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HE IS MISTAKEN.
Mr. Bailer, of Texas, is Young, Handsome and eloquent, But He la Mistaken all the Same. The handsome young' Adonis, of Texas, Joseph W. Bailey, representa tive in congress from the Fifth district, in discussing government ownership of railways, cites the loss to the govern ment through the postal system as a precedent, and from this fact argues that necessary loss to the government would i ilow its ownership of rail ways. The <• >: oenditures of the post office depart’.; nfc for the year 1891, as shown by the r oort of the postmaster-general and tn > : dated on the “Statistical Ab stract (>••' .he United States,” fourteenth number page 245, were 171,662,463.00, and the total revenue of the depart ment for the same time was $65,931,786.- 00, showing a net loss for the year 1891 of $5, 730, 677.00. It is but fair, however, to say that it has been the policy of the government to reduce the rate of post age whenever the department be came self-sustaining *and that under this policy they have reduced the rate of postage from 25 cents, which was very common before the govern ment took charge of the mails, to one or two eerfts now for carrying the let ters to the most remote corners of the nation. This policy has been wise and beneficial to the whole country and it would be no argument against govern ment ownership of railroads, that the government might, in an effort to give low rates, run the roads at some loss which would prove a public blessing by making as great reductions in rail way charges as the government has in mail charges. Mr. Bailey is a very nice young man, and handsome, too, and he would much better depend upon his youth and beauty to work up a feeling of sympathy for him in his desperate and silly efforts in the last congress to buy popularity by giv ing back to Uncle Sam a day’s wages; he had better depend on such sympathy than to seek to oppose government ownership of railways by any lesson, or statistics he can secure from the postal system.—Dallas (Tex.) Southern Mercury. SOUTH CAROLINA. Tho Political Situation in the Palmetto South Carolina has a voting popula tion of 90,000. This has been divided in former years about 20,000 republican and 70,000 democratic. Two years ago the alliance took a hand in the election of governor and the legislature. Mr. Tillman was the alliance-democratia candidate for governor. He also re ceived the vote of the alliance colored republicans. He was elected and Irby, alliance-democrat, was sent to the sen ate. The contest this year in South Carolina has been a projection along the same lines. It has been a fight from the beginning between the demo crats who follow party dictation and would bow to Wall street, and the influence of Grover Cleveland, and those who would return to the Jeffersonian principles, and enforce the demands of the alliance. The latter are largely in the majority, and are waging a very aggressive contest in the Palmetto state. In the late primaries of the democrats about 60,000 votes were cast of which Mr. Tillman re ceived nearly two-thirds. As the con test is shaping he is practically a peo ple’s party candidate, and will receive much of the alliance colored republican vote. Under these circumstances should the Cleveland democrats and the Harri son republicans combine, they would still be in the minority by many thou sand votes. From this condition of af fairs it does not look much like Cleve- land getting the electoral vote of South Carolina. —Nonconformist. In years gone by over in the state of Kansas, the republican lawyers used to chase the editor of this paper around the country branding- him as a demo crat working- to disrupt the republican party, and now comes Mr. Timraonds and brands us as a republican working in the interest of the republican party. It won’t work, gentlemen. Police court politics will not win. This is not a campaign of personalities and much as we dislike to be called these hard names and be so grossly misrepresented, the work of education must go on. This is a fight for the home and fireside. This is a fight for better government which can never come through the republican or democratic party. Against the state ment of Mr. Timmonds, which was put into his mouth by the democratic county central committee, we place ten long years of hard service battling for organized labor against organized greed of monopoly endowed with its power to rob by republican and demo cratic law makers. No, Mr. Timmons, the editor of the Industrial Union feels secure from your charge in the good sense and honesty of the laborers of Barton county, and will go right on with the discussion.