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THE RULE OF ERIN. Gladstone Gives to the World His Home-Rule Scheme, In Which He Promises Ireland a Domestic Parliament, . To Be of Dual Character With a Mutual Veto, And to Continue for Not More Than Five Years. The Office of Viceroy to be Divorced From Politics. Fiscal Unity of the Realm to be Main tamed, But Irish Money to Go to the Irish Exchequer. Mr. Gladstone Keceives an Unparal leled Ovation. Opinions of the Press— View* of St. Paul Irishmen. Gladstone's Greatest Effort. London, April 8. — The crowd began to assemble outside the palace yard about 7 o'clock this morning, It amused Itself for a while watching the members who came early to secure seats. At this time the greater number in the crowd were Irish men. They cheered every Parnellite who came along. As the day avanced the as semblage "increased till it filled up all the thoroughfares and open spaces. The ground in the neighborhood as far as Downing street at 4 o'clock, was an entire mass of people, the largest collected in one body in London tor many years. The entire throng was thickly dotted with individuals wearing the Irish collars and National league emblems. Of course in a crowd so immense there was a great deal of noise and pushing about, but as a whole good order was preserved. No police inter ference at any time was required. Glad stone left his residence, in Downing street, for the house of commons precisely at 4:20 this afternoon, accompanied by Mrs. Gladstone. At this time every inch of roadway, except the path kepi open by the police for the premier's carriage, and every inch of sideuay. besides all points of vantage afforded by the doorsteps, windows, and roofs from Downing street to West minster were covered by people. The crowd swarming over Westminster bridge excluded all locomotion by vehicles. Kain now became steady and penetrating, but there was no break in the crowds till Glad stone's carriage passed. The tremendous and CONTINUED CIIEERING with which he was greeted during the whole of his progress was accompanied by groans every here and there, but the ill feeling was not manifested with sufficient strength either to irritate the majority of the crowd or attract Gladstone's attention. When the premier disappeared within the parliament buildings the crowd melted in the rain and it had disappeared entirely within half an hour after he began his speech. At this time all outside was be reft of excitement, while the chambers of the house were in a perfect quiver. Before the speaker entered the lloor of the house the lobbies, stairways and galleries were all in possession of a scattered mob of gen tle and aristocratic people, struggling for places to hear and see the orator of the day. There were fifty times as many per sons engaged in the struggle as could possi bly be accommodated and in the surge, bishops, peers and plenipotentiaries ran foul of commoners, reporters and people of every sort. In one group were seen at one time the Greek am bassador, the Minister Sickles. Cardinal Manning, Editor Burnand of Punch, the Japanese ambassador and Michael Davitt. These six were jammed in their struggle about the door of the speaker's gallery. They were rescued, aud after being marched and countermarched about the lobby into the outer lobby and back again were finally jnabled to get to places secured for them by another door. Several score of noblemen asserted their privileges too boisterously and had to be checked by policemen on duty. The tall form of Earl Spencer, ex-Irish viceroy, towering ABOVE THE POLICE and the diminutive figure of the Marquis of Bipon nestling close to him as if for protection, was conspicuous in the lobby rushes. Such was the pressure for accom modation that the authorities tolerated and winked at the revolutionary innovation of placing two rows of chairs on the floor space in front of the speaker's desk, trans forming the familiar and venerable aspect hitherto sacred as the tramping ground of orators, into the spectacle of a place put to good modern nse. Every square foot of space in the galleries held a human being. The Prince of Wales, his son, Prince Albert Victor, Duke of Cambridge, Prince Christian and Minis ter Phelus occupied seats during the speech in the front row of the peer's gallery. Pheips sitting beside Prince Christian. A large number of the members of the house of commons, unable, because of its inade quate capacity to accommodate the whole membership, to obtain places on the floor, helped jam the galleries. The ladies' gal lery was screened from open view from the main floor by a delicate fret-work in wood, but the sparkling diamonds and the flash of colors through this lattice showed that this favorite eyrie bore a greater freight of beauty and good clothes to-day than ever before in history. As well-known members entered the house they were greeted with cheers. Sometimes the. cheers were genuine and hearty; some times given in apparent mocking. John Bright, who entered with feeble gait, was greeted with ringing and approving cheers. Parnellites gave Parnell and Morley a hearty reception, but welcomed Goschen with derisive shouts. THE MABQUIS OF IIARTINGTON drew a ringing volley of cheers from both Rides of the house. During a momentary lull in the confusion of cheers, the house was suddenly startled by a wild cry. It came from the throats of those who were first to catch sight of Gladstone gliding toward his seat from behind the speaker's chair. The Irish members sprang to their feet as one man, and for several minutes the uproar of applause continued. The full throated Irish cheer that T. P. O'Connor hud feared the interloping Tories might de prive of half its power was repeated till the whole building seemed to reverberate with its triumphant peals. Gladstone seated himself between Motley and Sir William Vernon Harcourt He looked very pale, paler even than usual. The lines on his forehead appeared to have deepened since bis recent illness, but his step as he entered was elastic, and his bearing indicated ho felt felt full confidence in the success of his forthcoming speech. It has Ira ispired that as Gladstone was driving from Downing street to the . house his carriage came very near being upset by the presence of the crowd. The car riage was escorted by six mounted police men, but they were unable to prevent the mass of people from pressing forward and stopping the progress of the vehicle for some minutes. Gladstone was both pleased »id agitated by this extraordinary enthu siasm of the populace. The rule which practically excludes ladies from public sight in the house, and which on occa sions like that of to-day, inexcusably f ."'". SEPARATE HUSBAND AND WIFE, who are fortunate enough to secure seats ?""