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THE NINETY AND NINE.
Tltrrx are ninety and nine who toll and sweat In this b-nnttful land today That on>< in sp'endor may idle fret And fritter h‘« time away; ’M ! d it surfeit of riehes, rlotbeß and food. Ami a prodfaral wnsie of cm l and wood, H» ‘oils n the lap of indolent ease, While the ninety and nlue must starve and freere. There are ninety and nine s-veet children fair In nnr clttew’ noisome ceils, Dytnu- fie »-a of l |?lit ami air, IVh! > one ’tnld plentv- dwells. These heli less babies, these lambs of God. His heirs to sunlight and air and sod, Are crowded out of this beautiful land By the cruel acts of a brother’s hand. If he "who noth th the sparrows’ fall’* Cone rne h himself In rain or shine, Sunt dn> it vision will sure appall Tit *>ne «ho robbeth the ninety-nine. Was Cain more kul t,> of murder’s ban 1 hull he who slarveth his fellow man? If a i.rother’s u keeper, since Adam’s line, Who k epvth the weal of the ninety-nine? —Or A. S. Houghton. Cat tills Oat.. are good tiLurts to use in the present campaign: In 1870 the average si?e of .a farm in the United States was 153 acres In IS'iOitwas 133 acres In 1 KUO it sax 107 acres Average value per acre in Ix7o S7O 00 “ “ “ “ ■’ 1800 28 00 Average value of each farm iu 1870 $3430 00 " “ “ 1880 2428 00 In 1870 > very acre of wheat brought ....sl2 70 In 1890 It brought XO3 Loss on evert ucr- 4 13 In 1870 every acre of corn brought sl7 75 In 1890 it brought 7 03 I.os- on every acre ... 10 12 In IX7O every acre of oats brought 10 05 In 1890 it brought 0 20 I ,os. on every acre 9 79 Sheep, hogs, horses and cattle have depreciated in the same proportion, while neither your notes nor interest vour tax nor the salary of your offi cials has decreased a particle. So, you see. it takes double the amount of the products of your labor to liq uidate your obligati ns. If you cant get this through your head, just keep studying until you learn it, or keep on voting with your “grand old party” till you are in the poor house.—National Watchman. The Situation, A glance over the whole field is full of encouragement to every well-wish er of the peoples party. There is as much difference between the old par ties and the new as between a decrep it] and dying old man and a young man rejoicing in his strength. The trails-Mississippi states are marching with the tread of discip lined veterans. Kansas proposes to keep her well-earned re utation of being the advance &uard of this great movement. In all the districts and in every school house the people are pushing ahead. The only danger there* is that the immense power of the corporations may corrupt men who will attempt to lead the people astray. The Nebraska campaign is pushed with vigor. The democrats are practically disorganized. In Minnesota the alliance forces are all now pulling in harmony, and the chances are strong for carrying the sta l e. The despera e situation of the old parties is shown in the put ting out of a circular trying to im plicate Mr. Loucks, president of the alliance, with the wheat ring of Min neapolis. The proposition is too ab surd to accomplish its purpose of cal.ing back the democrats of the north and south into the old ranks. The silver states are moving like an avalanche. The action of Senator Stewart, of Nevada, in coming out for the peoples party has removed the last prop, and they are all coming. It is safe to repeat the assertion that Mr. Harrison will not get a vote west of the Mississippi river, unless it be in lowa. Our columns have much this week of news from the south. Alabama is now in the lead. Geor gia is in a tremendous struggle. On Saturday last Tom Watson bearded Livingstone in his own district and it is a fight to the death between the old men of the south and the young er generation. The supreme and overpowering desire of this new south is to get out from all the dark ness and oppression of this house of bondage. There is no part of the whole land that equals the south in the intensity of the revolution that is sweeping all opposition. The ac tion of the democrats in Arkansas is rousing the people in every state to demand a supervision that will insure a fair count. There is the beginning of organized life in all the eastern states. There is a great deal more than has appeared on the surface. There is a possibility of very much more coming before the election. The pot is boiling in Indiana. Both the old parties are paralyzed. The people are moving right out from un der both of them. Let the people take courage and go forward. Gen Field Reviews the Situation. Memphis, Tenn., Aug. 13,—Gen. Field, vice-presidential candidate on the people’s ticket passed through Memphis to-day on his way to ad dress a meeting of citizens at Ripley, Tenn. To an associated Press re porter the general spoke enthusias tically, claiming: that his party would break up the solid North, the solid South, tne solid G. A. R. and the solid negro vote. He said: “We will carry every