—Lamar (Mo.) Industrial Union. Old party politicians are looking on in amazement at the immense strides the people’s party is making in all parts of the country. Without question, it is attracting more attention than both the old parties They know they have made the record and that the people are onto it. Through the organiza tions both rural and urban, the people have been made familiar with their un savory record and false pretentions and are now moving to cleanse the Augean stables. The old bosses are bewildered to know what to do to stop the tide of recruits into the people’s party as they behold it in every precinct of the land. It is paralyzing, but they will have to swallow the dose they have prepared.— Exchange. —lf republicans are right, the only natural rights belonging to Americans are the rights to accept whatever wages are offered; to emigrate, or to starve.— Jeffersonian. —No worse calamity can befall a com munity than to fall into the hands of a i horde of professional politicians. State. It Won’t Work Amazed. PLAIN WORDS AND BOLD. Standing Arm! 6s and National Guards Are at the Service of Capitalists—Let Capital ists Man as Well as Captain Them—Do Not Enlist Either in the State Militia or the Regular Army. The railroad magnate or iron master has but to touch the button in future and the governor will do the rest. Pinkerton is dethroned; his mantle has fallen on the shoulders of the governor; his outcast, traitorous voice is silenced in the words: “I will mortgage the state.” Men who live in other states and foreign lands grow rich and fat on the proceeds of the labor of Pennsyl vania and from the products of her soil. They liv,e so elegantly, or rapidly that the enormous profit already given is not enough; they want more, and order a reduction of wages. Workmen al ready struggling to keep the wolf from the door ass for a conference in order to talk matters over with the employer. The conference is cut short. Autocratic, arbitrary action on the part of the employer follows, and then he de mands that each workman assert his independence and come to him di rect, to be discharged for his temerity. The workmen strike, and before a blow has been struck or a threat made state troops file between the men and the workshop, or the railroad; other men pick up the tools in places where home builders labored, and the thrust of a ; bayonet is the only answer given from that time on until hunger does itg work. Look carefully through the ranks of the soldiers, scan well the forms and faces of the men who defend with their lives the property of the millionaire, and you will find no mill ionaires or sons of millionaires among them. They are all workingmen, sons of workingmen and merchants. Here and there an officer may be wealthy, but the greater part are workingmen. Just think of it for a moment, and then ask if the advice I give is not proper under the circumstances. Workingmen have heretofore joined the militia. We may Or may not belong to labor organ izations, but we all want a fair share of the value our labor creates. Our broth ers in another place demand some con cession, and the military are ordered out by the governor to stand guard at a mill, shop or mine, while a haughty em ployer sends cheaper men in to take the places of the strikers. Working men are also tax payers. We have to sup port the state, pay the salaries of the governors and others, as well as the ex penses of the militia. Militia working men leave situations in which they re ceive from two to five dollars a day to do duty at from thirteen to thirty dollars a month in guarding the bricks, mortar, buildings and machinery of those who become too arrogant to longer treat with their old employes. My advice to workingmen from this day forward is not to enlist in either state militia or regular army. If these institutions will be used to do duty for capital, let capital man as well as officer them. If these institutions will be or dered out to defend the property of millionaires, let millionaires enlist in them and defend their own property. If real danger threatens the nation, let workingmen do as they have always done, as they did in ’6l, enlist and save the nation from her enemies; but from this time forward do not enlist to strengthen the hands of those who are lowering the standard of American wages. Do not enlist to do battle for your enemies and against your friends. Do not usurp the place which was made detestable and odious by the presence of a Pinkerton, and when you have sense enough to do that, the haughty employer of labor will think twice be fore he strikes a blow at the right of men to organize. Our friends, the railroad men, have in many places petitioned against the ownership of railroads by the govern ment. But a few more experiences with the McLeods and Webbs will set the lesson well in mind that until this government takes possession of the rail and telegraph lines, there will be no justice meted out to the men who man age the trains and lay the rails. Those who talk so flippantly of bloody revolu tion should think well before speaking. They should instruct the men how tc vote instead of shoot; they should tell them that while capital has the power to direct governors, our political sys tem is wrong, and that they, as a