•*■*•• *•»-« aiumtstiirs. oaiuiudlml Mrs. Gladstone to hide herself behind a screen. The venerable lady was the most interested of all the spectators there. She met the Prince of Wales, whose royal blood could I not secure for her the privilege- of sitting I beside, her husband in the house any I more than tho prim minister's wife's claim could pain for her the boon of witnessing well the noblest effort of her great husband's career. With tho Princess of Wales were Prince Henry of Battenburg, Princess Beatrice, Duchess of St. Albans, the Countess of Kosberry and Spencer and a host of other ladies of noble blood. It was 4:33 o'clock when the speaker called upon Gladstone to take the floor. Gladstone rose and was met with the most prolonged outburst of cheering over heard in the house of commons. He was evidently deeply impressed by the reception. When ho finally was permitted to sneak his hist words were in audible to the reporters. Mis voice, it was feared, was not equal to the great task be fore the orator, but it was that Gladstone was in a state of amazement caused no doubt by the unexpected character of his welcome. This, however, quickly disap peared, and when he had spoken a few sen tences, ho "found his voice." Until then the serious and settled melancholy charac teristic of the man's appearance, his age. and his undoubted physical weakness tended to give a very much exaggerated idea of the HOARSENESS OF HIS VOICE, and the hearers' sympathies beimr with the venerable orator, his voice grated on their ears, but as soon as Gladstone steadied himself to his task his voice grew even, clear, strong and eventually penetrating, ringing, sonorous and captivating. Listen ing to him without seeing or knowing him in the middle of hi* speech a stranger would easily suppose his voice was the voice of a sound, impassioned man in the full vigor of the prime of life. Even the natural stiffness of old ago — Gladstone is 70 — gradually gave way to flexiblene ss in movement, animation in manner, energy and lire of utterance that aie amazing in themselves, but which do not strike the auditor as anything but mat ters of course, so gradually and im perceptibly do the lires of the grand old mans elequeuce light him up. During the progress of his statement of the features of his bill there was little or no demonstration of friendship or hostility from either part of the house. This part of his oration was admirably cold, precise, methodical and in structive. Occasionally, however, the Par uellites gave a vigorous cheer when a senti ment was expressed which they could re echo now and then. Likewise half-audible SIGNS OF DISSENT came from the Conservative benches. But for the most part his arguments were heard in silence. By persons who heard Gladstone on former great occasions, comparing his speech to-night with his other great speeches, it is generally admitted that in lucidity of statement and argumentative power, his speech to-night was quite the equal of any of his finest previous orations. The partial failure of his voice, however, renders comparison of to-night's effort with previous speeches satisfactory from a pure ly rhetorical point of view. After Glad stone's speech the house rapidly thinned out, and for the next two hours the con trast was striking. During Trevellyan's speech the house gradually tilled up again. Trevellyan's speech was received by all sides in silence, broken only by an occasional outburst of derisive cheers by the Parnellites. Parnell, on the other hand, was listened to with rapt attention, and his speech left upon the auditors the impression that he was ready to accept the leading proposals of Gladstone's bill. The Parnellites warmly applauded him when he referred to Gladstone as the one English statesman living who was lending his voice in favor of poor, helpless Ireland. GLADSTONE'S GUI: AT SPEECH, In Which lie Outlines Hi* ..Irish Policy. Mr. Gladstone said: I could wish that it had been possible to expound to the bouse the whole policy aad intentions of the government with reference to Ireland. Although the questions of re form in the tenure of land and Irish govern ment are so closely and inseparably con nected, it is yet impossible to undertake to elucidate tho questions together. Ido not know of any previous task laid upon mo in volving so diversified an exposition. In con templating the iiia.irmt i.d -Of this task lam filled with painful mistrust, but that mistrust is absorbed in a feeling of tho responsibility that will be upon me if I should fail to bring home to the public mind the magnitude and tho various aspects of the question. We should no longer fence or skirmish with this question. [Loud cheers.] We should come to close quarters with it. [Cheers.! We should get at the root of it. We should take means not merely intended for the wants of to-day or to-morrow, but should look into the distant future. Wo have arrived at a stage in our political transactions with Ireland when the two roads pun, one from the other, not soon, probably, to meet again. THE TIME HAS COME when it is incumbent on the duty and the honor of parliament to come to some decisive resolution on this matter. Our intention is, therefore, to propose to tbo commons that which, if happily accepted, will, we think, liberate parliament from the restraints under which of late years it has ineffectually strug gled to perform the business of the country, and will restore British legislation to Its natural, ancient, unimpeded course, and also establish harmonious relations between Great Britain and Ireland (bear! hear!) in the free institutions to which Englishmen, Scotchmen and Irishmen alike are unalterably attached. [Loud cheers, prolonged by tho home rule members.] After reviewing the condition and crime existing in Ireland since 1833, Mr. Gladstone described the coercive legislation enforced during the same period as not ex ceptional, but habitual. He com Dared Ire laud during all this period to a man trying to find sustenance in medicine only meant for cure. Coercion, however, bad, be proved no cure. Serious disaffection continued to prevail in Ireland and if England and Scot land had (suffered similar hardships, ho be lieved the people of those countries would re sort to means similar to those the Irish had used to ventilate their grievances. [Parnell ite cheers. COERCION A FAILURE. Coercion was admitted to have been a fail ure for the past flfty-thiee years, only two of which had been wholly free from repressive legislation. No! Coercion, unless stern and unbending and under an autocratic govern ment, must always fail. Such coercion En gland should never resort to until every other means had failed. The basis of the whole mischief was the? fact thut the law was dis credited in Ireland. It came to the Irish ' people with a foreign aspect, and their alter native to coercion was to strip the law of its foreign character and invest it with a domes tic character. [Loud Irish cheers.] Ireland, though represented in parliament numeri cally equal with England or Scotland, was really not in the same po-»it!o.i politically. England made her own laws. Scotland had been encouraged to make her own laws as eflejtually as if she had six times her present representation. The consequence was that the mainspring of the law in England and Scotland was felt to be the English or tbo Scotch. The mainspring of the law in Ire land was not felt by tho people to be with the Irish. He therefore deemed it little less than