state west of the Missouri river, viz.: Colorado, Nebraska, Nevada, Wyoming, Wash ington, California, Montana, North and South Dakota. Then we will carry one-third of the electoral vote of michigan, lowa is doubtful, but Gen. Weaver, the head of the ticket, is from that state and our chances are good.” Of the Southern states Gen. Field said: “North and South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Texas, probably Tennessee and very probably Arkan sas will come to us.” He also de clared that Governor Buchanan, the present democratic executive of Ten nessee, would run as an independent candidate for governor. When asked if Gen. Weaver favored the force bill be replied. “He does not favor the force bill that was before con gress, bat the peoples party believes in an honest ballot and a fair count. We are going to see that the ballots are counted, too, but we are going to do that without the aid of the IN FAVOR OF WEAVER. Powderly Thinks He Has Been Misquoted by the Demoorats—He Favors Protection for Both Manufacturer and Workingman. Neither of the Old Parties is Conduoted to Suit Him~He Declares Himself in. Favor of the Popolist Candidates. Philadelphia, Sept. 28.— The Journal of the Knights of Labor of the 22d inst. had a special article from the pen of T. V. Powderly, containing an abstract taken from a letter in the Philadelphia Ledger of the 16th. The abstract is as follows: “The Carnegie steel company and like corporations owe their prosperity to the protective laws of the United States. These law were passed in the interest of labor. During the discussion on the tariff laws it was never ad vanced as a reason why they should be passed that capital would be pro tected —the argument was always that labor would be protected. The workman has not been protected from the competition by tne government He has had to fight the battle for himself through the labor organizations. Not only has he had to fight against foreign competition, largely attracted by our delusive tariff laws, but he has had to wage WAR WITH THE EMPLOYER for a share of that protection which his government desired by the law that he should have. Our government has enacted protective legislation in the interest of labor, if we read arguments, but it quiescently allows the manu facturers the bulk of protection, and then throws its arms around the establishment at the least provocation when the workman asks for what he deems a right to eDjoy.” Mr. Powderly goes on to say that in a measure he was instrumental in making Mr. Harrity secretary of the commonwealth of this state. This was accomplished by his support of Mr. Pattison for governor. Mr. Patti son was elected on a ballot-reform issue. He was pledged to a constitu tional convention. He sought our votes and got them on that issue.” Mr Powderly after speaking of the appointment of Mr. Harrity, then shows that Mr. Harrity has been instrumental in deferring the will of the people by opposing the constitutional convention, which would dethrone the im perial Reading combination, which insolently laps the state into silence through the cowardly acts of its officials; it is AN ENEMY TO AMERICAN LABOR and a peril; it is supported and upheld by the chairman of the national Democratic committee, who now makes use of my words to help the cause in which he is interested and which he would have people believe friendly to American labor. “In my North American Review letter I have not discussed the merits of protection. One phase of it alone is referred to, and in saying that it does not adequately protect the American workingman I state a truth which can in no way ai I a party which dare not avow itself in favor of free trade—the opposite of protection. When a member of the committee will make use of a man’s words and statements it should be in possession of sufficient honesty to assert that it intends to carry out the intention of the author. I said that the American workingman has not been protected from foreign competition by the government. Will the national committee of the democratic party dare to assert it is in favor of protecting the workingmen iu the way I had in mind when I wrote that? I believe that if it is manufactured article in order to protect the workman on this side -o* the Atlantic, it cannot be right to allow the foreign workmen to come here in droves to take the places at reduced wages of Americans. Will the national committee declare in favor of the natural restriction of immigration to su3h an extent as will deprive the American workmen of the crushing burden wh'ch makes it utterly impossible to stand up and give him what he should have? There is no member of the committee who does not know that the great railroad interests of this country stand more of a menace to the manufacturing interests of this country than the tariff They, the circulating medium, should be under the direction of the government, and that it should issue and be controlled by the government. They should know that their escape of