campaigns before the people to persuade them to amend the constitution, by striking out that word “white.” Gov. Marshall was running for gov ernor at the time, and he was scared because there was considerable op position in the ranks of the republican party itself, to impartial suffrage, and he declared, on the stump, that it was “not an issue in the canvass;” and Gov. Donnelly said in reply that “it was an issue, and a good deal bigger issue than Gov. Marshall!” And the people sustained Gov. Don nelly and wiped the word “white” out of the constitution. Was Gov. Donnelly right or wrong in this battle for equal rights for all men? And is the Todd county Argus correct when it asserts that his labors never helped those he worked for? HOW THE FIGHT AGAINST DONNELLY BEGAN. In 1862 Gov. Donnelly was elected to congress on the republican ticket. It was in the midst of the war. He took his seat December, 1863. Within five menths he began that warfare on rascality which has since distinguish ed his entiie career. We quote again from the Biography in “Donnelliana,” p. 47: “We now come to an act of Gov. Donnelly which had, perhaps, more to do with shaping his whole future career than any other one thing. On the 2nd of May, 1864, Gov. Donnelly sent to Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, chairman of the committee of ways and means of the house of representa tives, a letter of which the following is a copy: “Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, Chairman Committeeof Ways and Means H.R., , Washington, D. C. | - Sir: On the 27th ult. there was referred to the committee of ways and means a letter from the secretary of the interior, transmitting estimates of amounts required to carry out the stipulations of the Chippewa treaty of March, 1863. “Although the Indians referred to live altogether in the congressional district which I have the honor to represent in the house, and although the appropriations asked for are very large, I have never been notified that such steps were being taken, or such appropriations asked for, and it was only by accident that my attention was called to the same. “I feel that I would be false to the plainest dictates of duty if I did not, regardless of the consequences to mj self, interpose an earnest protest against the appropriations asked for. It is proposed at this time, when the nation is struggling for its very life, and when every dollar of needless expenditure should G e carefully avoided, to pay $157,930 for what your committee have already estimated would be worth $7,600, being a differ ence of $150,830. [The. reaty itself fixed the amount to be spent, in carry ing out its provisions, at that figure—s7,6oo.] “Some of these itemtrare overcharges of the grossest kind. Take the first: “For breaking, cleaving and grubbing three hundred acres of land, for Mississippi Indians, per fourth article, treaty of 1863, SSO per acre qoO Why grubbing? Is it pretended that three hundred acres of prairie land can not be found in that region, but that land must be cleared and grubbed? “The price asked is SSO per acre for ‘breaking, clearing and grubbing.’ In the most densely settled parts of Minnesota the most valuable farm lands can be bought—broken, fenced, and with buildings on them—for $25 per acre—one-half what is here asked should be given for breaking, clearing and grabbing alone. “There can be no difficulty fn finding abundance of prairie land, and it can be ‘broken’ for three dollars per acre, making for the three hundred acres, S9OO, a difference of $14,100. “The next item which I particularly notice is this: “ ‘Fov railroad from Gull Lake to Leach Lake $15,000 ■* ‘‘lam at a loss to understand this, and suppose it to be a misprint, ilurelf the government is not about to build a railroad for those Indians? the construction of a wagon road the amount seems to me to be enormous, and I think it will be so considered by any frontier people. [At this time there were not one hundred miles of railroad in the whole state of Minnesota.] » “The next item is as follows: “ ‘For removing agency to new location $25,000 “What can this refer to? If it means the bodily removal of the build ings of the present agency to the new agency, it is an unnecessary absurd ity. If it means the removal of the agent and his family, books, chairs and tables, it is a gross fraud. If it means the construction of new buildings, at the new agency, it is an enormous overcharge. The sum of $25,000 would rather build a palace than an agency. “The next item is as follows: * “ ‘Transportation and subsistence to their new homes, 2,000 In dians, at $lO per head $20,000 “How do Indians travel? With their ponies carrying their tents and sound?” AN OPPONENT OF SLAVERY. luggage, the wbmen on foot, carrying their infants on their backs, and the men and half grown childten on foot. In this Way they will make Journeys of hundreds of miles. The average distance to which they are to be re moved is, lam informed, bttt about one hundred and fifty miles. Is it pro posed to furnish Stages and ambulances for them? Certainly not. They will make the Journey in the same manner in which they have traveled from time immemorial, and the United States, out of a depleted treasury, is asked to pay $20,000 to .the men who superintend this movement. “The next