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THE DAILY GLOBE (PUBLISHED EVERY DAY IX Tin-: YEAR. 7" LEWIS BAKER. ST. PAUI . MONDAY, MAY 28, 1838. I The GLO-fIE Press Room is Open Every Night to ail Advertisers who desire to Convince Themselves that the GLOBE has the Largest Circulation of any Newspaper Northwest of Shicago. ST. PAUL OI.OIJE SUBSCRIPTION KATES. Daily (Not Including Sunday.) 1 yr in advance.?.. 00 I 3 m. in advances 200 6 m. iv advance 4 00 I G weeks in adv. 1 00 Oae montn 70c. * ,' DAILY AND SUNDAY. lyrlnadvaiiceSlo 00 I 3 mos. in adv..s2 50 6 m. in advance 500 I 5 weeks in adv. 100 One month 85c. jk SL'NDAY ALONE. advance. 00 j ALONE. in adv 50c J»!n advance. § 200 j 3 mos. in adv 50c 6m. in advance 1 00 1 1 mo. in adv 20c Tei -Weekly— (Daily — Monday, Wednesday and" Friday.) lyriu advance. s4 00 | 0 mos. in adv. .$2 00 3 mouths, in advance §1 00. WEEKLY ST. PAUL GLOBE. Op- ear. $1 1 Six Mo. 05c | Three Mo. 35c IOJ6»_» 1 communications cannot be pre served. Address all letters and telegrams to THE GLOBE. St. Paul, Minn. -SAY'S WEATHER. Washington, May 28, 1 a. m.— For Mic_l pan and Wisconsin: Slight chances in tem perature, followed by cooler, local rains, fol lowed by fair weather iv Upper Michigan end Wisconsin; fresh to brisk variable winds. For Minnesota and Dakota: Slightly warmer, fair weather; winds becoming light to fresh variable. For lowa, Kansas and Nebraska: Slightly warmer; local rain?, followed by fair weather; fresh to brisk northerly winds, becoming variable. general observations. St. Paul, May 27.— The following obser vations -were made at 8:48 p. m., local time: ' c 5i aw H. 3.* 2. S x te* s c"*=! te 3 * S*o Place of E" 2} Place of *." i" Obs'vation. ££, 2 & Obs'vation. |= £ & H 2 __a B 2 ■___ £. ~' s- 2. .cr a ■ a a • a> 7- '. " r : ■? St. Paul..:. 129.72 50 1 Ft. Totten. 29.96 54 Duluth 29.70 52) 1 Fort Garry 29.94 42 La Crosse. 129.66 60 Ft. Sully.*. 29.88 GO Huron 29.82 58 .Minnedosa 29.92 50 Moorhead. l29.B4 5G Edmonton Bismarck. :. >.o» 56 Calgary.. .. 29.80 68 Ft. Bufurd;:so.O2 56 ! Medic'e 11. 29.86 70 Ft. Custer. l ; Qu' Ap'lle Helena.. .. 30.08 00 -.ft Cur'nt 29.94 58 -^m~ _. Cleveland seems to have a walk_ away in the Democratic Derby. __- A movement to indict the weather clerk would find many supporters. _» The St. Paul base ball club seems to have gotten its second wind. It is to be hoped that it will not lose it. -_*» The Republican delegates ought to go in a body to St. Louis if they want to see how a president is named. ___. Tin: half-holiday movement is grow ing. It should reach its full stature be fore the hot weathei comes upon us. _-__»• The Minnesota lake season has fairly begun. A little thing like the weather cannot dampen the ardor of Minnesotiaug. «-_■■ Harvard "having won the famous in tercollegiate athletic cup, the cause of education in New England has received a decided boost. mm The Slew York stock market is in a flurry because Jay Gould has the neu ralgia. If toothache supervenes a panic may be expected. Wouldn't it be instructive if the va rious Republican gubernatorial candi dates could submit to the people a vote on their respective claims'.' _*> Congressman Lixi) seems to be Con gressman Nelson's "Me -too." Let us hope be will keep the character up when it comes to a vote on the Mills hill. -__» Congressman Nelson will have to wait for the political millennium before he can expect to see the Republicans introduce a tariff reform measure of their own accord. _»■ If congress had done its duty in re ducing the surplus, the government would not now be obliged to buy its own bonds at a large premium before they come due. -_■» __ The chamber of commerce will further consider the library matter this morning. There should be but one ex pression regarding it, and that emphati cally in its favor. ■ -_■. The senate has heard from the North- West pretty emphatically regarding the Mississippi reservoirs. Now let us see if it knows how to heed a vigorous, warning when it hears it. m Nearly all the members of the board of directors of the Library are members of the chamber of commerce. They should express themselves on the sub ject at this morning's meeting. --_-■- A WET JUNE. Rev. Irl Hicks, of St. Louis, the only weather prophet who is honored in his own country, predicts that there will be twenty-one days of rain in the month of June. He bases his prediction on the three planetary conjunctions which are to occur in that month. Heretofore Mr. Hicks has been remarkably accurate in his forecasts of the weather. We re member the time when he came up to Miunetonka to see the lake swept by a storm of his prediction and lie saw it. That is why his predictions now give one the horrors. He says that he will be unable to tell what kind of weather there will be after the 21st of June until that time arrives. If we are to have a three weeks' deluge before that time, it doesn't make much differ ence what kind of weather there is to be after that. Everybody will b drowned out, as no one has had the forethought to build an ark. The best we can do is to make up our minds to take what conies. 