mockery to hold that the state of law which ho bad described conduced to tbe real unity of this great .NOBLE WORLD-WIDE EMPIRE. Something must be done. Something is Imperatively demanded from us to restore in Ireland the lir»t conditions of civil life, the free course of law. the liberty of every in dividual in the exercise of every legal right, their confidence in the law and their sym pathy with the law. apart trora which no country can bo called a civilized country. What then was the problem before him? It was this: Not to reconcile imperial unity with diversity of legislatures. Mr. G rat tan held that those purposes were reconciliable. More than that, ho demanded a severance < f the parliaments, with a view to tho contin uity and everlasting unity of the empire. Was that an audacious paradox. Other countries had solved tho problem and under much more difficult circumstances. We our selves might be said to have solved it with respect to Ireland duribg the time that Ire land had a sepcrate parliament. Did it destroy the unity of the British empire. fCheersl. Mr. Gladstone then pointed to the case of Norway and Sweden, which countries, he Raid, united upon a footing of strict legis )«tin .indmoamdmoam and ariuaiitv. Than ST. PATTL, FRTD*Y MOTCXING. APRIL 0, 1886. tboro was the case of Austria and Hunjrary, and with regard to theso countries he asked whether the condition of Austria at the pres ent moment was not more perfectly solid, 1 SECURE AM) IIAUMONIOUS ■ than it was prior to the existing condition be- I tween that country and Hungary. It could not he questioned that its condition was one of solidity and safety, compared with that of the time when Hungary was making war upon her. The claim of Ireland to make laws for herself was never denied until tlio rel*n or Geortro 1 1 . The parliament of Grat tan was as independent in point of authority as it could bo. They (the government) were not about to propose repeal of the union. It was impossible to propose the repeal of the union niiiil they had settled, what was the essence of the union. He dotined the es sence of the union to be the fact that where as before the union, there were two seperato and independent parliaments, after tlio union there was but tone. To speak of iuj dismem berment of the empire was in this century a misnomer nnd an absurdity. Tho fault of too admfnistiauvo system of Ireland was that its spring and source of action was English (cheers). Tie government therefore felt that the settlement of the question was to be found by establishing A PARLIAMENT IV Drni.iN (Irish cheers) for the conduct of business of both 11 legislative and administrative nature. T.ie political economy of the three countries must bo reconciled. There should be an equi table distribution of imperial burdens. Next, there must be reasonable safeguards for the minority, and why could not this minority in Ireland tako care of Itself? He bud no doubt of Its ability to do that, when we have passed through the present critical period and been disarmed of the Jealousies with which any change was approached, but for the present, there were three, classes of people whom they were bound to consider: First, the class con nected with the land; second, the civil ser vants and the officers of the government In Ireland; third, the Protestant minority. The speaker could not admit the claim of the Protestant minority in Ulster or elsewhere to rule on quest'ons which are for tbo whole of Ireland. Several schemes for tbo separate government of lister bad been submitted to him. One was that Ulster province should be excluded from the operations of the present bilL Another was that a separate autonomy should be provided for Ulster, ami a tnlrd suggested that certain rights should be re served and placed under provincial councils. No one of these proposals bad appeared to the government to bo so completely justified by it« merits or by the weight of public opinion in its favor as to warrant the government in including it in their bill. However, they de served FAIR CONSIDERATION and the discussion that would follow the In troduction of the present bill might lead to the discovery of one plan which had a pre dominating amount of support, and the gov ernment would do their best to adopt the plan that seemed likely to give general satis faction. Referring to the great settlement of Lftt, Mr. Gladstone said: It was not a real settlement, and why? Was it Ireland that prevented a real settlement being made? [Irish cheers. | No; it was a mistaken policy of England, listening to the pernicious voice and claims of ascendency. The Irish parlia ment labored under great disadvantages, yet it had in it a spark of the spirit of freedom, and it emancipated the Roman Catholics in Ireland when the Roman Catholics in En gland were still unemancipatcd. It received Lord Fitz William with open arms, and when ( after a brief career he was recalled to Eng land, the Irish parliament registered their confidence in him by passing a resolution do siring that he should still administer the gov ernment. Lord Flu William had promoted the admission of Roman Catholics into the Irish parliament, and there was a spirit in that parliament which, if it had had free scope, could have done noble work, and would probably have solved all the Irish problems and have saved this government infinite trouble. The speaker said ho would now pass to THE PLAN bow to give Ireland a legislature to deal with the Irish as distinguished from imperial affairs. He was confronted at the outset with what he felt to be a formidable dilemma. Ireland was to have a domestic legislature for Irish affairs. That was his postulate, from which he set out. Were the Irish members and the Irish representative peers in either house to continue to form part of the repre sentative assemblies? The speaker thought it would be perfectly clear that if Ireland wag to havo a. dumo*Uc. legislature, the Irish peers and tbo Irish representatives could not come to parliament to control English and Scotch affairs. [Cheers.] Then, with regard to the question whether Irish representa tives should come to the house of commons for the settlement of imperial affairs, he thought that could not bo done. He bad, therefore, arrived at the conclusion that Irish members and Irish peers ought not to sit in the palace of Westminster. [Oh l oh! and cheers.] If Irish members were not to sit in the bouse of commons, Irish peers ought not to sit in the other house of parlia ment. [Hear! bear! and oh I] How were the Irish people to be taxed if they bad legislators in both countries. He believed that Great Britain would never impose upon Ireland tax ation without representation and added: If we were to have taxation without representa tion then there would come another question which would raise a practical difficulty, and that is: Are wo to give up that I*,';;.