and last item is as follows: “ ‘Subsistence for 2,000 Indians for six months, at fifteen cents per head, each day,:.,....... $54,000 . “ft is hard to analyze this item, as it is impossible to say what kind or amount of food will be furnished them, but the sum charged is very large, and I have no dqnbt the same number ot Indians, part of them being chil dren, could be supported for six months for one-half that sum. “I would therefore ask that every item of this account should be duly scanned, and not one dollar appropriated that isrfiot just and right. Such claims, while they take from the treasury that which is not due, benefit neither the state nor the Indians. “I have the honor to be very truly and respectfully yours, “Ignatius Donnelly.” This letter ended that “steal.” The secretary of the interior wrote a letter to Governor Donnelly, thanking him for the exposure of a great fraud. The knaves were overwhelmed. Their advance on the United States treasury had been blocked. Many of the leading newspapers of the state expressed their thanks to the bold congressman for his course. The leading republican paper of Faribault said: “We tendeij Mr,(Donnelly our sincere thanks for this, we hope, timely exposure of a most-audacious, barefaced attempt to swindle the govern ment, in the name of the Indians, for the benefit of a few individual office holders in the Indian department, and we deeply regret that the balance of the Minnesota, delegation have not been equally prompt in rebuking the avarice and fraudulent purposes of the getters-up of this swindle. “There is apt a,representative from this state, in the senate or the house, who does not know that the best agricultural lands in the best settled and best cultivated portions of the state, with good buildings and improvements, can be bought for one-half the money asked for to break and grub some lands for these Indians, where no grubbing is No man, better than Alexander Ramsey, knows that there are thousands of acres of prairie ip the country assigned to these Chippewa bands, and to which, by the treaty he made with them, they are to be removed, that can be broken, as Mr. Donnelly says, for $3 per acre.” The Biography continues: THE WAR IS OPENED ON GOVERNOR DONNELLY. This was the keynote to Mr. Donnelly’s career, and the bugle call to his enemies. From this moment Mr. Donnelly was a doomed man. No n .° genius, no manhood could rise above the secret engineering of the dominant politicians, until the trumpet sounded for the dawn of a new and tremendous revolution in the political history of the world. Paul Press, the leading republican paper of the state, substan tially the same as the present Pioneer Press, which is owned by the same men, Joseph A. Wheelock and F. Driscoll, rushed to the defense of the In dian ring, and took up the cudgels in behalf of the proposed appropria- Gov. Donnelly replied to the attacks of the press, in a bold and manly letter, m which he said: “I have faith to believe that the people will strengthen the hands of the man who seeks to serve them. If God spares my life, I shall rip open this whole Indian system, and let the light of day into its dark places. The evils can be remedied. It can not be to the interest of the white man to perpetually degrade, brutalize and impoverish this wretched race, de pendent upon him. It would be more merciful to let loose fire and sword at once and sweep him from existence. It is not the fault of the American people, for they are Christianized and humane; it is not the fault of the government, for it annually wastes its millions upon the Indians; but it is the fruit of the system, which leaves an ignorant, savage and helpless race at the mercy of a few able, unscrupulous and irresponsible men.” But by this one act Gov. Donnelly saved the taxpayers $150,000, be sides stopping the other swindles which would have followed in the same line if they had not found him standing guard at the door of the treasury of the nation. And yet the Todd county Argus says Gov. Donnelly has never been of any benefit to the people he pretended to serve! Is there any other Minnesota congressman that was ever thanked by the secretary of the interior for saving the nation $150,000? Can the friends of Hon. Knute Nelson point to anything of the kind in bis career? WORKING FOB UNIVERSAL EDUCATION. Op December 14-1865. Donnelly introduced the following l resolution: J Whereas, Republican institutions can find permanent safety only upon the basis of the universal intelligence of the people; and whereas the great disasters which haie afflicted the nation and desolated one-half of its terri tory are traceable, in a great degree, to the absence of common schools and general education atnong the people of the lately rebellious states; there fore. “Resolved, That the joint committee on reconstruction be instructed to inquire into the Expediency of establishing, in this capitol, a national bureau of education, whose duty it shall be to enforce education, without regard to race or color, upon the population of all such states as shall fall below a standard t& be established by congress, and to inquire whether such a bureau; shall not be made an essential and permanent part of any system of reconstruction.” There wasipiitE a battle over this resolution. Mr. Philip Johnson, a