'm 9 A NEW HEART DISEASE. There is something ominous in the frequency with which we hear of deaths from heart diseases these latter days. Heart disease has many different forms, and is probably as old as the human race. And yet it does seem that some new heart trouble of unusual fatality has been developed within the last few years. Kidneys have been diseased ever since men had kidneys, yet it was only a few years ago that medical science discovered the new form of it popularly known as Blight's disease, a form that was more fatal than all others that had been previously known. While there was a great diversity of opinion among the doctors in the begin ning as to the origin of Blight's disease, still there is now a pretty gen eral concurrence that high living has something to do with it. Isn't it reasonable to suppose, then, that this new heart malady owes its ori gin to some of the new conditions of our modern civilization? Without knowing what the professionals think of this new disease, it doesn't take a layman long to trace its origin to the highly excited conditions of our American business life. This may be properly classed ; s the age of nervous exhaustion. Every thing is in a push and a hurry. Our '• isiness methods require the busi ness man to keep --his;- nervous system keyed up to the . highest tension. Otherwise he lags hi the race for suprema»y. The result is a con tinuous nervous strain— no rest, ho re laxation, until the inevitable collapse occurs. When the machine runs down it stops, and the man is dead. For want of a better name we call it heart dis ease, and that is a good enough name, because the heart is the source of vital ity. But the point to be considered is, do we not owe it to ourselves and to those who come after us, to reform our business methods? Is the quick devel opment of the nation's material re sources so imperative that in order to accomplish it we shall cut short our own existence and leave behind us a heart diseased generation? . '■ - -a. MR. M'CLUNG'S DEATH. The announcement of the sudden death of J. W. M Clung will be sad news to his numerous friends in this city. Although not a very old man, he was ranked among the pioneers of St. Paul, and there was no man in the city who took a more, active interest in pub lic affairs, or was more loyal to the city's interest than Mr. McClung. He was quite a young man when he left his Kentucky home and came to the North west. With that foresight which char acterized all his .'business adventures in after life, he saw that the young town _£_!>« head of navigation on the Mis sissippi had a great future before it, offering opportunities for a young man that could be found no where else, and here he located. The wisdom of his choice has been amply verified by his subsequent business success. Mr. McCeuxg will be missed. He was a man that no community could spare. Thoroughly honest in all his business methods, energetic almost to a fault, chock-full of public spirit and always awake to current events, he was just the kind of a man to make a useful citizen. He will be missed in every de partment of our social and business life, but his loss will be most severely felt in the chamber of commerce, a body to which he was devotedly attached, and to whose growth and prosperity he had contributed as much as any other one man. _- __ MAKE IT UNANIMOUS. At its meeting this morning the cham ber of commerce will probably vote upon the report of its committee which has been considering the question of a public library. The action of the cham ber will have a very strong influence upon the legislature, which must pass the act authorizing the necessary bonds, and upon the council, which must au thorize the negotiation of the bonds. The expression of the chamber should be such that neither body will have room for hesitancy or doubt as to the desira bility of the library and the fact of its necessity. The report of the committee should be, as it probably will, decidedly in favor of the project. The vote of the chamber should according unanimously approve the report of the committee. Since the agitation in favor of the library scheme has been begun not a voice has been heard against it. On the contrary, there have been many and emphatic expressions in its favor. The chamber need not be in doubt as to the feelings of the people in the matter. They recognize the fact that the library is for