-" FISCAL DNITT of the empire? He did not think that by giv ing up tho fiscal unity of the empire, they were giving up the unity of the empire. He, however, stood upon the substantial ground that to give up the fiscal unity of the empire would be a public inconvenience and misfortune. It would be a great misfortune for Great Britain and a greater misfortune for Ireland. He conceived that one escape from that dilemma would be such an arrange ment as would give the imperial govern ment authority to levy customs duties and such excise duties as were immediately con nected with the customs. The conditions of such an arrangement were, first, that the general power of taxation over and above those particular duties should pass into the bands of a domestic legislature in Ireland; second, that the proceeds of the customs and excise should be held for the benefit of Ire land and for the discharge of the obligations of Ireland, and the balance, after these obli gations were discharged, should bo entered into the Irish exchequer, and to be for the free disposal of the Irish legislative body. The government bill provided for this, and the bill then provided that representatives of Ireland should no longer sit in the house of commons or Irish peers in the house of lords, but at the same they would have the right of addressing the crown, and so possess all the constitutional rights they held now. [On ! and cheers.] It would, therefore, relieve Irish members from ATTENDANCE AT WESTMINSTER. Mr. Gladstone said he had several reasons why this should be the case. Even if it was possible for them to attend. as they had a par liament of their own.it would bo very difficult to have two classes of members in the British house, one class who could vote on all ques tions connected with the business of the country and another which could only vote on special and particular questions which are brought before parliament. A train it would be very difficult for gentlemen in Ireland to decide who should go to Westminster or who should remain in Ireland, and at the same time to maintain tho fiscal unity of the na tion. There is another point with regard to the powers of the legislature. Two courses might have been taken. One was to endow this legislative body with particular legislative powers. The other was to except from the spb< r 2 of its action those subjects which the government thought ought to be excepted and to leave it to any other power. The duration of the proposed legislative body should not exceed Uve years. The functions which it was proposed to withdraw from the cognizance of the legislative body were three grand aud principal functions, VII: Everything which related to the crown, all that which belonged to the defense, the army, tbe navy, the entire organization of the armed forces, and our foreign and col onial relations. It would not be competent to pass laws for the establishment or endow, ment of any particular religion [cheers!. As to trade and navigation, it would be a mis fortune to Ireland to bo separated from England. The Irish parliament would have nothing to do with coinage or tho creation of legal tender. The subject of tbe postofflce would be left totbe judgment of parliament, though the government is Inclined to tbo belief that it would be more convenient to leave post office matters in the bands of the postmaster general. Quarantine aud one or two other subjects were left in the same category. The next subject be bad to approach was that of the composition of the proposed legislative body. The bill proposed to introduce two orders, who would sit and deliberate together with the right of voting separately on an r oc casion, and on the demand of either body, which should be able to introduce a veto upon any measure for a limited time, either until the dissolution or for three years. The orders would bo constituted as follows: First— were the twenty-eight repre aaniativti oaera. who could not coaUouo to pit in the bouse of lords after the representa tives of tbo Irish people left the house of commons. They would have tbo option of sitting as a portion of TIIK VIItST ORDER In tbe Irish parliament with the power of sitting for life. Some peoplo thought that option was not likely to be used, but tbe Speaker was not of that number. He pro posed that with tho twenty-eight peers now in tbe house of lords there should sit seventy five representatives elected by the Irish peo ple. With regard to tho powers or election the constituency would be oonipoeed of occu piers of the value or £-■.'> and upwards and they would bo elected for ten years. The property qualification of these representa tives would be £200 annual value on a capital value of £4,000. Mr. Gladstone said be pro posed that the 10l Insb members in tho house of commons should be members of the Irish parliament, and whilst the first order of tho legislative body would consist of 103 mem bers, tho second order would consist of 2ott. It was prop< s -d to retain the viceroy, but he would not be the representative of a party, or quit office with an outgoing government. Tbe queen would be empowered to delegate to him any prerogatives she now enjored or would enjoy. The religious disability now ex isting which makes Homaa Catholics ineli gible to the office would be removed. With regard to the judges who bad been concerned in tbe administration of tho criminal law in Ireland, her majesty might, if she saw cause, by order In council, antedate the pensions of these particular judges. In future the judges would be appointed by the Irish government, be pul-J out or tbe consolidated fund and be removable only by the joint address of the two orders. THE CONSTABCLART would remain under their present term of service and under their present authority. Tbe charge for tbe constabulary was now £1,500.000 per annum, and the speaker felt confident the charge would be reduced, but. for the present, he proposed to relieve the Irish legislative body of all expenditure for tbe constabulary in excess of £1.000.000 per annum. Tbe government had node-sire to exempt tbe peace of Ireland In reference to its final position from the ultimate control of tbe Irish legislative body. The speaker bad no jealousy upon that subject, as the care of providing for tbo ordinary security of life and property was the first duty of a local government. With impost to the civil s -rv ice, the government did not think their case was the same as the constabulary, and the transfer of tbe civil service to the legislative body would effect a great economy. He therefore though it would be wise to author ize the civil servants now serving, to claim tbe pensions tbat would be due to them upon the abolition of their offices, provided they served two years, in order to prevent incon venience from a rapid transition of tbe serv ice, and at tbe close of that time both parties should be free to negotiate afresh. That was all. Mr. Gladstone stated, that he bad to say on tbe subject of the new Irish constitution. Tho proportion of tbe IMPERIAL BCSDDB which ho had to propose tbat Ireland should bear was as one to fourteen. He thought that the new Iri-li parliament ouirht to start with a balance to its credit, bat tbe only tunJ that it would have, if left alone, would be tbe solitary £20,000 from the Irish church fund. He knew no way of providing the necessary mono.