part of the voting machinery of the nation, should look into the question of gov ernmental ownership and vote this year, next year and every year until it comes. In the meantime do not enlist in the militia or regular army; the arts of peace are nobler far than those of strife and war. Let those who violate the laws and constitutions do their own fighting and their own blood spilling in future conflicts. —T. V. Powderlv, in Journal of Knights of Labor. Trades Unionism. The following extract is taken from a con versa tiou between Josiah Royce and the prime minister of Austria, as told by Mr. Royce in an article to Scrib ner’s Magazine. The prime minister expressed himself as follows: “I fear the baser sort of men, whenever they are in politics. What Ido not fear is the people themselves, whenever well organ ized. You talk of the labor agitators as if they were a danger. I tell you, our labor organizations are already, as I hope, far on the way towards a fair settlement of mauy of the most serious modern labor questions. For instance, our laborers have learned that their own trade’s unions must exist, not mere ly for the sake of meeting force with force, but for the sake of establishing fair dealing on a fair basis. Our trades unions have in more than one notable case disciplined their own members for unfair dealing toward employers—have in fact, begun to establish the principle that laborers organize to protect the so cial welfare rather than to gain merely selfish ends. The aim with us is every where popular sovei-eignty under a strict organization.” —lt will be a bad day for monopolies when workingmen have learned that all strikes are useless except a strike at the polls against class legislation. And they are being taught the lesson very thoroughly this year, and monopoly is their instructor. —Jeffersonian. Organized Labor Stands Between Capital istic Greed and Hungry Need. In its issue of September 2 the Kan sas City Journal quotes and comments upon, with enthusiastic approval, the following language of that plutocratic snob and military despot, Gen. Snow den, commander of the Pennsylvania militia: The people may as well make up their minds that the eruption at Homestead the presence of a disease in the body politic, which extends far beyond anything of which they have conceived. I believe the hour is not far distant when peace and order will have to be enforced at the point of the bayonet. The peo pie at Homestead organized a revolutionary government They had their officers, their magistrates, their council of ten. They arrested citizens without warrant, brought them before the so-called advisory committee, exiled them, or inflicted such other punishment as they saw fit. They established an armed censorship of the press. The newspaper writers were com pelled to wear numbers, like convicts in prison. They resisted the sheriff. They committed murder and then made war. As our fathers The Plutocratic Minority. They own §30,000,000,000 in certificates of indebtedness, the interest upon which absorbs more than the total net pro duct of productive labor. They own all An army of 2,000,000 tramps, rapidly the labor saving machinery and dis- . an d constantly increasing in numbers, place flesh and blood with iron and \ Their cry is, “bread or blood.” Their steel. They own all the land—all the obedience to the first law of nature money—all the highways—and virtual- \ forces them to become “scab labor.” ly own all the people. * wFk The inventive genius of the nineteenth century has largely displaced flesh and blood with iron and steel, so that one-sixth of the adult males in the United States are denied the privilege of working for a living and have no chance to obey the divine injunction, “In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat thy bread.” The only hope for an out raged and oppressed humanity lies in the directior of the shortening of the day of labor, until all who will, may work. The universal establishment of a six-hour day, without any reduction in the day’s wage, would save the world from v hat, under present conditions, appears to be its inevitable destiny, to wit: A bloody catacljjsm of anarchy and ruin. May God, in His infinite mercy, strengthen and sustain the stone .wall of organized labor.