their benefit, and they accordingly favor it to a man. The action of the chamber will give quasi-official expression to this feeling, and it should be presented in a manner that will leave no room for doubt. Let the vote be unanimous. -_■■" __ QUITE A MISTAKE. With their habitual inconsequence and disregard of facts, nearly all of the partisan Republican journals are as serting that the Democratic national convention will not be indicative of the people's wishes at all, but that it will be a cut and dried affair without delib eration and without anything approach ing free will; that, in short, it belongs to Mr. Cleveland, has been assembled to do his bidding and will simply be a reflex of his wishes; that it will be an expression of one-man power amount ing almost to despotism, and more in the same strain. Nothing could be further from the truth, and none know this better than the editors of these partisan journals themselves. There is no doubt but that the convention will be animated with but one thought, so far as the presi dency is concerned, the renomination of President Cleveland; but it will not be because of any incentive to such action induced by the president himself. President] Cleveland has done literally nothing in the way of "setting up" the convention. He has not even indicated that he will be a candi date before it, and should he. upon its assembling present to it a letter of dec lination to be a candidate, there is no one who could assert that the president has done aught to render such a course inconsistent. Nevertheless the convention will be an out and out Cleveland gathering. Not because the president wishes it and has taken steps to bring about such a result, but because the people wish it and have most unmistakably indicated their wishes. They recognize the fact that in Cleveland they have a presi dent of the people, under whose admin istration the rights of the people and the side of justice are pre-eminent. They have looked upon his course and found it good. Therefore, through their ac credited representatives, they will de mand with one voice his contin uance in office. It may even be doubted whether they would suffer him to decline to be a candidate, even if he desired to do so. That is why it will indeed be a Cleats land convention, by virtue of the peo ple's will, and not through the presi dent's direction. ■ -•» HOW WILL THEY LIKE IT? There is one fact that stands pre eminent in all this discussion of the possible Republican candidate for the presidency, and that is that, whoever he may be, he will have to stand upon a protective platform, a high tariff plat form. Upon no other condition will those who control the purse-strings of the Republican party relax their grasp. Unless the candidate is irrevocably committed to the maintenance of high tariff ideas the millionaire monopolists who have been the dependence of the Republican campaign committee in the past will refuse to contribute a penny of the wealth which the high tariff has en abled them to abstract from the pockets of the people. Money will be more essential to the Republican- man agers this year than ever before. There fore, even though they do recognize the growing sentiment in their own party in behalf of tariff reform, they will not dare approve it at the cost of alienating the favor of the money bags. Nothing, then, is surer than that the candidate will stand upon the firmest kind of a protective platform. But Minnesota Republicans, to their honor be it said, have become thoroughly in earnest in their demand for tariff re form. They will brook no quibble or compromise. They refuse any longer patiently to pay tribute of their sub stance that a few mouopolists may be THE - SAINT PAUL DAILY GLOBE: MONDAY MOBNIKG, MAY 28, 1888: enriched,. even - though that be a part of their party doctrine. How, then, will the Minnesota Re publicans like being called upon to sup port a candidate who is professedly bound to do everything in his power to the detriment of their interests? ._» DRIFTWOOD. Notes Caught From the Swift-Roll ing Political Current. Should 1). M. Clough, or "Dave," as he is more familiarly known, really be a candidate for congress from the Ml /» . Fourth dist- rict, it is not to be expected that Loren Fletcherwould dare to oppose him with any vigor, nor the perpetual grin of Capt. Snider turn to a •frown. Clough sin the state s senate of 1887 made a host of friends. He was an active member on the floor and off of it, full of fun and snap. He took well with the country members, and if he made an enemy the fact was not discovered. dough's following among the Republicans of Hennepin, it is said, would be largely made up of men who won't stomach Fletcher, and who find Snider weak where he ought f__ r __£ "*t*»»- -. T ;.»