-, except by carrying it oat of this year's budget, and he proposed that in the future Ireland should pay one-flfteeo/ < towards the imperial expenditure. He weu. i to speak of bow much Ireland would sain by export ing spirits to Great Britaiu, and how much Great Britain would lose to Ireland by the flow of money train one to tbe other. As the result of careful inquiry he stated with con fidence, not as any actual demonstration, but as a matter of certainty with regard to the lar greater portion, that the Irish receipts would gain from Great Rritian a sum that would amount to £1,400,000 per annum. He then entered into an elaborate calculation of the total income and expenditure of Ireland, in the course of which he stated that the total charge to Ireland, as an Imperial contribu tion, bo put at £3,242.000 per annum. He stated, as an instance of the intense demoral ization of the Irish administration, that while tbo postotlice in England showed a large sur plus in Ireland, it just paid Its expenses. He estimated THE TOTAL EXPENDITURE of Ireland, including a payment as a sinking fund for the Irish portion of tbe national debt at £7.946,000 per annum. Against that there was a total income of £8,350.000, or a surplus to the governmen' of £404.000. It has uatu rally been said in EaftTaad end Scotland, that for a great many years past wo have been struggling to pass good laws for Ireland, and that we have sacrificed our time, neg lected our interests and paid our money, and wo have done all this in the endeavor to give Ireland good laws. That is quire true with regard to the general course of legislation since 1849. Many of these laws bavo been passed under an influence which I can hardly describe other than as the influence of fear. With regard to the history of tho land qu ■>- tion no man could know that until he had followed it from year to year, begining with tbe Devon c o.umission, the aopomtment of which, in the speaker's opinion, did tbe highest honor to tbe memory of Sir Robert Peele [cheers], and then to examine tbe mode in which the whole labor of the commission bad been frustrated by the domination of selfish interest [Parnellite cheers]. Redid not deny the good intention of the British parliament to pa&sgood laws for Ireland, but be said, in order to work out the purposes of government, there Is something more in this world occasionally required than tbe passing of good laws. [Hear! Hear!] It is some times necessary not only tbat good laws should be passed, but also that they should be passed by THK PROPER PERSONS. The parsing of many good laws is not enough in cases where tbe strong instincts of tbe people, distinct marks of character and his tory, require not only that these laws should be good, but that they should proceed from congenial and native sources, and that be sides being good laws they should be their own laws. [Irish cheers.] At times I doubted whether this necessity h a] been fully devel oped, and especially with respect to Ireland. If doubts could be entertained before tbe last general election, they cannot now be enter tuined. The principle I have laid down lam not laying down for Ireland exceptionally. It is tbe very principle upon which, within my recollection, to tbe immense advantage, of the country, parliament has not ouly altered but revolutionized our method of govern ment. When I bcld office at the colonial office fifty years ago, the colonies were gov erned from Downing street. Tbe result was that the home government was always in conflict with those countries which bad legis lative assemblies. We had continual shocks with the colonies then. But all that has been changed. Ibo British parliament tried to pass good laws for the colonies, but tbe col onies said, "We don't want your good laws; wo want our own good laws " and parliament at length admitted the reasonableness of this principle. This principle has now come home to us from across tbe seas, and the bouse has now to consider whether it is applicable to tbe case of Ireland. We now stand face to face with what is termed HUSH NATIONALITY. venting itself in a demand for general self government in Irish, not in imperial affairs. 1 hold that there is such a talag as local patriotism, which in itself is not bad, but good. [Cheers]. The Welchman is full of local patriotism. Tbo Scotchman is full of local patriotism. No. Scotch nationality is as strong as It ever was, and if the need were to arise I believe it would be as ready to a«scrt itself as it was in tbe days of Uannockburn. [Cheers]. If I read Irish history arigm mis fortune and calamity have wedded Ml to their soil with an embrace yet closer than is known elsewhere, and the irishman is still more profoundly Irish, but it does not follow tbat beoanse bis local patriotism is strong he should be incapable of an Imperial patriot ism. There ar9 two modes of presenting tbe subjoct which I have argued. One of them is to present what we now recommend as good and the other is to present it as a choice of evils and as the least among the varied evils with which as possibilities we are confronted. Well I have argued the matter as if it had been a choice of evils. I have recognized as facts and as entitled to attention jealousies which I myself do not share or feel. I have argued it on that ground as the only ground on which it can be recommended, not only to a mixed auditory, but tbe publio mind of the country that cannot give MINUTE INVESTIGATION to all portions of this complicated question. Ido not know whether it may appear too bold, but in my own heart I cherish the hope that this is not merely a choice of lesser evlL but tbat it may be proved to he ere long a Rood in itself. [Loud cheers.] There is I know, an answer to this, and what is the an swer? The answer is only found in tbe view which rests upon a basis of despair, of abso lute condemnation of Ireland and Irishmen, as exceptions to these beneficial provisions wbicb have made in general, Europeans in particular. Englishmen and Americans capablo of self government; that an Irishman is alusus nature,tbat Just Ice. common sense, moderation, natural prosperity, have no maantuv tor him. that all that ha can under stand and all that ho can appreciate Is strife and perpetual dissensions. Sow, sir, I am not going to argue lathis house, whether this view, thin monstrous view [Irish cheers. Is a correct one. I say an Irishman is as capable of loyalty as any other man. [Kenowed Irish cheers. | but if his loyalty has been chocked, why It is because the laws by which . be is governed do not present themselves to him as they do to us In England or Scotland, with a native and comremal element. I have no ritrht to «ay that Ireland through her constitutionally elected members will accept the measure I propose. 