just taxation is an injustice to the workingman. They will not say on their platform a remedy for these evils. ° “The republican party is made up of wealth and monopoly, but the democratic party has the supreme gall to assume, with an air of * —own EMna^r- ——~ —■ — L — the privilege of dictating just how the workingman should vote. It claims to be the party of the poor man. I grant that it ought to be, for the poor have given it the strength to live long enough to see its candidate for the presidency write against free silver at the dictation of Wall street; long enough to see its national convention frame a dishonest declaration in favor of wildcat banks: long enough to see the principal actors on its boards squirm and shift on every wind to catch the votes of the poor man. If the democi atic party is the party of the poor man, if he continues to vote that ticket he will never be anything else but a poor man. “I have written no campaign documents for either the democratic or the republican parties, will not write any, and will not support the candidates of any party but the one which had the honesty and manhood to lay claim to the votes of labor by adopting the preamble of the Knights of Labor as its national platform—the people’s party candidates—General James B. Weaver and Gen. James Field. T. V. Powderly.” Why Wheat is So Low. Even the Globe is forced to become a “calamity howler.” It notices the dullness of business in the wholesale trade, and says: “Wheat is too low, and farmers are holding their grain for better prices,” and adds, that “the result is to tighten up collections with the jobbers.” Discussing the cause it says: Ever since the presentation to congress of the Washburn anti option bill the prices of wheat have declined steadily, as predicted by the Globe last January, until now the prices for September and December, in Chicago, are 21% cents lower per bushel than they were one year ago. What nonsense! The low price of wheat is wholly due to the decline in the value of silver bullion, and the low price of silver bullion is wholly due to the unfriendly legislation of our own congress. As has been told so often already, India has no money but silver coin, and the Liverpool or European buy rof Indian what, instead of having to send money there buys silver bullion at its present low price and sends it to the India mints (where free coinage prevails,) and has it coined into the coin of that coun try, and with that coin—which passes at par—he buys wheat and ships it to Liverpool or Europe. In our last issue we copied an article from the Alliance Herald in which was the following upon this subject: It would possibly be a leading and not inappropriate question to ask democrats and republicans alike—who voted against tree coinage—which country they considered themselves representatives of the United States or England ? They have done the latter’s work consistently: Since congress killed the silver bill the price of silver bullion has fallen to 67% cents per ounce. That means that England can give India 32% per cent advantage over the American wheat and cotton grower. Two and one-half per cent on the cotton and wheat consumed by England will more than repay her the amount of money expended to kill the silver bill. Thus it is that the producers are taxed to pay for the damage inflicted upon their interests by recalcitrant public servants. We are pained to have to tell our farmer readers that there is no imme diate prospect of a rise in the price of wheat. The same causes that pre vented them from getting the anticipated high price for their last year’s crop when there was a failure of the European wheat crop, exists now, and will be as potent. Nbt> antil Iree coinage is restored, and India is deprived of the means which has been given to her by the demonetization of silver, of successfully competing with our farmers, can our farmers hope for living prices for their wheat and cotton.—Great West. ACCUMULATED PROOF. The Evidence is Piling Up on Them—More Facts to Prove Their Treason—John Sherman, Samuel Hooper and James Gr. Blaine the Modem Benedict Arnolds. Judge W. D. Kelley, of Pennsly vania, was a republican and considered reliable authority. He was the father of the house in congress, having served a longer continuous term than any other member. Now see what he had to say on the demonetization of silver in a speech he delivered on May 10th, 1879, which can be found in the Congressional Record of that date. “1 was chairman of the committee that reported the original bill and I aver on my honor that I did not know the fact that it proposed to drop the standard dollar, and did not learn that it had done it for eighteen months alter the passage of the substitute offered by Mr. Hooper, when I disputed the fact and was shown the law. The distinguished gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Garfield) who now leads this side of the house was then as now an attentive and already a distinguished member of the house; yet when