..«. / .... 1-*;..., *«.] to Oe t._u__ B . _v_..v.uw v,„,. inc. _-__ dough were warm friends two years ago. During the session they were often together. Mr. Rice might be ex pected to use his influence with his Minneapolis Scandinavian friends to boom Mr. dough considerably. He would run better in Ramsey county than Fletcher would, but that is not saying much. Neither city will ever be content to see the congressman of the Fourth district come from the other one. This feeling is so strong that a certain St. Paul politician said not long ago: "If Fletcher is nominated I will go among the businessmen of St. Paul and inaugurate a movement independent of all parties to beat him." This was a Republican, too. Those in St. Paul who know Mr. dough speak highly of him and think that he would be a very clean candidate. # * * Apropos of the Scheffer alliance boom, it seems that there has been quite a split among the grangers as to whether or not Mr. Scheffer indorsed the platform of Messrs. Canning and Boen, which took up and indorsed Cleveland's message. That wing of the alliance to which Mr. Scheffer is now tied emphatically denies that lie ac cepted this platform, and goes further by saying that when he wrote his letter of acceptance to the alliance he knew nothing of this Democratic portion of the platform. In other words, they in dignantly repudiate all assertions that he has swallowed any Democratic doc trine. This then must necessarily make him a high protectionist, high license follower, etc., ad infinitum, though that is not the end desired by his zealous supporters. Canning, Boen and Fur long for the part they took in preparing this first platform are roundly denounced and given to understand that they do not represent the alliance. The amount of bickering and recrimination that is go ing on over this point— did or did not Mr. Scheffer inoculate himself with Democracy?— forces one to the con clusion that the only true representa tive of the Farmers' alliance now in ex istence is the calm, dispassionate and unterrified Eric Olson. Will Mr. Olson please explain what did happen to Mr. Scheffer? * # The Scheffer and Merriam campaign headquarters differ widely in their ap pearances, although they agree in this, that you rarely see either of the two leaders about them. In the Scheffer quarters there is great bustle and activity. Reading matter of all kinds— circulars, pamphlets, newspapers— are scattered about in great confusion. Clerks are busy labeling and assorting them for the mail. Half-opened cigar boxes reveal tempting smokers for all who call. On the walls hang two pictures of Mr. Scheffer— of recent date, finely fin ished ; the other a copy of a photograph taken when he was a soldier boy and his hair was dark. The room as a whole looks like the distributing center for a tract society. * * Save a solitary attendant Mr. Mer riam's headquarters look deserted. Most of his friends go to the bank to see him. lie sits in his private room and meets them one by one. Sometimes before they go in they stand on the curbing outside of the bank. After while a dapper clerk drops out and speaks to them. Then they go In. There is little opportunity for seeing or hearing what is done after they enter. Everything is mysterious. When Tom Lowry or Joel Heatwole or somebody else goes in one can stand outside and surmise what is going on, but that is all. There is no rush, no enthusiasm, no claiming or shouting. You feel that it is a business campaign that is being run over there— cool and calculating. Then you turn away and begin to hunt for Gov. Mc( -ill's headquarters. After half a day's search you buy a micro scope, and when that fails you give it up, perhaps. The governor smiles and shakes your hand, all the clerks are busy, no sign of a campaign about. No sign? Well, yes, one. The governor's mustache has a darker hue. and he is building a new house several miles' away from the capitol. That is all. "Knute Nelson." said a friend of his to the GLOBE, "will take no part in the gubernatorial canvass this year. He will favor none of the candidates, unless by some chance ( 'ilnian should be nom inated. Still he would not be compelled to help Oilman, even, for he discharged all of his obligations to him two years ago with interest. Nelson is tired of the working side of politics. He finds the house too turbulent and rough, and if the senate attracts him it is because he thinks that there is a greater chance there not alone for dis tinction, but ease. Ambitious? Of course he is. But not as much so as many think. Sin cerely, Nelson, physically; is broken be fore his time. That memorable duck ing of two years ago took from him vi tality that he will never recover. He knows this and feels that