—George C. Ward. fought for independence and the war of the re bellion was waged for the union, so, unless all signs fail, we will have to fight for our homes, liberty and institutions in the not far distant future. The Journal closes its diatribe with the following paragraph: And this has largely been done to prevent American citizens froin working to support their families—for the so-called “organization” is but a small minority of the workingmen. The man who gave utterance to the quoted sentiments is a plutocrat by in stinct and a tyrant by nature. The newspaper that indorses and favorably comments upon such uttteranees is a glaring illustration of the truth and justice of Whitelaw Reid’s scathing ar raignment of metropolitan, journalists when he informed a representative body of them at a banquet that they were “intelectuai prostitutes,” who dare not express their honest and manly convic tions. In the first place such language comes with bad grace from an unworthy scion of a revolutionary sire. The spirit of rebellion against unjust and oppressive laws gave to the world the immortal (leclai’ation of independence and result ed in the establishment of the United States of America, as an experiment in democratic self government. And yet our revolutionary forefathers had com paratively nothing to rebel about if their grievances are contrasted with the outrages at present perpetrated up on the laboring classes. A country which in the short period of twenty-five years has differentiated 31.000 million aires who jointly own ¥36,000,000,000 in wealth, and evolved 2,000,000 tramps who beg or steal a precarious nourish ment and have not where to lay their head, possesses all the necessary ele ments to evolve a popular uprising, if not a bloody revolution. And Mr. Snowden calmly proposes to keep the people quiet with the bayonet while the law-fortified plutocracy is subduing them to abject servitude and humble submission. Before that end is reached many a Snowden will pay the penalty due to an outraged humanity with their lives. This journalistic apologist for the sys tem of legalized robbery under which we live lays great stress upon the fact that organized labor constitutes only a small percentage of those people who , have to work for a living. It is not this, however, that worries the Journal, but the fact that like a patriot band of old at the pass of Thermopylae, this Spartan band stands like a rock in the path of plutocratic dominion, while ever and anon an Arnold Winkelfried rushes to the front and makes a path for liberty across his prostrate form. Yes, like Gen. Jackson, organized labor stands like a “stone wall” against the assaults of capitalistic greed and the frenzied onslaught of the starving populace. The plutocrats they gladly meet with all the panoplies of war, returning blow for blow and curse for curse. The ragged and hungry army of tramps they meet in a spirit of conciliation, striving to educate and proselyte, griev ing meanwhile at the piteous illustra tion of “man’s inhumanity to man.’ / THE STONE WALL. THE STONE WALL. Can it Withstand the Combined Assault of Avarice and Hunger? Forced to use harsher methods, even as the blows given by a mother to her child hurt the mother more than the child, so in the spirit of love and ad monition does organized labor chastise the would-be scab. To avert what catastrophe, to ward off what dire calamity does organized labor thus continually wear its armor and sleep upon its arms? Even this: Unmolested and its path undisputed, plutocratic capitalism would march to power and affluence over the prostrate form of assassinated labor. With none to defy its will, organized monopoly would continue to beat down and re duce wages to the point of a bare sub sistence upon the plane of existence of the Chinaman, the Polander and the Russian Jew. Allowed to buy its labor where it could buy the cheapest, the cheapest, beastliest and most miserable “bare subsistence” would be the stand ard by which would be fixed the maxi mum scale of wages. Yes, indeed, the world is indebted to organized labor to a far greater extent than it is aware of. Were it not for its efforts and determined stand, the masses of the people would become miserable, ignorant, illy clad and hun gry. Already, so far has plutocracy succeeded in its hellish designs, one sixth of the adult male population de pends for a subsistance upon charity or theft. There are but three ways in which a man can obtain wealth: by working for it, begging for it, or steal ing it Our boasted civilization denies these two million men the right and privilege of working for it; they must beg, steal or starve. Is there no remedy for this state of affairs? Yes, indeed, the demands of organized labor, enacted into law, •would furnish a perfect and adequate remedy. A rigid enforcement of an efficient alien contract labor law. The abolition of married woman and child labor. A weekly cash pay day and the abolition of the truck store system. Equal pay for men and unmarried women. Last, but not least, because the chief of all demands, the shortening of the day of labor without any reduction in the day's wage, until every man that will may work and the standard of living can be maintained up to the standard of that now enjoyed by the best paid union labor. Then, brethren, stand firm—quit ye like men. Educate, agitate and organ ize. Be alert, active and prudent; “wise as serpents —harmless as doves.” Let not selfishness be your moving principle, but rather be impelled by love for the human race. Exalt the fatherhood of God —cement the brother hood of man. —George C. Ward, in Kan sas City Midland Mechanic. BORN OF NECESSITY. The People’s Party