member of thenouUe from Pennsylvania, moved to lay it on the table. Tellers were Appointed, and the motion to lay on the table was defeated, by a vote of 37 ayes and 113 nays; and the resolution was then adopted. It is to Governor Donnelly’s honor that, while many of his political as sociates were clamoring for vengeance on the prostrate South, he was sim ply anxious to give the whole country universal education. This was the first suggestion of a bureau of education, as part of the general government, ever made in congress, and after a long, fierce battle Mr. Donnelly, aided by General Garfield, secured its establishment, and it stands to this day a monument of his foresight and patriotism. His speech on the subject of education was the marked feature of the Thirty ninth congress. But the Todd county Argus says Gov. Donnelly never did any good to anybody during his whole life, and is not to be mentioned in comparison with Hon. Knute Nelson. Can Knute point to any measure of his that has become a permanent part of the national government, to stand as long as our country lives? Hon. James G. Blaine, speaking of the debate upon the establishment of the bureau of education, in his great work, “Twenty Years in Congress,” vol. 11, page 167, says: “One of the most stiiking speeches made in the house upon this subject was by Mr. Ignatius Donnelly, of Minnesota. He had carefully prepared for the debate, and dwelt with great force upon the educational features. ‘Education,’ he said, ‘means the intelligent exercise of liberty, and surely, without this, liberty is a calamity, since it means simply the unlimited right to err.” After quoting still further from the speech, Mr. Blaine says: “It is worthy of remark that the question so cogently presented and enforced by Mr. Donnelly—that of the connection between education and suffrage—disclosed the general fact that even among the republicans there was no disposition at this period, to confer upon the negro the right to vote.” GOV. DONNELLY HELPS TREE-PLANTING. Governor Donnelly was the originator of another great movement. On May 18,1866, by unanimous consent, he introduced the following resolution, which was adopted: “Resolved, That, in view of the almost complete absence of woods aud forests in the interior regions of the continent, and of their paramount im portance inthe settlementand occupancy of the country, the Com. on Public Lands be directed to inquiry whether a system cannot be devised whereby the planting of wopds and forests may be encouraged in regions destitute of timber, by fibers] donations of public lands, in alternate sections, to in dividuals or cprporations, and the reservation of the adjoining sections by the Government, at an increased price, as in the case of railroad grants; the land so granted, o*f a proportional part thereof, to be planted with trees adapted to the climate and the needs of the community.” Dr. Fish says in the Biography in “Donnelliana”: “This suggestion, while it set thoughtful men all over the country to thinking, and eventually resulted in the passage of the Timber Culture Act, under which bondifeds of thousands and perhaps millions of acres of land in the tre§less parts of the United States nave been planted with trees, was hailed with great shouts of ridicule by Mr. Donnelly’s enemies in Minne sota. The democratic paper, the St. Paul Pioneer, published an article in which it inserted a number of little wood-cuts of trees—the kind used for advertising—and underneath them, in large capitals, it placed the words: 5 V )J‘ “THESE ARE THE TREES DONNELLY PROPOSES TO PLANT ON THE PRAIRIES!” In Western Minnesota one is hardly ever out of sight, to-day, of beauti ful groves, in regions that previously did not possess a single tree, and which were planted under the impulse of the laws which grew out of Mr. Donnelly’s resolution and speeches. The recent repeal of the Tree-Culture Act is to be regretted. It was probably due to the fact that the land-grab bers and the lumber-thieves saw no way under it of stealing the public do main. The law should be re enacted with each alterations and safeguards as experience has suggested.” But the Todd County Argus man says Gov. Donnelly never did any good in his whole worthless life; and that Mr. Knute Nelson is the states man who has been working effectively all his life for the good of the people. Will'the Argus be kind enough to print a list of the great acts for the good of mankind which Knute has introduced and carried through? Mr. Donnelly continued to work away on behalf of education. On the 25th of March, 1867, he presented the following, which was adopted: “Wheipas, ‘R-ligion, morality and knowledge are,’in the language of Jefferson in the Ontinnnce of 1787, ‘necessary to good government and the bappines* of mankind,’ therefore schools and the means of education should be everywhere established; aud whereas, from various causes,the FREE SCHOOLS IN THE SOUTH. interests of popular education have been so greatly neglected, in the states lately in rebellion, that nearly one-half of the voting population there are, at the present time, unable to read and write; and whereas, such a state of things cannot long continue with safety to the nation or to the best inter ests, prosperity and happiness of the people of the states; therefore, ‘‘Resolved, That this House expresses its earnest hope that the people of the states. lately in insurrection will, in reorganizing the same, in accord ance with existing laws for that purpuse, insert in their respective State Constitutions a provision requiring the legislature to establish and main tain a system of free schools which shall afford adequate opportunity for the public education of all the children of the state.” This resolution, which was unanimously adopted by the House, had an excellent effect in calling attention to a great question, and its suggestions were carried out throughout the Southern States with the most excellent results. A WORK TO nELP THE SETTLERS. , ,9 n .