in joint debate before the people of Ohio in October, the question arose as to who was responsible for its demonetizaion, he frankly said he did not know that such a provision was in the bill when it passed the house. I state this the more freely in his absence, because I informed him I intended to do so, and he repli°d: “It is the case, I did make that state ment and it is true.” Nor did the president (Grant) who signed the bill know that it abolished the legal tender standard silver dollars for in his letter to Mr. Cowdrey of October 6,1873, (silver was demonitized in February of that year) cited by the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Warner) he said: “Silver will gradually take the place of this currency and further will be RIGHT TO PLACE A DUTY come the standard of values, which will be hoarded in a small way. I esti mate that this wifi consume from $200,000,000 to $300,000,000 in time of this epecies of our circulating medium. I confess to a desire to see a limited boarding of money. It insures a firm foundation in time of need. Bat I wont to see the hoarding of something that has a standard value the world over.. Silver has this.”—Ex. Boodle—How Millionaires Are Made. Let ns take a man worth SIOO,OOO in 1862, and see how the law made him a millionaire: He invests his SIOO,OOO of gold in depreciated green backs, at $2.85 and he has $285,000 in greenbacks with which he pur chases U. S. bonds. The next thing is to go to the comptroller of the cur rency as deposit them and security for national bank currency of which he receives 90 per cent or $256,500, and he goes to Michigan and engages in the banking business. According to the sworn statement of eastern banks, a bank with a cash capital of a quarter of a million dollars carries on an average of three millions on deposit. Deduct the $64,000 he would have to hold as a “reserve” and we find that he would have $3,192,500 drawing interest at 10 per cent in advance, compounded every 90 days for thirty years, amounting in round numbers to more than $54,000,000. Add to this the 6 per cent interest on the $285,000 in bonds he deposited with the government on which he receives interest semi-annually direct from the government and which he puts out again at 10 per cent, or about $2,000,- 000 ond we find that he has the snug little sum of $56,000,000 after pay ing his one p«* cent to the government for expenses. Now let us deduct SIO,OOO a year—which ought to keep his family from suffering, SIO,OOO a year for cigars, etc., etc., SIO,OOO for charity (?) and dump in a couple of millions for contingencies and we yet find his income over $50,000,000 in thirty years. In other words, by a system of unjust laws this one man with SIOO,OOO in gold has been able to absorb the net earnings (40 cents a day) of over 1,400 men working 300 days every year for thirty years. These figures are approximate and will be found to be far too small by ac curate calculation; but they are near enough to show the meaning of the Hazzard circular where it says: “Slavery is but the owning of labor and carries with it the care for the laborer; while the European plan, led on by England, is capital control of labor by controlling wages. This can be done by controlling the money.” Reader, if you wish to vote to continue this system, you are at libertv to do so.”—Ex. Railroad Attorneys Speak for Lawler. If there has been any doubt in the mind of anyone as to the railroad corporations being actively interested and at work in support of the demo cratic, as well as the republican, parties, it was dispelled when he read the following in last Sunday’s Globe: Litchfield, Minn., Sept. 24. —The democratic county convention here today nominated the following county ticket. * * * * Hon. Thomas Wilson and Judge Flandrau opened the democratic campaign with rousing speeches at the town hall here this evening. Hon. Thomas Wilson (late democratic candidate for governor) has been the attorney for the Northwestern Railroad company for many years and has recently come to St. Paul as the general counsel of the Chicago, St Paul, Minneapolis aud Omaha Railway company,and the firm of which vui 6 an d r iu is the head has been the local attorneys for the Chica go, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railroad company, and other corporations, for years. The masses, if they are not blinded by partisan moss, should s» e by this time that the difference between the republican and democratic parties is only in name. It is a conceded fact that Knufce Nelson was se- H • | An Answer to the Democrats. THE TARIFF. ] H _ Whenever a Democrat talks to you about the Me- 8$ Kinley bill, and how much the democratic party desires rs | jjh its repeal, just ask him these questions:— _ if 1. Did not the democrats have 153 majority in the A last House of Representatives? .g 2. Were not these members elected under solemn I pledge that they would at once repeal the McKinley bill? 3. Bid they repeaHt? -J 4. Did thof 'fcMike any effortrfco repeal it? - 5. Why did they not? 6. Is it not a piece of unblushing impudence for them to now ask the people to again give them control of the House, for another eight months , after they utter ly failed -to carryout their pledges to repeal the McKinley bill; in the last House? ’ V 7. Is not their outcry against the McKinley bill a S tjjji f rand and a sham? If not, why did the House'not re- 'J peal it?