Became an Imperative Necessity to Perpetuate Republican In stitutions. The difference between republicans and democrats is only one of degree, and not one of principle, and is too slight to justify changing from one to the other by a really earnest man. Neither party proposes to change the present system which is so rapidly con centrating the wealth of the country in the hands of the few, except the com paratively slight influence which a modification of the tariff might have in that direction. On land, finance and transportation monopolies, or on the many other smaller monopolies, there is but slight difference between the two parties, and neither even professes to have or to favor any remedy for the unjust and unequal distribution of wealth which is making this a nation of princes and paupers, and is, wiping out the great middle class which has been in the past and must be in the future the hope and sheet anchor of the republic. It was because neither of the old par ties had the intelligence and courage to meet and solve the new issues which changed conditions has forced to the front that the organization of the peo ple’s party became necessary. In the organization of this new party we have only a repitition of history, for old par ties never settle new issues. The re publican party came up only because whigs and democrats refused to voice the sentiments of the people on the slavery question. The growing power of monopolies and the rapid increase of millionaires and impoverishment of the laboring masses is a menace to the peace and stability of the republic which no good citizen and true American can view without alarm, or fail to raise his voice and cast his ballot for a remedy. But neither old party sees anything wrong in the growth of plutocracy into ever increasing power and the steady in crease of class legislation in the inter est of monopolists and the wealthy classes, hence the development of a party of true Americans, whose mission it is to preserve the American idea of a free government of the people, by the people, for the people, with equal rights for all and special privileges to none as its motto and watchword. New wine cannot be put into old bot tles, nor new issues settled by old, fos silized parties which have become mere political machines for the procurement of office and spoliation of tax payers, hence, with the new issues now con fronting the American people a new party is an absolute necessity. That this new party of the people is perfect, with an entirely sound plat form, or that it can and will solve cor rectly all the problems before society, no sensible man will claim, but that it is a modern party, with modern ideas, honestly devoted to the public welfare, comparatively free from political super stition and prejudices, no candid person can seriously deny. That it represents the best thought and conscience and highest intelligence of any political party now extant is not to be seriously questioned. It is true that its leaders lacked the intelligence and courage to take a sound and logical position upon the two supreme questions of land monopoly and taxation, but this was an error of judgment and not lack of patriotism. With very few exceptions, the lead ing minds of the party are sound on these questions, but they very unwisely mistrusted the intelligence of the masses and their readiness to accept a fight to the finish between monopoly and jus tice. That time and more complete education upon the economic issues will land the party upon solid ground upon these two inseparably connected issues (really one issue) we have never for a moment doubted. Otherwise we could have no faith in the party’s per manence and ultimate success, for truth is never content with a partial and half-hearted service. Courage to stand by the whole truth and to de mand complete justice is indispensible in a reform party, and lack of it has proved the destruction of several prom ising reform organizations of the past. Parties are not made; they grow out of the necessities of the hour and the new issues of the day, as the people’s party has grown and is still growing, and as it must continue to grow until these new issues between the masses and the classes have been settled and settled rightly, for only right settle ments can stop agitation.—Lawrence (Kan.) Jeffersonian. —lf an elector believes that his coun try should be run by the people rather than by the corporations, the most ef fective method of throwing away his vote is to cast his ballot for either democratic or republican electors. To a reformer there can be no significance in the success of either of the old par ties. They both stand for special priv ileges of a few and against the interests of the many. They work together whenever there is any danger that a new party will unhorse them both.