^^ e of January, 1868, Mr. Donnelly made a speech in favor of a bill, introduced by his colleague Mr. Windom, to permit settlers on the public lands to make the necessary s roofs before the clerk of the nearest court, without being obliged to travel, perhaps, hundreds of miles to the heay y ex P euwe . which the poor frontiersmen could ill afford. Mr. Rhhu Washburne, of Illinois, who perceived that Mr. Donnelly was rapidly advancing to the foremost ranks of the House, and that, if he was not cnppled in some way, his brother William, who resided in Mr. Donnel ly s Congressional district, ■on id never come to Congress, proceeded to make a fierce fight, upon this just and humane measure. But he was de feated, the bill passing by a vote of 8 L to 15. This bill saved the frontier settlers on the public lands hundreds of thousands of dollars. But then Donnelly uever did any good anyhow. The injurious influences which flow from land grants to railroad com panies, and which are now, after the lapse of a quarter of a century so plainly apparent to every one, were foreseen by Gov. Donnelly, and he’la bored to prevent them. He acknowledged the importance of railroads to such vast regions of country as are embraced in the West He, therefore, May 7, 1868, advocate*! a bill, H. F. 370, introduced by Hon. George W. Julian, which provided that all grants of lands to railroad companies (the odd-numbered sections) should be placed in the hands of the states in which the lauds are s tuated, as trustees for the coporations, and the states should sell the lands to actual seti lers, at a fixed price, and deliver the proceeds to the railroad companies. He said: “The conversion of lands into farms and the construction of the rail road would proceed side by side; the farms would furnish business for the road; the road would furnish an outlet for the productions of the farms. Thus commerce and agriculture would meet on equal terms and mutually assist each other. It is in this marriage of wisdom of legislation with the wants and necessities of the people that the highest statemanship will be found to exist. “We cannot overrate the importance of the subdivision < f the land among the people. Being the original parent of all wealth, its blessings should be widespread and should reach as many as possible; otherwise it will concentrate in a few hands, and then will follow plethora for the few and pauperism for the many, until at last we realize the pitiful and lament able condition of Europe, where the blood and tears and sweat of the af flicted cry from the earth like the blood of Abel. “Now, Mr. Speaker, we owe to every man who desires to possess it a reasonable portion of the unoccupied land of the nation. The right inheres in him and it inheres in the great mass of his fellow-men, because he and they are alike to be benefited, he directly, they indirectly. That right the home stead law recognizes aud protects.” Speaking of the poor laborers of Europe, he said: “How pitiful, Mr. Speaker, is the condition of those populations? They lie at the base of a column of injustices heaped high above ihem. How desolate is the cry which their wretchedmss, their misery, their very sinful ness, sends up to heaven? How pale, how bloodless are their poor faces as they gather in the fetid alleys of the great cities of the Old World, or sit down patiently to their insufficient food in miserable cabins? The whole past of the human family seems to rest crushingly upon them. Conquests a thousand years old yet press upon their shoulders. The distinction of race and caste and religion, and all the million forms of injustice growing out of these, yet hold them under their feet. They look to the laws, and th y are against them; they look to the land, and it is occupied; they can only hope by the most cruel and unceasing toil to snatch a living 'more scant, more precarious than that which the gaunt wolf gathers in the depths of the forest.” PROTECTING THE RIGHTS OF ACTUAL SETTLERS On June 4, 1868, Gov. Donnelly reported back and secured the passage of an act, House bill No. 23, to prevent the entry of more than three kpc tions of public lands in any township by means of agricultural college scrip He showed that in some sections whole townships were being seized upon by speculators—the purchasers of that scrip—to the exclusion of actual set tlers. But the Argus says that “Donnelly never benefited those he pretended to work for.” v It is the constant cry of our enemies that Gov. Donnelly has no con sistency. We can say in reply that he is the most consistent man in the United States. He has been preaching