* jj 8. What did they do? They took the tariff off wool, the only thing the farmers got any benefit out of in the whole tariff. They took the protection off wool >4 .1? while they kept it on the goods made from that wool. They helped the manufacturers and skinned the farmers. A And now they want the farmers to vote for them! A The leaders of the party are humbugs and frauds, A and are “ playing the people tor suckers .” Have you 5 A got your eyes open? A ip w lected by the railroads, under the leadership of J. J. Hill, as the repubbean candidate for governor; and all know that it was the same plutocratic power, under the leadership of Michael Doran, that selected Dan. W. Law ler, as his democratic running mate. The friends of Mr. Lawler have been, and are, loud in their advocacy of him, as an anti-monopolist, but the knowing ones smiled, and did Dot need to see such eminent railroad attorneys as Judge Wilson and Judge Flandrau to take the stump in his behalf. His father, the late John Law ler, of Prairie du Chien, was, at the time of his death, a director aud large stockholder in the Chicago & Milwaukee Raiload company (of whbh Judge Flandrau is the attorney), and there is no doubt that his son Daniel W. has succeeded to a large share of the same. Gradually, but surely, do the representatives of the railroad corpora tions furnish conclusive evidence that both Nelson and Lawler are their can didates—their desire bei'g to elect Nelson, and to use Lawler only to keep democratic votes from goiDg to Donnelly. They have no intention of do ing more than this for Lawler; and he is “not in it.” The contest is be tween only Nelson and Donnelly. The Tax on Iron Mines. The democrats have resolved in their platform in favor of taxing iron lands the same as farm lands. Could this be done? We quote the follow ing from Mr. Donnelly’s reply to Hompe’s attack on this question. It is conclusive. No man can answer it. Under the law existing, prior to the last session of our legislature, [a law passed in 1881,] mining companies were taxed one per cent per ton for each ton of iron ore, or coal produced. Not, be it observed, one cent for each ton of iron produced, but one cent for each ton of the rock-ore, from which the iron was to be thereafter extracted. Now it was proposed, last winter, to change this system and tax, not the ore, but the property, the real estate, the mine. While it is probably true that, in the case of one wealthy corporation, “the Minnesota Iron company,” this change would have yielded greatly increased revenues to the state, the question was, would such an alteration of the law have been generally advisable, as ap plied to the whole state? When the assessor comes around in the spring how shall he estimate the value of a hole which some patient prospector is blasting in the rocks? He may assess it at a million dollars and it may turn out to be worthless; or he may assess>it as valueless, and before the next assessment comes around, the owners may have taken hundreds of thousands of tons of ore out of it. Bat itrwill be said—the assessor can assess it, the next time, on the basis of its past yield. Not at all; for the vein may give out the next day; the miners may “strike a horse,” as they say. Is it not better to take a, percentage from the product? Then whatever the yield is the state gets its share. If the share is not big enough increase it. It is like an in come tax—no income, no tax. And then we owe it to the state to encourage the development of this iron industry. We should not tax the worker in the rocks until he has de veloped something. It is claimed that in twenty years a reasonable per centage on the output of our iron miners will pay all the taxes of all the people of the state. Why kill the goose that is to lay the golden eggs? We raised the rate of tax, last winter, from one cent to three cents per ton of ore. I wanted to make it ten cents per ton, and advocated that proposition on the floor. Finding that it would not be sustained I then moved to make it five cents instead of one cent per ton. Lost, yeas 20; nays 24. I voted yes. Then I voted to make it four cents. Lost—yeas 22, nays 23; I again voting yes. The next dav Dr. Bell moved to make it 4% cents per ton. Lost—yeas 12, nays 24. I voted yes. And then (p. 872) I voted for the passage of the bill, to treble the tax on iron ores. Who was in favor of increasing the states’ revenues? Who was working in the interest of the mine owners? For be it remembered that, at this time, it was clearly demonstrated that the senate would not support a bill to change the existing