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2*— • • • 1< OF v ■ * • • H THE PEOPLES PARTY. • WHi' ..Wr H Every mpn who writes ot the great issues of the day, would put a < different many of the primary elements of the great reform. All unite .upon, one sentiment —that discontent with exist tnpr evils is necessary to move Humanity up to higher levels. The follow- ing views merely as the general view of the causes, and g remedies presented Jay “populism THE ORIGIN OF POPULISM. While the peoples party is composed of members of every labor or- w .ganisation in the.’Unjted States who are sufficiently free from party love to join a new and a labor party —still, its organization is due to the great farmers’ unions established throughout the country. These are known as “Farmers Alliance and Industrial Union,” “Farmers’ Alliance, The _ Grange,” “Patrons “Farmers’ Mutual Benefit Associa tion,” “The Wheel,”..etc,.! etc. But to these organizations were united a - large proportion of the membership of other labor unions. gl THE DtSCOVEKY OF CERTAIN EVILS. i Tht se associations discovered that the nation was rapidly drifting in to a smaller class of wealthy men, and an extremely large class of poor men, failing men and paupers. They discovered that labor was be- j ing rapidly driven downward from an estate of dignity and from their proper political status. They discovered that a large class of thought ful men known as “greenbackers,” in common speech, had undertaken to reform the nation, but had been destroyed as an organization by the po litical intrigue and treachery of those who had unrighteously secured - wealth and power. _ _ ~ , ... , They also discovered that vast corporations had united with each other to control all the domestic commercial interests of the human race —reaching into the household, in its det-potism, and expanding into and around the export trade. That all the food staples were thus controlled. They also discovered that the laws and the courts, even tothesu preme bench, were being Manipulated by political rings within corpora tive organisms, to protect the wealthy in their aggressions, and weaken the masses in their efforts to maintain their sovereignty and secure either PUb They <ssJdtoOTel£d that New York City is the “Clearing House” lor the banking ol the nation-and that Wall Street was become a gigantic power controlling conventions, elections, courts, congresses and officials. They also discovered that the public daily press had become thorough ly incorporate into a supposed “mutual” organization known as the f “Associated Press,” which organization was under the complete control of less than a dozen men of vast wealth, who were controlling the editor- ( ial conduct of all the news and opinion-forming columns of all dailies— in the interests of “plutocracy’’-and that it was impossible to sustain a daily paper outside of this giant combination. That it pretended to break upinto hostile and competing organisms ; but thatm fact, the three or four bodies are but one general combination. They also discovered that there was a distinct line of Jteachmg being promulgated', which inculcated distrust of self government, and a desire tor a stronger form-founded upon a financial aristocracy-m other words, the overthrow of the republic. And that one of the mightiest means of accomplishing this was by the destruction of the public conscience-the degradation of politics. ' "Humanity organizes for protection. The* result of these discoveries, not all made - at once, nor with equal demonstration, was the formulation of a platform of reform-first at bt. Louis, (1889), then at Cincinnati—and finally at Omaha, July 4th, 189 J. This platform of reform, known as the platform of the peoples party, contains the precise expression of ideas upon which a vast body ol the “Tut* mh3wlying te this platform, were certain powerful doctrines which lie at the base of the new departure—and form the natural elements of the progress of humanity to higher planes of existence. Some of these principles we propose to give, in addition to the platform and its defense. The SolirceoTall Wealth. As a primary element of political knowledge though one which has been but little understood in past centuries of history—comes a proposi tion which beyond all question is true —but almost too revolutionary for ready and radical acceptance. The basic proposition is this: , . . ~ All wealth—positively all—of every character—must spring from the ground; and nearly, if not quite all, from the farm. If this had not already entered into all systematic treatises on politi cal economy it might not be received with due regard. Let us examine the proposition in a practical light. i The' current of all trade is from the farm to the country town. There, exchangers, all essential to the welfare of the race, gather into communi ties. The storekeeper, the mechanic, the artisan, the teacher. Each and every one receives