public life must cease some of its demands upon him." __ RANDALL'S POSITION. Henry Watterson Takes Him to Task for His Course on the Tariff. Courier-Journal. Reading Mr. Randall's recent speech on the tariff, the wonder is not that, confronted by a man of affairs like Mr. Scott, his reputation should be utterly destroyed, but that, with his lack of knowledge of economical laws and his want of information concerning practi cal matters, lie should have so long held a position as a leader of the Democratic party. As illustrating his ignorance of commercial practices, and a like ignor ance of the consequences of legislative enactments, it is only necessary to re fer to his argument "for an increase in the duty on cotton ties. Mr. Randall begins by conveying the valuable information that cotton ties "are used chiefly for baling cotton, rags, waste and similar articles."' He further informed his benighted auditors that the "hoops are usually one inch wide by No. is wire gauge thick, are cut to lengths of eleven feet, each punched. and have a buckle riveted or attached to them, are varnished or painted and put into bundles of fifty pounds each." It is outbreaks of this kind of elo quence that give Mr. Randall, in the opinion of his admirers, reputation as an erudite thinker. The wide scope of this information, its value in this dis cussion, the magnitude, the occult truths expressed are worthy of the great Sancho Panza. Moreover we can admit that, to this extent Mr. Randall's facts are accurate, they are indisputable; they are irrefuta ble; they are picturesque ; they are ad- ' mirably arranged,: and they make. one. tremble for the dire disaster which ■ would follow the introduction,' duty free, of such devilish contrivances. Mr. Randall unfortunately did not pursue his studies far enough he does not tell his listeners that, when a bale of cotton is sold, a deduction is made by the buyer for bale and tie, a deduction that is to cover all the accumulations or dirt, dust and other foreign substances. In addition the seller, loses the value of the samples taken from the bale from time to time. In view of this fact, and of the further fact that the cotton planter may sell his cotton in Liverpool, but he is not per mitted to take in exchange all the wool-; ens his English customer is ready to give him, it seems only fair that the cotton planter should be permitted to buy his ties wherever he can get them; cheapest. . Mr. Randall thinks not. For one dol lar's worth of ties the planter now pays $1.35. Mr. Randall thinks he should be made to pay at least $1.70 for the same quantity. Mr. Randall declares further that this increase would not diminish the profits of the cotton growers. He actailysays: "The cotton growers of the cotton belt do not suffer in any way as regards the price of cotton ties. Thgy sell their entire bales, including bagging and iron, at cotton rates, and no tare is charged in this country and the charge abroad is borne by the ship per." It seems scarcely possible that a man of Mr. Randall's position should be ig norant of the untruths expressed and implied by this statement. Expressed, for tare is charged, and it is paid not by the Shipper but by the seller. That is, in every purchase it is calculated In the price, and the grower receives that much less than. he would get except for the allowance which has to be made. Any cotton buyer who knows any thing about his business could have given Mr. Randall information which would have saved him from so serious a misstatement. As sustaining this view we quote the testimony given before the tariff commission by James W. English, mayor of Atlanta: "For commercial convenience, we weigh a bale of cotton here, and pay for the gross weight. When the cotton is" landed in Liver pool and sold. 6 per cent is deducted from this, just as 10 per cent is deducted for tare on New Orleans sugar. We regulate the matter here, not by taking this 6 per cent off, as they do on the other side, but in the price of cotton. Therefore, the cotton planter does not get any allowance for the weight of the cotton tie" aud the bailing, as has been staled." The committee of the cotton exchange of Savannah, appointed to appear before the tariff commissioner, said: "The idea that the cotton planters gets back their money from the purchasers of raw cotton, which they expend for bagging and ties, we, as cotton merchants and cotton planters, know to be untrue." - But, for the sake of argument, admit that the tare is not changed; let us say the grower sends a bale of cotton, which with baling and ties and dirt weighs 500 pounds, and that he gets for it 10 cents or $50. He has then to count his ex penses. The cost of ties does not in crease or decrease the price of the cot