system of taxation of mining proper ties, and the whole question was whether or not the state should have a larger revenue, under existing laws. I voted that it should. FREEMAN P. LANE Makes a Plea in the Republican Convention for a Restora tion of the Courts to the People. At the republican state convention held at the People’s church, in this city, July 28 ult., in the discussion of nominations for associate judges of the supreme court, it4mving been proposed that the present incumbents* whose terms of office expire this year, should be renominated, Mr. Freeman P. Lane, of Minneapolis, remarked that the supreme court was running altogether too far after the monied corporations. Mr. Lane stated a case he had against the supreme court and Judge Mitchell, a case wherein the St. Paul Fire and Marine company required that an individual whom we will call Mr. A, furnish a certificate from his neighbor B setting forth that his loss by fire wan bona fide. B was an enemy of A and refused the certificate and the supreme court of Minnesota through its mouthpiece, Judge Mitchell, stated that because his neighbor refused to certify that A sustained loss by fire legitimately he could not collect a single dollar of in surance. Mr. Lane added that when the supreme court was so far away from the common people it was time to protest. Mr. Lane’s objections, of course, had no weight in a convention of re publicans who had nominated a corporation attorney as its candidate for governor, and the present incumbents were renominated, and the effort to secure a pure judiciary failed. Remember that the people’s party have nominated W. N. Davidson, of Rock county, to succeed Judge Mitchell. Mitchell is the only one of the judges who has received the nomination of both the old parties. All citi zens of Minnesota who are interested in maintaining our courts of Inst re sort free from bias toward the corporate interest are urged to vote for Wm. N. Davidson of Rock Co. True to their lying propensities, the plutocratic press refer to Robert Schilling, now “stumping” in this state for the peoples party, as “the Mil. waukee Anarchist, when they know the person of that name, who acquired some notoriety as an anarchist, is one George Schilling. Our Robert Schil ling has always condemned anarchy and insisted that the wrongs of the people should be righted by the people through the ballot, and not by the bullet. Our opponents refuse to meet Mr. Scliiliing in joint discussion (he wII be pleased to meet their ablest speakers) but stand off, at a safe dis tance and make faces at him and cry “anarchist.’ 1 How Elevators and Railroad Companies Work Together to Roh the Producers. Continued from Seventh pape. this is not stopped, which will effect our Sauk Center and Northern branch, and cause trouble with the ‘Soo’ line and Northern Pacific.” s liink of the horrible results. If the farmers’ company does not agree to go in and rob the farmers, by paying reduced prices, the other elevators will put up the price, and there will be competition! And the producers will get what the wheat is actually worth! And at the summons of this dreadful possibility -.he Great Northern Railway company rushes into the breach, to beat down the price of wheat to the level agreed upon by the “Pool.” What difference does it make to that railroad company, as they get their enormous charge for carrying the wheat to market, any how', no matter • hat price is paid for it? But they are evidently partners in the gigantic Ring which could not be carried on for a day without their complicity. And Mr. Shelly concludes this astonishing letter—the most astonishing ever written in a country pretending to be free—as follows: ••I must therefore request that you reduce your prices to the regular market prices before the trouble spreads. I have written the other eieva t<>r companies at that point to the same effect. Yours truly, P. P. Shelley, Gen. Traffic Manager.” The Nelson Union Storp Company is altogether made up of alliance mein- They bad put up the price of wheat three cents j, er bushel. If thev had gone on and broken up the Trust, even that difference of three cents per bushel on our 40,000,000 bushels of wheat, in Minnesota, would have put one million two hundred thousand dollars into the pockets of our farmers. But this railroad company, built with lands belonging to the I people, covered with watered stock, which is bleeding the people, paying its * officers princely salaries, out of the pockets of the people, jumps upon the poor little society of farmers, tramples them into obedience and maintains the gigantic wheat rings in power. BUYING OFF COMPETITION. But there is even a worse case than this. The Pioneer-Press of Novem ber Ist, 1891, ( I give the name of the paper because the admission of the devil against his partners is always considered good evidence,) recites the history of a case where one J. M. Stowe, writes to the Railroad Commis sioners of the state, from Wadena, “complaining that owing to