income by the patronage of the producer on the iarm, who invests with them the “money” received for the value he produced. The wagon-maker does not make a wagon to eat it—nor wear it—nor sleep under it—but that he might send it to the farmer, and in return re ceive income from the pay received by the farmer for produce. The teach er receives his money from the income of the merchant and village citizen —all received in the course of trade from the farmer. Now the merchant deals with the jobber of the larger cities—and with the manufacturer. The jobber in turn also deals with the manufacturer. Every dollar that is sent to these larger exchangers comes from village orders, and from the farm. Those dollars then support all the multiple this for the first time should adopt the statement without scrutiny. Because coal and lumber are wealth, and do not come $ from the farm. However, they come from land—and, when in market, can only be secured by purchase with the “money” received by the farmer in exchange for produce, and by him sent into the avenues of commerce. Therefore, if this statement be true, it becomes an object for every nation to foster its agricultural interests—and the only way to put a, dol lar into genuine circulation (not as a borrowed dollar on time-loan) is by having a farmer get its value from the ground, and deliver it, (or ex change” )to the world. _ . . , , , .. Obiection may be made that Great Britain, and other crowded nation alities depend upon manufacturers for their general incomes, having ■mall agricultural interests. But these nations must have a market-and that market, wherever it is, must send every dollar thus used m that commerce, from the farm. ~ . Now if this be true, and it deserves your careful consideration, it is a tremendous truth, and lies at the very root of what is called the ‘ money problem,”-or the “financial system.” . , f F Before showing that relation, however, we wish to prepare the mind ot l the reader by correcting a wrong impression spread broadcast purposely. This elSor is the statemeut that if the farmer gets less for his produce and at the same time can buy things cheaper, he is not the loser. We will examine that matter, and quote a statement hitherto published, as fol lows : row PRICES ARE RUINOUS TO ALL. The old bug has but one bulwark to fall back on when shown the fear * fully low prices of production: and that is tbis-“Well, everythmg else is cheaper, a dollar will go further.’’ Now let us see whether it will or not. 1 a man, ten years ago, brought a hundred bushels of wheat to market, received 100 dollars for it, and made his purchases on the prices then established by the volume of currency. 2.—A man sells his wheat today, and receives S4O. t 3 capitalist got his interest on one thousand dollars ten years ag capitalist, and bondholder, and professional man, I .and official get their SIOO, or former income, today. * first. 100 bu. wheat, sold by a farmer iqn no s loo ' oo ■S : :: «a He buys a suit Clothes - “ •: f j : 'V . , . .. ' • -i. **■ Ab %- ML. - V /) » . \ SECOND. .. -; ■ ■: .a -S—————• - i V 100 bu. wheat, sold bv a farmer ......$40.00 He pays taxes, # at this time............ ....$30.00 “ « % his Dr’s bill 000 “ “ % bis Insurance 400 “ “ % his Interest on S2OO 10.00 K He buys a suit of Clothes, now only 12 50 “ “ “ Stove “ “ 6.50 “ “ “ bbl. Flour “ “ 5.00 “ “ “ Dress tor wife “ “ 600 Total SBO 00 But he received only 40 90 He gets trusted, (or goes for another 10ad).., S4O 00 In the first place the merchant gets profit upon SSO @ 25 per cent; equal to 12.50. In the second place the merchant gets no profit on the 100 bu. of wheat, nor does the banker get that $lO interest The farmer goes and gets another load of wheat. And out of that 200 bushels the merchant gets 20 per cent on S3O, or $5. And on that $5 he has to pay taxes, in terests, doctors, lawyers, insurance, etc.,—just the same as the farmer. THIRD. 1881. In 1881 the capitalist loans $1 000 at ten per cent, or has $2,000 in state, county, municipal or railway bonds, at 5 per cent. Income is SIOO. Income . SIOO.OO He pays his taxes % year $30.00 “ “ “ Doctor 6.00 “ “ “ Insurance 400 He buys Groceries .•.. 10 00 “ “ Clothes, 1 suit 30 00 “ “ Flour, 1 bbl 10.00 “ “ a Stove 10.00 SIOO.OO FOURTH— rIB93. Income SIOO.OO He pays taxes % year $30.00 “ “ the Doctor 6.00 “ “ Insurance 400 He buys Groceries.... 