ton, He must have ties whether they cost $1 or $1.70. The difference in the expense of raising the cotton and get ting it to market, due to the tariff, comes out of the pocket of the cotton grower. Suppose he does sell his ties at 10 cents a pound; he would get 10 cents for them whether ties were free or taxed. He pays now $1.35 for $1 of ties ; Mr. Randall says he ought to pay $1.70. The tariff of 35 per cent on cotton ties adds 5500,000 to the cost of the cotton crop; it does not add $1 to the price re ceived. If ties were free the cotton bale would still bring $50. This is plain to every man who is en gaged in business; to every practical man. It is only when one has some theory to sustain that he becomes con fused. Mr. Randall makes two errrone eous statements; first, no allowance is made for tare. We have shown this is not true. Next, that the additional price for ties is no burden to the cotton planter. He could just as well have said that it would be no benefit to the planter if some philan thropist would give him his ties free. The purchaser does not know or care whether the ties cost much or little; he buys the cotton. The net profits on the cotton crop are reduced just the amount of the tariff. The allowance in the tariff would not enable the cotton grower to get any more for his cotton bales, but it would cost the South 8500,000 more than the existing duty, or 51,000,000 in all. »_-■ THE STATE PRESS. Don't Snub Them. Osakis Observer. For any political party to snub the Farmers' alliance is about equal to dig ging its own grave, so far as hopes for supremacy in this state g o"es. For while the alliance is made un of men of all parties, and by men who have not and do not wish to renounce their party, their very existence as a body indicates that they have grievances to be heard and wrongs which must be righted; and another pointer is that they put those grievances ahead of party allegiance in rate of importance, hence a little con trariness by a party might place the al liance and a large following of discon nected friends on the other side of the door, with most far-reaching results. No Cause for Sorrow. Morris Tribune. Some very good people are mourning because a man of national reputation will not head the Minnesota delegation to the Chicago convention. They should cease their lamentations. These men of national reputation are the ones wiio guided the party to defeat four years ago, and it is well that a younger element is placed in front this time. Which Davis? Moorhead News. A prominent Republican of this state writes: "If Davis' last speech had been made first, lie would never have re ceived fifty votes." This sentence bears out what the News alleged, that it was one of the meanest and most conceited speeches ever made. A Natural Result. Jordan Independent. Candidate Scheffer for governor is do ing his utmost to secure the nomination on the Republican ticket, but if his en deavors prove fruitless it is reported he will then run independent. If he fol lows this course he should be politically slaughtered. Good for Knute. Grant County Herald. Knute Nelson has made a national reputation during this session of con gress by his aggressiveness, independ ence and able speeches in opposition to the continuance of the imposition of war taxes. _ Has Many Friends. <j Douglas News. ;. Mr. Scheffer has many friends in Douglas county, who would be glad to see him nominated and elected. Worries the Bosses. Houston Signal. To find a man to beat Judge Wilson this fall for congress causes a deal of trouble and worry among the bosses, i -_. A SONG OF THE PAST, > I have read in an Eastern tale, In childish hours gone by, •: -.■.:, r~ : Of an island in the ocean. And a mountain tall and high. - This mountain was a magnet, ' To use our modern phrase, . . And worked a mighty havoc, Or so the story says. If e'er a ship was passing. Nails flew from deck and mast, And sought the wondrous mountain, And clung there firm and fast. The mountain was magnetic, As no one could deny ; Bo I. ah : the ships and seaman That 'neath the ocean lie. ; ." 