1 hope they will, but I have no right to assume it, nor have I any POWER TO ENFORCE it upon the people of England and Scotland, but I rely on the patriotism and tho sagacity of this house, on free and full discussion, and more than all, upon the Justice and generous sentiments of the two British nations, and looking forward I ask the house, believing that no trivial motive could have driven us to assist in, the work we have undertaken (work which wo believe will restore parliament to Its dignity and legislation to its free and unimpeded course). I ask them to stay the waste of the public * treasure under the present system of government and ad ministration in Ireland, which is not waste only, but waste which demoralizes while it exhausts. I ask them to show to Europe and America that we too can face the political problems which America had to face twenty years ago, and which many countries in Europe have been called on to face and have not feared to deal with. I ask that wo shall practice as wo have very often preached, and that In our own case we should be firm and fearless in applying the doctrines we have often inculcated on others, that tho conces sion of XOCAL SELF-OOVERNMF.NT Is not the way to sap and impair, but to Strengthen and consolidate unity. I ask that we should learn to rely less on mero written stipulations, and more on these better stipu lation* written on the heart and mind of man. I ask that we should apply to Ireland the happy experience we have gained in England and Scotland, where a course of generations has now taught us, not as a dream or a the ory, but as a matter of practice and of life, that the best and surest foundation we can find to build on is the foundation afforded by the affections and convictions and will of man. and that It is thus by the decree of the Almighty, that far more than by any other method we may l*» enabled to secure at once the social happiness, the power and the per manence of the empire. Mr. Gladstone resumed his seat amid bursts of enthusiastic cheers, which were sustained for several minutes. Mr. Glad stone's speech was throe hoars and twenty five minutes in duration. lie finished at 8 o'clock. PARKELL PLEASED, Although He Finds Some Fault With t Ik- Pleasure. At the conclusion of Mr. Trevellyan's speech Mr. Parnell arose and was received with cheers by the Irish members. He congratulated Mr.Trevollyan on baring, like the t rt'iieh general who bud unsuccess fully defended Paris, his own plan, a plan, however, which did not seem to awaken much enthusiasm in the house. Mr. Trev ellyan, he said, had stated why he bad left the government, but not why he * bad resigned his post as chief secretary [Cheers from the Irish benches.] Mr. Par nell then went on to justify his past utter ances and actions, which had been impugned by Mr. Trcvcllyan. Speaking of America and the assassination literature which came from America, Mr. Parnell said that most of the literature was neither American nor Irish literature. If Mr. Trevellyan were to study the literature ol America at this moment he would find that sympaty for the just settle ment of the grievances of Ireland by the concession of a domestic " legislature is shown by all classes, whether Irish or native born American, and more especially that native-born Americans are welcoming the efforts of Mr. Gladstone, in the belief that they will bring peace between England and Ireland, and more especially between Irish-Americans and England. It is a remarkable fact that the great meetings, now being held in favor of an Irish legisla ture, are mainly called together and organ ized by native-born Americans, by editors and conductors of Irish- American newspa pers. We regard the fact that during the last live or six months wo . have succeeded in entirely gaining the sympathy of the two great r — • — PARTIES IN AMERICA, the Democrats and the Republican?, as a good omen for the future. [Cheers. J As to the bill before the bouse, while reserving his full expression ot opinion until he had seen the bill, Mr. Parnell congratulated the bouse on the fact that there was still living an English statesman who could devote attention to this important matter, and begged to thank Mr. Gladstone for what would not only prove a beneficial move [cheers] from tho Irish point of view, but which be (Parnell) believed would be found to be of equal benefit to England. The bill nevertheless contained blots which tho Irish representa tives would do their best to remove. One of these was to be found in the financial pro posals of the bill, which he regarded as very unfavorable to Ireland, especially in regard to the Irish tribute to the imperial exchequer. He also complained of the proposition rela tive to the two orders intended to constitute the Irish parliament, on the ground that the first order consisting of peers not subject to the influence of the popular vote would have the power of hanging up measures demanded by the people and their representatives for two or three years. On the whole, however, apart from these defects, he believed the measure woul_ be cheerfully accepted by the Irish people and their representatives, as a satisfactory solution of the long-standing dispute bet wee the two countries and as tending to pros ' m perity and peace in Ireland and to satisfac m Uon in England. (Cheers.) On motion of Mr. Chamberlain the de bate was adjourned. Sir Win. llarcourt, previously stating that Mr.Gladstone would move to-morrow to give the debate prece dence on other matters. Mr. Gladstone left the house ten minutes after concluding his speech, lie was affected by the reaction after the intense excitement of the day and was obliged to retire to rest immediately after dinner. The cabinet has been sum moned to meet on Friday. AS VIEWED BY THE PRESS. A Mixture of Apprehension, (on demnation and Hope. London*. April 9. — After the adjourn ment of the house of commons last night eighty of the Parnellite members met in conclave and discussed Mr. Gladstone's speech until 10 p. m. Advices from Dublin and Belfast say that there was consider able excitement in those cities on receipt of reports . of the premier's speech. Great crowds gathered around th? newspa per offices to learn the details of Mr. Glad stone's Irish scheme. Tbo evening papers all published extra editions giving the; speech in full. No disorders are reported. The morning Post (Conservative) admits that Mr. Gladstone's speech was a great orator ical effort, wanting none of the tire and but 1 ttle f tin vigor which in p Ml times electr lied parliament. But." It continues, "friends and foes are alike astonished at the crudity of the plans, and we perhaps do not err if we say that, with the exception of the Parnollltes there are not twenty members who are not be wildered as to bow such a scheme could seri ously bo proposed. Fortunately there is not the remotest chance that any such scheme will receive tbo sanction of parliament." THE DAILY NEWS SATS! If enthusiastic cheering ringing on both sides of the house is significant, Mr. Glad stone's scheme has already received the ap proval of the house of common). The speech will rank as one of Mr. Gladstone's highest efforts. Experience, however, has shown that immediate triumph is sometimes fol lowed by final disaster. How tho scheme will fare in Its progress througn the commons it is difficult to forecast. It is full of contro versial matters, no more espec ially in respect to the constitution of the proposed parliament and tho financial arrangement between