10.00 “ “ a suit of Clothes 19 00 “ “ “ bbl. Elour 5.00 “ “ “ Stove 6.00 80.00 And he has S2O to divide among his chums. The statement that the matter of high or low prices is a matter of “relation” between certain counteracting agencies called supply and de mand is not wholly true. The fact is that there should be just as much “money” as there is produce to buy, and the unit of value should be a practical or hypothetical unit of measure—as that a bushel of wheat represents a dollar. CONTRACTION OF CURRENCY. This brings us to another discovery of the populists: That there is a continual reduction in the amount of money, compelling people to borrow the same money over and over, paying tribute each time to “capitalists” —and reducing the value of produce. We cannot here go into the figures to show the actual reduction in the money volume. The most careful estimate shows the circulating money in this country to be about $3.50 per capita, but With a species of debt currency (borrowed credit of a bank, which, being a time-loan to return and carry back real money as interest, cannot be “money,”) there is near ly $6 per capita of money and currency. Now there should be from forty to S6O ot money, per capita, in every nation, because with less than that there will be compulsory borrowing. This compulsory borrowing is not because one has and another has not money, but because all the people, taken together, make more daily ex changes than the money will transact. The fact in this matter is this—and upon this you may plant your feet as a rock: In transacting the business of this country every dollar of money has been borrowed more than six times over. That is, six persons are paying interest upon every dollar. This fact is easily shown by the total of known loans. Circulating treasury notes have been destroyed by almost'countless millions by plutocratic congresses, and their place filled with interest bear ing bonds—at the dictates of Wall Street. OVER-PRODUCTION AND HOME-MARKET. The volume of money controls prices. Supply and demand effects are only supplementary. Let us illustrate: In 1881-2-3. etc., there was a larger crop of wheat than in 1892-3, etc.—by from 25 to a hundred million bushels. Now let us tabulate the matter. Ist.—Less wheat than ten years ago. 2d. —Larger demand by twenty millions more population. 3d.—Larger demand by nearly 100 per cent more export—fifty per cent positive. 4th.—lncrease in manufactures by over 100 per cent, bonused by an 800 million dollar tariff. sth.—Extraordinary growth of cities, and loss of provincial popula tion. And yet, instead of increasing in price from $1 a bushel to $2.00 a bushel, wheat has gone down to 35 —50c. a bushel. Before taking up platform matters, let us refer to another dire evil re cently developed. There are three or four classes of people on the earth. The first, the farmer, a producer, we have referred to. The other is the exchanger, tradesman, manufacturer, artisan, etc. With these the producer can have no war, except as to method of dealing with him, and class legislation. Then there is the capitalist. With the capitalist, in this age of the world, there is no warfare. A man gets more money than he uses for food, cldthing, shelter, education, charities—and he invests it in business. Then there is another class. We calculate this class to be three mill ions of votes, and perhaps 12 or 15 millions of population. This class never works for production, by hand or brain. It takes none of the risks of business on its “plute” wealth. It nf ver causes two blades of grass to grow where one grew before. It never puts one brick above another in erecting a civilized society—nor turns a wheel of commerce—nor employs an arm of labor. And yet this class has thrust upon society—upon every dollar of prop erty, whether belonging to a farmer, merchant, lawyer or preacher, an enormous interest bearing, sheriff secured debt. This debt amounts to sixteen thousand millions of dollars! Other writers put it at 20,000 millions. Every dollar’s worth of property is compelled to pay interest every year upon this—and for the 16,000 millions of dollars drawing tribute from labor, risk, effort, capital, the plutocrao Most of this is by over-capitalization. But large amounts are by complete and wholly bogus or fictitious issues of bonds and stocks. No railroad has been built for many years on money-bought stock. Not only do the bonds build them—all borrowed money—but the bonds often represent three, four and five times the cost of the road, and the cost was borrowed too. All the great public works, the public office buildings the magnificent depots and hotels, and publication offices, are all built without money. Bonds are issued, and the income of the structures compelled to pay in terest, sinking fund to meet the bonds—and income besides. Thus, the constructors get the building free. Trusts are united business interests for the purpose of over-capitalization. THE POWER TO ISSUE MONEY. One more point: The modern reformer declares chat there is an effort i upon the part of those who speculate in money, but never produce, to se cure the power to issue money unto themselves, and take that, power from the government—the people. This is known as the “British Idea,” and it has caused the institution of national banks in every nation in Christen dom. The populist maintains that “currency” should be “money.” That money cannot be an individual or corporate note, secured by either a debt (bond or otherwise), or by face or less than face-value of steerable, spend able personal wealth. That injustice will reign so long as money standards consist of gold at 29c.