'Twas pleasant for the mountain, No doubt he liked it well; _f But woe to tne hapless vessels That sailed within his spell. I have heard of a story like it In the nineteenth century; '_■'•-.. The mountain is now in Europe, The ship is the G. O. P. GRESHAJirS LIFE. A Succinct History of the Eminent Jurist and Citizen. As a Boy He Resembled a Sunday School Book Hero. Born in a Log Cabin, He Rises to Follow Bloody I Mars. Thence Fortune Leads Him By and By Into the Halls ; of Congress. A Cabinet Officer of Promi nence and Then a Re ' spected Judge. His Judicial Prowess, the Famous Wabash Case and Gossip. The great interest now manifested in Minnesota in Judge Walter Quintin Gresham and his possible selection as the Republican party's standard-bearer this year, has induced the Globe to secure the following authoritative nar rative of his life and public career. He belongs to what have become known in American history as the "log cabin statesmen." He was born in a log cabin March 17, 1832, near Lanesville, in Har rison county, Ind. It is said his mother, now nearly ninety years of age, still lives in that cabin, now a comfortable structure, in which she is made as happy as a queen by the loving care of her honored son. GRESHAM'S ANCESTRY. Born in a Log Cabin and Inherit ing Sturdy Traits of Charac ter. Gresham is a country-bred man. His grandfather, George Gresham, and his granduncle, Dennis Pennington, were Virginians of English descent. They were farmers, and emigrated first to Ken tucky and then to Harrison county, In diana. They took up land on Little Indian creek, where Lanesville now stands, and became prosperous. They were honest, truthful, brave and indus trious frontiersman, the kind whose sturdy traits survive through three generations. In religion they were strict .Methodists. Sarah Davis, Walter Q. Gresham's mother, was also of Vir ginia stock. The house where he was born stands intact to-day, ten miles east of Corvdon. William Gresham, his father, was something of a politician and an excellent citizen to boot. He was a colonel of militia, and from him young Walter inherited discipline and courage. He was elected as a Whig to be sheriff of Harrison county by an al most unanimous vote the year W alter was born. Two years afterwards the sheriff was shot down by a rural desper ado while attempting to make an arrest in the course of his duty. He left a young widow with five small children in very moderate circumstances. All of them went to work. "Walt" Gresham, as his neighbors still love to call him, grew up on the farm, with scant schooling, until he was sixteen. The county auditor gave him a little clerkship, and he gladly took it, eager to earn money to educate himself. He soon entered the "seminary" at Corydon, studied there earnestly and conducted himself quietly. His teacher said he never flogged him, though whether wisely or not may be a ques tion, as a little flogging now and then helps rear the best of men. From Cory don "Walt" went to the Bloomington find.) "university," where he "finished" his education. Then he went home, got a deputy clerkship in the county clerk's affice, and began studying law under Judge William A. Porter. The future great man was at this time a tall, slender youth with fine hazel eyes, a pale complexion, and bright, well-formed features. His neighbors and associates seem to have liked him in those days, as they do now. He was a great tease, very "fond of the girls," but very discreet. It was said j he knew his lessons as soon as he read them over, and that he kept at the head j of his classes. There is, indeed, a good deal of the Sunday school book hero about Judge Gresham's early life, as de- ! scribed now by contemporaries who j may since have learned to admire him. j He "hung out" his shingle in a year or two and began practicing the profes sion of which he is an ornament. He also joined the Spencer Rifles, a mili tary company in Corydon, became well versed in tactics, and was elected cap tain. But he held another office before the time came to prove his quality as a j soldier. He was nominated in 1800 for ; the legislature in Harrison county, as a Republican. He was a Republican from the first organization of the party, and has been one ever since. There was a reliable Democratic majority of 500 in the county, but young Gresham was elected handsomely. .As chairman of the committee on military affairs, he brought forward and had passed a militia bill which placed Indiana almost on a war footing. He i was a valuable coadjutor of War Gov. I Morton, who leaned upon him and gave j him his confidence. He aided in pro curing the assent of the Indiana legis lature to the proposal to the legislature I of Virginia for a conference of repre- | sentatives of the border states at Wash- I ington. Indiana sent her representative ' men to that conference, the labors of j which shortly afterwards were blown into space by the guns which opened against Sumter. ;' ' AS A SOLDIER. He Won a Brigadier's Star in the Trenches and Gen. Grant's Ad miration. The guns that fired on Sumter fired young Gresham's blood. His constitu ents wanted to re-elect him to the leg islature, but he put on the blue and en- ; listed as a private in the. Thirty-eighth I Indiana. He was immediately made its lieutenant colonel. He first saw serv- ! ice at Shiloh. Then he helped Gen. j Veeche besiege Corinth. And then at ! Vicksburg he met Grant, a man and a sgldier to whom lie has been compared, ft"nd who admired and often honored him. :.