the same doctrines for thirty-five years. He has challenged his opponents t » show where he ever uttered a word or cast a vote in opposition to the rights of the people, or that differs from his position to-day. And so "far they have not been able to put their fingers on any such spoken or written word, or vote in congress, or in the state legislature. He opposed black slavery thirty years ago and he is fighting white slavery to-day. He stands just where he always stood. Dr. Fish says on this point in his Biography, (page 83): It has been charged all over the United States that Governor Donnelly has been, politically, “everythin'; by turns and nothing long;” that lie has been, “in the course of one revolving moon,” democrat, republican, anti monopolist and greenbacker. This is false. After his defeat for congress, in 1808, he continued to act with the republican party until 1870. In that year, without any solici tation on his part, he was requested, in petitions, signed by 3,500 republi cans, to run for congress, on a low tariff platform, as an independent re publican. And on September 15, 1870, the democratic district convention met and resolved not to put a democratic candidate in the field, but to support Mr. Donnelly “as an independent candidate for congress.” This surely did not make him a democrat. In 1872 he supported Horace Gree ley for president, as against Ulysses Grant, whose administration had been befouled with whisky-rings and corruptions of all kinds. With thou sands of others he supported Greeley as a liberal republican. In 1874 he started “The Anti-Monopoly Party of Minnesota,” and on July Kith of that year he established the Anti-Monopolist newspaper to advocate and defend it. From that hour to this he has remained an anti-monopolist. As such he co-operated with the advocates of the remonetization of silver and the defenders of the greenback currency, which the national banks sought to destroy. As an anti-monopolist he is now a member of the peoples party. The doctrine which the peoples party is now advocating he has been preaching, on the stump and in the press, for twenty years past. He may justly claim to have been the father of the whole independent movement in the United States. The following pages of this work will show how early he advocated its distinctive priuc : ples. In defense of these principles he has made a dozen campaigns, and led a half-dozen “forlorn hopes;” sometimes his independent forces formed temporary alliances with the minority party, the democracy, and at other times, in local matters, the republicans sup ported them; and at still times they fought both the old parties, with the leaders united by “the cohesive power of public plunder.” Sometimes they were successful, and many times they were defeated, l’ut after every defeat Mr. Donnelly rose, with indomitable resolution, and renewed the battle for popular rights. HE ESTABLISHES TnE ANTI-MONOPOLIST. On the 16th day of July, 1874, Gov. Donnelly published the first num« ber of his weekly newspaper, The Anti-Monopolist, in the city of St. Paul, Minnesota, He chose for the motto of his paper the text of Scripture: “Speak to the children of Israel that they go forward .” The whole purpose of the paper was to educate the people in what he believed to be the truth. His great drawback, from the first, was lack of capital. He had not the means to employ a sufficient force to help him. He had to write the editorials, keep the books, collect the subscriptions, look after the advertisements, read the proofs, and for a time mail the pa per to the subscribers. And all this while he was managing a farm of about 1,500 acres, and traveling backward and forward from St. Paul to Don nelly, in Stevens county, and from Donnelly to his home at Nininger, occa sionally rushing off to make speeches at public meetings, county fairs and political conventions. And yet, despite all this, he managed to make one of the liveliest, most readable and best-edited papers ever published in the United States. The Anti Monopolist wielded a large influence in the state and pos sessed an extensive circulation. At one time its subscription list fan up to 17,000, a very large one for a new and small state. “THE SWINDLING BRASS KETTLE.” If our readers are curious to'investigate this interesting j-4 we will refer them to the Biography, in “Donnelliana,” where they will find (pages 94, 95, 96 and 97) a full account of the robberies inflicted on the farmers, fourteen years ago, by the “little brass kettle,” which could be made to yield three different grades of grain out of the same bushel of wheat. And they will see, too, that it was the terrific attacks made by Gov. Don nelly, upon that fraudulent device, in the congressional fight of 1878, that abolished it, and saved the farmers of the state millions of dollars. But the Argus says, etc., etc. And if they will turn to the same book (page 104) they will see that it was by the efforts of Gov. Donnelly that the Milwaukee Railroad company was compelled to give up its villainous system, whereby when the farmers along the line of its road (especially the H. &D. R. R.) sold their wheat, the railroad company took out of the price paid them enough to ship the THE EVILS OF LAND GRANTS. “DONNELLY IS A FLOPPER.” HIS POLITICS THE REBATE ON WHEAT.