collusion bet ween the elevator and railroad men he could not obtain cars in which to ship grain from that, point, because he paid two cents per bushel more than the elevator men were paying.” Before the railroad commissioners took action Stowe had been bought up to withdraw from the market. The Pioneer-Press continues: “At about this time A. .J. Sa" rer, president of the Northern Elevator Company, protested to the members of the (railroad) commission, “against the indiscriminate purchasing of wheat by hucksters or specula tors, to the detriment of the elevator men who have money invested and ha ve constructed buildings.” He mentioned Stowe’s case as a sample, and stated that he had sent an agent, “in the interest of the three elevator companies at Wadena, to close him out.” Think of the matchless impudence of this fellow! He actually notifies the Railroad Commissioners of the state, paid by the state to defend the people, that outsiders dared to come into the markets of Minnesota and give the farmers two cents a bushel more than the wheat trust had decided they should have. Itwould be horrible enough to do tin se thingsin secret, but to publish them,—and invite a department of the state government— rHe peoples’ own government,—as it is supposed to be—to help them drive out competition and leave the tax-payers helpless in the hands of the ele vator ring! It passes belief. But it goes farther. One A. G. Chambers, General Manager of the Northern Dakota Elevator Company, furnishes George L. Becker, one of the Railroad Commissioners, a copy of Stowe’s receipt for $l5O. It is as follows: “Received from A. A. Turner, one hundred and fifty dollars (150) in consideration of which I pledge myself not to buy any wheat, or rye, di rectly or indirectly, or ship or cause to be shipped, any wheat or rye, from this station, between the dates of Sept. 26 1891, and May 1, 1892. (Signed.) Wadena, September 26, 1891. J. M. Stowe.” Here is conclusive proof of the existence of such a combination or trust as our constitution and laws declare to be “a conspiracy to defraud;” here is conclusive proof of a monopoly of our markets, for purpose of rob bery of the people. WHAT ARE WE GOING TO PO? Will the alliance submit to this kind of thing? Have the people lost the spirit of freemen? Are they serfs in soul as well as in condition? Or will they grapple with this monster Ring, and choke the life out of it, and free their markets, and their prosperity, and their homes, and their children from the grasp of such an oppression? This is what makes the mortgages and the poverty. Senator Washburn has stated recently, (and again the admissions of the devil are competent testimony against the whole hierar chry of hell,) that the option gamblers have stolen 25 cent a bushel this year, or ten million dollars, in all, from the wheat-raisers of Minnesota. But that is only a part of the thievery. Here we have the elevator rings robbing us of probably another ten millions of that which the market price would really have entitled us to. Mr. Donnelly, has challenged Hon. Knute Nelson and D. W. Lawler, the republican and democratic candidates for governor, to go with him in the campaign and debate the issues of the day with him. They will not accept but will go around repeating their little speeches about—the Tariff! nelson’s denial that he is jim hill’s attorney. Hon. Knute Nelson says he never was a railroad attorney but admits that he tried a case for Mr. Galusha. Who was Mr. Galusha? Why Jim Hill’s personal attorney, who conducted all the legal proceedings by which Hid and bis associates acquired the old St. Paul and Pacific Railroad. And Hill admits that, in 1879, he helped secure the right of way, as at torney for the St. Paul and Pacific Railway Co., from Alexandria to Barnesville; and that the next year he “aided the road,” then Jim Hill’s road, to secure the right of way on the f Jiean branch. And then Knute says that Mr. Donl J.ly was offered o~ position as rail road attorney, at theclose of his congressional caieer, by the Memphis and El Paso R. R. Co., of Texas. True:—the company offered him $50,000 and $200,000 of stock, if he would come to Washington, at the next session, he being then a private citizen, and lobby and work for their land grant, but Knute forgot to say that the evidence in Mr. Donnelly’s libel suit against the Pioneer Press, showed that—he declined it! Knute didn’t decline to act for Jim Hill; and it is no excuse to say he didn’t represent Hill but Hill’s attorney Galusha. That’s too thin, Knute. And does any intelligent man in the state doubt that Jim Hill selected Knute for governor; that Knute and Jim counselled together before the nomination; and banqueted together, at the Minnesota Club House, after the nomination, and that Jim is now doing his level best to elect Knute governor; and has gone back on the democrats and refused to give them any money because he sees Lawler cannot deliver the Irish vote? Another Lie Nailed. COPY OF STOWE’S RECEIPT