— New Nation. —Let the people rule. A MYSTERIOUS REALM. REVEALED ONLY ONCE OR TWICE IN LIFE TO SOME. An Ominous Warning That Came in the Night—The Man at the Creek With the Blood Streaming From His Mouth. There is a mysterious realm re vealed to some only once or twice in life. From this peculiar realm comes sometimes whispered reliet and the fancied charm we see gives us sweet messages from those whom dead years have buried and sealed. But oftener the voice in• the night sounds an ominous warning. The greeting is not warm. In his shrouds of snows the furrowed face came once to a friend of mine. He was going home after several years’ absence. Within a mile of that home there was a dark, dismal forest through which he had to ride. I had driven to the station to meet him, and to his question of “How are all my relatives and friends?” «I had said “All well.” But a peculiar thing happened as into the gloom of the forest we rode. All was quiet save the sound of the swol len creek galloping over its rocky bed. At the creek we halted to let the horses drink. Just then the moon came up above the clouds, making weird shadows, and on the face of my friend I could see a changed, pinched, frightened look. “What’s the matter?” I asked. “Great God!” he exclaimed, “help him. Don’t you see that man lean ing over the very edge of the waterP Don’t you see the blood streaming from his mouth?” I could see nothing, though I looked in the direction he stared wildly at. But he was a frail boy. and thinking his nervous system scattered I. to quiet and please him, got out and walked down the stream, but nothing could be seen of the man. Presently my friend called, “Come on; it was father, but he has and his voice had a hollow ring; I could almost liken it unto the damp clods on a coffin falling. As we drove away I said: “Do you have such spells often?" and he answered: “Never before, but are you sure fath er is well?” “Yes, he is well and had gone to church when 1 left ” Despite my attempt to quiet him he begged me to drive fast and as we drew up in front of the gate at home we met four men carrying a man, from whose mouth life blood was streaming. My friend jumped out and the first words he exclaimed were: “It is father, but he is gona” It was true. Upon leaving church he had coughed and broken a blood vessel and died just as hisxson had seen him on the waters—the waters of death. Another strange thing is this - : It had been years since I passed that ghastly stream, where fate had walked until three weeks ago, and just before twilight falling I again entered that forest, and a young lady was with me. She was describing a beautiful wed ding which was soon to be, and she was one of the bridesmaids. The rainbow tints could never vie with all the colors she painted there, but I could only hear the wayward whirls of that prophetic stream. Every tree around seemed to bear the scar of battle-shocks. The grassy fringe that hung around the borders of the waters seemed to droop their heads, and the moss-veiled-faces of the rocks frowned wrathfully, “and oh let me tell you something so remarkable about it,” she said just as our horses’ feet splashed in the stream. I shuddered as she told me they had ordered white gloves for six brides maids and two pair had been sent for mourning wear. Naturally the thing being told right there I felt the thrill of terror and knew it was a warning sad. Two days from then a message came from strangers in a distant land, saying two young men were drowned, the same two who were to stand in that wedding array with tho two girls who had received the mourn ing gloves, and while those black gloves may not be worn, around many a heart is draped the mourning veil, and God’s shadow which follows after prayer comes in tho holy hush and kisses the woe-worn faces of the com rades and friends of our boys. Tho splendid gladioli which now ornaments all American gardens, from tho finest to the humblest, when sum mer is at its height, are, as every one knows, natives of the Cape of Good Hope, greatly improved and infinitely diversified by cultivation. But per haps it is not as generally known that the old-fashioned hardy speciea bear ing a few small rose-red or, rarely, white blossoms, which our grand mothers loved long before its showier cousins became the fashion, is of European origin, and indeed a familiar field flower throughout Cen tral and Southern Europe. In those parts of Southern France where tho festival called the Fete Dieu is still publicly observed, its varieties are more generally employed than any other flowers, to decorate the canopies borne in the processions and the little shelters where they halt—Garden and Forest. ••I wonder. ” said the good locking young fellow just out of college, why they make fua of young people who have recently finished their studies.” ••I know, ” replied the sweet girl graduate. ••Why is it?” “They are jealous.”—"Washington Star. Mrs. Cobwigger—l’ve made you several necktiea love. TheyTEhome in handy. Cobwigger— -Yes, my dear. Remind me of them the next time you’re making a orazy quilt i-,,. r The Gladioli. May Be She Was Right. Their Proper Place.