England and Hreand, but in its broad principles it 13 well calcu lated to allay fears excite.!, and will prepare tbo public mind for a calm and rational con sideration of one of tbe greatest problems ever presented. Mojo serious than tho Con servative and Orange opposition is Mr. Tre velyan's attitude, which probably indicates the standpoint of Lord . Hartington's Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Goscbcn. A grave responsibility rests upon these statesmen. A simple negative will not suffice. Something must bo done for Ireland. Tbe best and most patriotic thing for parliament to do is Continued on Fourth Pace. ■ ■J M. _ _ — * - '■*■ * ii r — -*- B^H'l II MMFT SILVER IN THE HOUSE The Members Put the Seal of Disapproval on Both Suspension and Free Coinage, Which Means That the Coinage Must Ee main for Some Time Under the Present Law. The Vote On Suspension 84 to SOI, and On Free Coinage 126 to 103. How the Minnesota Members Voted — The Senate Discusses Waslx luzton Territory. The Free Silver Bill Killed. Special to the Globe. Washington, April — The house placed itself on record to-day as opposed, by a large majority, to changing the exist ing law in regard to silver. Before the de bate closed this afternoon the members of the coinage committee had agreed among themselves that only one amendment might be offered berore tlid vote was taken upon the passage of the bill, namely, that if no international agreement in regard to silver should be made before 1880, the com plnsory clause of the existing law in re gard to the monthly coinage of silver dol lars should be inoperative. This was re jected by 117 majority. Of the eighty-four who voted for conditional suspension after ISSO, thirty were Democrats. Of the 201 voting against suspension 133 were Demo crats and 68 Republicans. When the speaker announced the defeat of the Dibble amend ment, Mr. Bland, Mr. Weaver of lowa and Mr. Warner of Ohio looked happy and con fident, apparently expecting that the free coinage bill would get through. When the vote on free coinage was taken there was a great deal of talking and moving about on the part of members who have heretofore been active on either side, and deep interest was manifested in the result The score stood 126 for free coinage to 163 against it. Thirty Republicans and 96 Democrats voted for it, and 92 Republicans and 71 Democrats against it. Mr. Bland admits his disappointment at the defeat of his bill, but says he will bring forward free coinage again if any attempt is made to pass a suspension bilL THE HOUSE'S DECISIVE VOTE. Washington, April 8. — The house took up the silver bill and Mr. Dibble spoke in opposition to it Mr. Herbert defended the administration. Mr. Bland asked leave to withdraw the motion entered by him yes terday to recommit the bill, but Mr. Mor gan objected. Finally, however, Mr. Bland succeeded in getting unanimous con sent of withdrawal. Mr. Dibble offered an amendment providing that, unless in the meantime through concurrent action of the nations of Europe with the United States silver be remouetized prior to July 1, 1889, then and thereafter so much of the act of Feb. 28. 1878, as authorized and directs the secretary of the treasury to purchase silver bullion, and cause the same to be coined, shall be suspended until further action by congress. ° The amendment was defeated — yeas 84, nays 201 — as follows: YEAS. Adams (111.) Flndlay,* Phelps, Allen (Mass.) Gallinjrer, Pindar,* Arnot*, Gibson* (Md.) Pulitzer,* Atkinson, Green* (N. J.) Randall,* Baker, Grout, Kanney, Bayne, Harmer,* Seed, Beach,* Haynes, Rockwell, Belmont,* Hemphill,* Sawyer, Bingham, Hewitt,* Scott." Bliss,* Hiestand, Scrauton, Bound, Hires, Seymour,* Boutelle, James,* Shaw,* Bunnell, Johnson, Sowdcn,* Burlolgh, Ketcham, Spooner, Campbell*(NY)Lehlbach, Spriggs,* Cole.* (Md)~ — Llndsley, Stablnecker,*- Collins,* Long, Stewart, (Vt.) Davenport, Mahoney.* Stone (Mass.) Davis, McAdoo,* Storm,* Dibble,* McComas, Strait, Dingley, Merniuan,* Swope,* Dowdney,* Millard, Viele,* Dunham, Milllken, Wadsworth, Ely. Mitchell,* "Wait, Ermentrout,* Muller,* Weber, Evans, O'Neill (Pa.) West, E verb art, Parker, Whiting— 84. Farqunar, Payne, NATS. Anderson* (O.)Glass,* O'Hara, Anderson(Kas}Glover,* O'Neill* (Mo.) Ballentine,* Goff, • Osoorne, Barbour,* Green* (N. C.) Outhwaite,* Barksdale,* Grosyenor, Owen, Burnes,* Guenther, Payson, Berry.* Hale,* Peel,* Bennett,* Hall,* Perkins, Blanchard,* Halsell, • Perry,* Bland,* Hammond,* Peters, Mount,* Hanbauk, Plumb, Boyle,* Harris,* Price, Brady, Hatch,* Reagan.* Br*kr'ge.*(Ak) Heard,* Reid,* (N. C.) Br'kr'ge.* (Ky)Henderson(la.) Richardson,* Browne, Hend's'n* (NC) Robertson * Brown (Pa.) Henderson (Ill) Rogers,* Brumm, Henley,* Roineis, Buchanan, Hepburn, Rowell, Bum-.' Herbert,* Ryan, Burrows, Herman, Sayers,* Butterworth, Hill,* Seney,* Bynum,* Hill, Sessions, Cabell.* Holman,* Singleton,* Caldwell,* Hollos, Skinner.* Campbell* (O.)Hopklns, Smalls, Candler,* Honk, Snyder,* Cannon, Howard,* Springer,* Carleton,* Irion,* Steele, Catehings,* Johnston (Ind.)Stephenson, Clardy.* Johnston* (NC)Stewart* (Tex) Clements,* Jones* (Tex.) St. Martin,* Cobb,* Kins?.* Stone* (Mo.) Comstock,* Kleiner.* Struble, Conger, Laffoon,* Symes, Cooper, La Follettc, Tarsney,* Cowles,* Laird, Taulbee,* Cox,* Landes, Taylor,E.B.(O.) Cram,* Lanham,* TaylorJ*(Tenn) Crisp,* Lawler,* Tayior.Z(Tenn) Cro.xton,* Le Fevre,* Thomas (Wig.) CuH'cr.-on,* Little, Thompson. Curtln,* Loutitt, Throckmorton* Cutchcon, Lovering,* Tillman,* Daniel,* Lowry,* Trip.*,* Davidson*( Ala) Tucker,* Davidson*(Fla)Markham, Turner,* Dawson.* Martin,* Van Eaton,* Dockery,* Matson,* Wade. Dorsey, Maybury,* Wakefleld, Dougherty,* McCreary,* Ward* (111.) Dunn,* McKenna, Warner* (O.) Eden,* McKlnley, Warner, (Mo.) Eldredge,* McMiUin,* Weaver, (Neb.) Ell-berry,* Mcßea,* Weaver* (la.) Felton, Miller,* Wellborn,* Fisher,* Moffatt, Wheeler,* Floeper, Morgan,* White, (Minn.) Foran,* Morrill, White, (Pa.) Ford,* Morrison,* Wliklns,* Forney,* Morrow, Willis,* Frederick,* . Murphy,* Wilson,* Fuller, Neal,* Wise,* Funston, Neece,* Wolford,* Gay,* Oates,* Woodburn, (it-Wiles,* O'Donnell. Worthington,* Gilflllan, O'Ferrell,* —201 •Democrats. The question then recurred on the en grossment and third reading of the bill, and it was decided in the negative — 126; nays, 163. So the bill was killed. Following is the vote in detail: TEAS. Anderson(Ks), Hatch,* Reagan,* Ballantine,* Heard,* Reid,* Barltsdale,* Henderson(lll) Reese,* Barnes,* Henley,* Richardson,* Barry.* Herman, Rljrgs,* Bennett,* Hill,* Robertson,* Bland* Holman,* Rogers,* Brady, Hauk, Ryan, Br'kr'ge,*(Ak) Howard,* Sayers,* ' Brumm. Irion,* Sessions, Burnes,* Johnston(lnd) Seney,* Bynum,* Johnston*(N C)Singleton,* Cabell,* Jones.* (Tex), Skinner.* Caldwell,* King.* Snyder.* Candlcr,* . Kleiner.* Springer,* Carletop,* Laffoon,* Stewart,* (Tex) Cardy.* Landes,* St Martin,* Clements,* Lanham.* Stone,* (Mo), Cobb,* Lawler,* Symes, Comstock,* iiofevre,* Tarsnoy,* Cowles,* Loutitt, Taulbee,* Crisp,* Lowry,* TaylorJ*(Tenn) Craxton.* Markham, Taylor,Z(Tenn) Culberson,* Matson,* Throckmorton* Cnxtla,* Mavburv.