~0n the dollar use value, or sQver at 57c. on the dollar use value, to i rise and fall under rule of chance or greed. But that so long as one is in V 34*;. .. Vr ~ ... PLUTOCRACY. NEVER INVESTED ONE DOIaLAR. coinage both must be—inasmuch as ten men own a controlling interest in the gold supply of the world. ul—~ But they claim that money should be secured on full value (they claim even four times face value) of a property that is REAL; actuallmperish able, unstealable, unhideable, unburnable, recognized in .the jurisprudence the world as real estate —in city or country—and in apnonpt decided by egislation as with the national bank debt maker. Populistsciaini that a currency based upon a national bond-debt is in the nature of a fraud. In case of war the bond-payment would be demanded, and even a fool knows that the bonds could not be paid. But a treasury note would not be pre sented for payment —and if so, on a real estate security, could .be rinstant y redeemed. If on the gold basis, why, the gold requiredJ*or interest alone would have redeemed every dollar if in greenbacks, four times over, before the bonds are redeemed. Populists declare that bonds are issued in defiance of justice, reason'-or common sense—for one sole purpose: To furnish a tribute-vault into which plutocracy may put its wealth, without business-risk or care,With out toil or anxiety, and reap income from merchant, professional matt* or toiler—men who do have care and take chances. As to the relationship between the banking business and the government a populist journal re cently uttered the following somewhat fiery sentiments: )3T The British press in all our cites meets the potent arguments’for a per petual, land-secured currency, with a sarcastic howl, “Do you want to make the government a banking institution?” Will some of the gold bug canines who yelp at the rear of human progress give us one —one —sensible reason why the government of the peo ple should not be the banker for the people? Is it not true that the government is and must be the real banker for the people the very moment that unjust and even criminal privileges are taken away from an idle, crafty, injurious class of .tribute gatherers? Do not the money issuing bankers even steal the name “national” to add strength to them, when, in fact, the only connection the nation has with them is to make a debt-bond instead of money, for the people to pay interest upon to the banker, and then tell the bankers to go ahead and make money and loan it to the people at the banker’s profit! And thus six different persons are today paying interest on every dollar in the Uni ted States. If that is the result of the present system, in the name oi a merciful Father let us have piracy and burglarism for the general good. It will be a glorious day when the government becomes what it is de signed to be —a protecting agency for itself—and not a self-consuming idiotcy. In >that day fifteen million people will cease to fatten off the en ergies of other people. In that day every dollar paid to ourselves by those who do borrow of us, as interest, is merely taxes to relieve those who do not borrow. In that day “currency” will be “money,” perpetual, secured by four times its value of REAL property, a legal tender —and not the time-loan, bgger-hole-eating infamy of a banker’s pestilence. AS TO NATIONAL BANKS. The populist is not so fearfully disturbed at the few thousand dollars of profit made by the national banker, by virtue of the money of the na tion being given to him at one per cent —or that the income or interest comes to the banker instead of a mere commission at best. That is a small affair compared to the mightier evil of the system. It is a criminal system where currency (not money) takes the place pf money, and then only by borrowing the non-legal tender note of a person or corporation. Sucn currency is a mere time accommodation between parties, a compulsory debt-producer. The populist wants a debt-lifter. For instance: There is supposed to be 2,000 millions of mone** and currency in the United States. If this consisted wholly of national Dank notes there would be an a bsolutely compulsory and unpayable debt of 200 millions of dollars ot the people to the banks every twelve months. Let us suppose the 2,000 millions of bank currency were all borrowed out and “circulating” twelve months ago—and last month God command ed all men to pay their debts on pain of death within thirty days—and the thirty days expired last night. The people made a desperate effort to pay their debts. They had borrowed 2,000 millions of dollars out of the banks. That was all the “money” there was. The last debt-payment of every dollar was over the bank counter where borrowed. The people con tinued to pay until all the inter-personal