* • Till man. NO. 9 9 Daniels,* McMillan,* Trlag* Dawaon,* Mcßea,* Van Eaton.* Dockery,* Miller,* Wade, »unn,» Morrill, Warner,* (O) Eldredpe,* Morrow, Wuruor, (Mo) Elsbrry,* Neal,* Weaver, (Neb) Ford,* Neece,* Weaver,* (1») Forney,* O'Ferrall,* Wellborn,* Frederick,* O'Hara, Wheeler,* Funston, O'Neil,* (Mo) White, (Pa) Glass,* Owen, Wilkins,* Goll, Payson, Wise,* Green,*(N. C.) Pee),* Walford,* Hale,* Perkins, Woodburn, Halsell,* Perry,* Wortbington,* Hammond,* Peters, —128 Hanbaok, Plumb, Harris,* Pirce, NATS. Adams (111.), Fleeter, Oatea,* Allen (Mass.), Foran,* O'Donnell, Anderson (O),*Fuller, O'Neill (Pa.), Arnot,* Gallinger, Osborne, Atkinson, Gary, Outhwaite,* Baker, Geddes,* Parker, Harbour,* Gibson, (Md.),*Payne, Bayne, Gilflllan, Phelps, ►Beach,* Glover,* Pindar,* Belinont,* Green (N. J.),*Pulitzer, Biugbam, Grosvenor, Kandall,* Blanchard,* Grout, Ranney, Bliss*, Guenther, Reed, Blount,* Hall, Rockwell, Bound, Harmer, Roineii, Boutelle, Haynes. Kowell, Boyle,* Hemphill,* Sawyer, Breckenridge,*Henderson(la),Scott,* Browne, H'nd'rs'n(NC)»Scranton, Brown, Hepburn, Seymour,* Buchanan, Herbert,* Shuw,* Bunnell, Herman, Smalls, Burleigh, Hiestand, Bowdea,* Burrows, Hires, Spooner, Butterworth, Hitt, Spriggs,* Campbell, F..* Holmes, Stahlnecker,* Campbell (O),*Hopkins, Steele, Campbell,T.,* Johnson, Stephenson, Cannon,- Ketcbum, Stewart (V t.), Catchiugs, LaFollette, Stone (Ma ss.j. Cole,* Laird, Storm* Collins,* Lehlbach, Strait, Conger, Lindsey, St ruble. Cooper, Little, Swinbourne, Cox,* Long,* Swope,* Cram,* Lore, Taylor, E. 8., Cutobeon, Lovering,* Thomas (Wis ) Daveuport, Lyman, Thompson, Davidson*(Ala)Mahoney,* Tucker,* Davidson* (Fla)Martin,* Turner • Davis, McAtioo,* Viele,* Dibble,* MeLouias, Wadsworth, Dinjrley, McCreary,* Wait, Dorsey, McKenny, Wakefleld, Dougherty,* McKinley, Ward (111.) • Dowdney,* Merriman,* Weber, Dunham, Millurd. West, Eden,* Milliken, White (Minn.), Ermentrout,* Mitchell,* Whiting, Evans, Moffatt, Willis,* Everhart, Morgan,* Wilson,* Farquhar, Morrison,* —163. Felton, Mueller,* Findlay,* Murphy,* Fisher,* Norwood 1 * •Democrats- At 6:30 the bouse adjourned. HOW THE MIXNESOTIAN'S VOTED, Special to the Globe. Washington*, April 8. — On the propo sition to suspend silver coinage Messrs. White Wakelield and Gilfilian voted no, Strait voted aye, and Nelson did not vote. On the vote for free coinage all the Minne sota members voted no except Nelson, who was not present. Congressman Strait, who voted for the proposition to suspend the silver coinage, said to the Globe correspondent this morn ing that he did so because he thought the government ought not to put forward a seventy-nine-cent piece of money as a dol lar. If the government would put a dollar's worth of silver into a dollar he would not object even to free coinage. WASHINGTON TERRITORY. The Senate Discusses Mr. Platt'sEu abliug Act. Washington, April B.— The senate unanimously passed the house bill lor the erection of a building for a congressional library. The bill granting the Kansas & Texas Railroad company a right of way for a railway through the Indian Territory passed— yeas 36, nays 8. The Indian ap propriation bill was reported and placed on the calendar. The Washington Territory bill was taken up, and Mr. Voorhees' amendment, which consists of an enabling act for the admission of Montana, was voted down by a party vote — yeas 19, nays 23— the Democrats voting in the affirmative and the Republicans in the negative. Mr. Eustis moved to amend by confining the right of suffrage in the proposed new state to qualified male electors only. He sup ported his amendment in which he main tained that if congress passed the bill as it stood admitting female suffrage, the state of Washington could send a female United States senator. One result of that would be that the problem of secret sessions would be instantly solved [laughter]. On the ques tion of the constitutional qualification of a female senator, for example, as respects age — [great laughter, in which the remain der of Mr. Eustis' sentence was lost], Mr. Beck remarked, sotto voce, that the woman would never be old enough to come within the constitutional limitation as to age [re newed laughter]. Mr. Eustis characterized woman suffrage as a demoralized proposi tion and as an '"offense and destructive ta the institution of the family." A long dis cussion ensued, but without reaching a vota the senate adjourned. Yesterday's Cabinet Sleeting. Washington, April 8. — Acting Secre tary Fairohild again represented the treas ury department at the cabinet meeting to day. All the other departments were rep resented except the department of justice. Attorney General Garland is still detained at his house by illness. He expects to bf able to resume his official duties as soon ai the weather moderates. One of the ques* tions considered by the cabinet was the al leged discourteous treatment of the new Chinese minister by the collector of cus toms of San Francisco. Washington Waifs. The senate committee on public lands yes terday directed Senator Berry to report th 4 new Hot Springs bill- It is an elaborate measure, the chief feature being a provision directing the leasing of the permanent batty houses at an annual rental of not less thai| $40 a tub until 1897. The leases made undev the act of 1378 are declared cancelled. The house committee on the judiciary yes» terday instructed Representative Gates to ro» port favorably his bill to repeal those section* of the revised statutes prohibiting the pay* ment of pensions or allowance of claims of any person who was not loyal to the Unite* States during the late war. A J*lail Car Burned. Cleveland. April 8. — A mail car o» Lake Shore train No. 4, with mail matter from the west for all important points east of Toledo, caught fire west of Oak Harbor this morning. The car was side tracked, but the flames had such control that the car and its contents were entirely consumed. Only three accidents of this character have occurred since 1878. The cause of the file is unknown. Private telegrams indicate that the corpse referred to was the late Mrs. A. T. Nettle ton of St. Paul, which was on its way to Connecticut for interment. Mr. Nettleton and Mrs. Couch, mother of Mrs. Nettleton were on the train. It is reported that their buggage was wholly burned. Elinor mishaps. During a fearful gale on Tuesday night an unknown schooner went ashore at Southwest Harbor, Me., and before morning was badly wrecked. It is supposed that the vessel was the Chaaticleer of Vinal Haven. The body of an unknown sailor has been found, and it is supposed the entire crew of five or six men are victims of the waves. Fire broke out yesterday morning In the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts, Phila delphia, aud many valuable pictures wera burned and many pieces of statuary damaged. Harrison's "Bord de Mer" was burned. A committee of coal miners representing the 6,000 diggers in the four pools on the Monongabola river called upon the operators yesterday and notified them that if their wages were not advanced on May I from I}£ to S*4 cents per bushel a general strike would be inaugurated.