debts were paid, and until the 2,000 millions had gone over the bank counter whence it came but twelve months before. But then came a halt. Every dollar in existence was paid but the debt was 200 millions more, (interest). The transfer of property to the bankers would begin. If this morning every dollar of debt in the nation were paid; if the crops were the largest ever known: if prices were extraordinarily high; if the merchant stocks were large, and debts all paid; if the factories com plete and warehouses crowded with raw material; if the trains at the stations were ready to hurry the golden harvest to the markets of the world; if eleven million of stalwart men were at the gateway ready to la bor, all debt free—would not the world be happy ? Nothing but misery, starvation, ruin and death under the national banking system. If no debt then no currency. The people had at last gotten all their debts paid—they were rich and free and miserable. The grain shucked to the ground ui.der the autumn sun; the toilers’arms shrivelled in idleness; the merchant trod his vacant store; the factory be comes the home of bats and cats; the engines are dead at the stations 1 Why ? Because not a dollar can exist, even to buy medicine for the sick, until a people rich and free, runs IN DEBT AGAIN to that national bank monstrosity from whose clutches they have just escaped. Populism says this system shall cease—forever. That money shall is sue in perpetuity; that if it retire, it retire to the people—the government; that if any portion bear interest, by virtue of issue, that interest will be as taxes paid by those who do get it for those who do not; that when ev ery dollar of debt to man or bank or corporation is paid that “money” shall still be in existence ready to move the wheels of a prosperous world on the morrow. Choose ye between the debt maker and the debt lifter. JOHN LAW BUBBLE AND THE “CEDULA.” The national bank has been tried in every nation in Christendom, and the “Crash,” and the grist of pauperism tells the story. The John Law Mississippi Babble was a national bank, pure and simple—so stated even in the Encyclopedias. Mississippi Company bonds were used instead of national bonds. The Argentine Republic was not only ruined recently by her national bank, but would have carried Great Britain over with her but for the aid of “silver plated” France. The Argentine national bank was patterned after our own national Leprosy. But having no valuable blood sucking bonds, Argentine put the “Cedula,” or land bond behind the banks of issue. Not having greenbacks, etc., like the United States, to furnish the blood for the interest-sucker, those poor victims had to keep borrowing more and more, more and more, and the banks had to issue and issue to accomodate the debt-grist—and over it went. POPULIST PLATFOEM. Finance —We demand a national currency, safe, sound and flexible issued by the government only, a full legal tender for all debts, public or private, and that without the use of banking corporations; a just, equit able and efficient means of distributing direct to the people at a tax not to exceed per cent be provided as set forth in the sub-treasury plank of the farmers’ alliance, or some better system; also by payments in discharge of its obligations for public improvement. 8 , T< . a. We demand the free free and unlimited coinage of silver and at the legal ratio of 16 to 1. * m b. We demand that the amount of the circulating medium be in creased to at least SSO per capita exclusive of legal reserves. c. We demand a graduated income tax, d. That our national legislation shall be so framed in the future as not to build up one industry at the expense of another. e. We believe that the money of the country should be kept as much as possible in the hands of the people, and hence we demand that all n& tional and state revenue shall be limited to the necessary expenses of the government economically and honestly administered. .£» * iCTO'j v f. We demand that postal savings banks be established by the'.govern ment for the safe deposit of the earnings of the people, and to facilitate exchanges. Land—The land, including all the natural resources of wealth js' the heritage of all the people, and should not be monopolized for speculative purposes, and alisn ownership of land should be prohibited. All lands now held by railroads and other corporations, in excess of their actual need, and land! now owned by aliens, should new be reclaimed by the government and sold to actual settlers only. ~s ; 0 Transportation.—Transportation being a means of exchange and a public necessity, the government should own and operate the faHroads in the interest of the people. “* The telegraph and telephone, like the postal system, being a nocnmdt* for the transmission of intelligence, should be owned and operated bvth. government in the interest of the people. .• j . 7 WHY NOT? Adopted at Omaha, July 4th, 1892.