-.::'/ -V.-/"- '•'-", After the surrender" both Grant and Sherman united in recommending Gresham for a brigadier's commission, and he received it. In full command of a brigade, and finally of a division, he t joined Sherman's army. His career I there was cut . short by a bullet. At Leggett's Hill, before Atlanta, the Union forces were preparing for an en gagement,' when. Gresham ordered a battery to be located upon a bluff. A mistake as to position being made, he went up to attend to it in. person, when a ball from a sharpshooter struck him just below the knee. It was not a dread-, ful wound, as first s uppbseu, but it proved to be a hurt that kept the gallant fellow off the field tor a year. He was sent home to New Albany, Ind., in charge of. his devoted wife, and for months lay on his back, unable to move. To this day Gen. Gresham has never re covered full use of his limb. Many times the surgeons said the leg must come off. The . sufferer said, with grim determination, that "when that leg went he would go too." . The story of His wound at the siege of Atlanta is a thrilling one. He was di recting an attack. The rebels had been driven into their jast ditch. Gresham formed his men for a final assault. He rode to the front to exarine the ground over which his "boys" were to charge. His fine appearance made him a target for the enemy, and shot and shell hissed past him as thick as hail. Utterly re gardless of the danger, and thinking only of the possible ditches that lay in the way, he rode ahead. Finally he stopped and raised his field glasses to make an inspection. The enemy direct ed a close fire upon him and he soon fell, wounded through the hip. Word was conveyed to Gen. McPher son, who immediately sent his staff phy sician and an aide to the wounded sol dier. Gen. McPherson was deeply moved, because he thought the world of Gen. Gresham, and they had parted only a few hours before. His aide car ried a message of sympathy and com forting words. Gen. Slc-&£!s was placed upon a stretcher and carried back. After a journey of some hours he was finally carried to a railroad sta tion and placed iv a box car bound for the North. Lying on his stretcher in the car he saw by the dim light of a candle two men near him. He recog nized them as Gen. McPherson's staff officers, and asked them where they were going. They replied that they were going with Gen. McPherson back home. "Where is he: 1 do not see him?" the wounded man asked eagerly. "There in that pine box, dead," was the answer. lie came out of the war spoken ot as "Indiana's ablest soldier during the war" and the friend of Grant, Sherman and McPherson. When he was ready to stump to the front again— walks still with a cane and a limp— war had ended. In 1865 he was brevetted major general, and, being mustered out. began the practice of law at New Albany. Many anecdotes are told of him in the field, though not by himself, for he is un questionably a modest man. At one time he was placed in command of the post at Natchez, and afterwards of the district of Natchez. His government of that turbulent city was so wise and judicious that it is spoken of to this day. His great difficulty was with the cotton speculators and cotton thieves. When they found an incorruptible man in command they resorted to every device and subterfuge to deceive him. One of them became quite friendly with him, but to no purpose. Gresham finally told him to leave town or he would put him in irons. The speculator, who had been a soldier, complained to Grant. "Did (-Jen. Gresham say he would put you in irons?" he said. "He most assuredly did." "Well, then," said Grant, "I would advise you to keep away from him, for 1 have always found him a man of his word." He stamped out abuses ruthlessly, sending the speculators back North un der guard and putting the cotton thieves in prison. He had already begun to be a reformer. BAR AND BENCH. How Gresham Came to Be Selected • for Judge by President Grant. Mr. Gresham began his career by com bining law and politics. They have been more or less intermingled all through, and always honorably. His admission to the bar and the Nebraska question were coincident. The great Whig party, with which all his political traditions were associated, had dis solved. It was a hot and seething time, and men began to range themselves on the slavery question. In 1855 the Re publican party was formed, and with it Gresham at once allied himself. In 1856 his partner. Judge Slaughter, was a delegate from Indiana to the Phila delphia convention that nominated Fre mont. In the canvass that followed the young lawyer stumped Harrison county on behalf of the "Pathfinder" and scored many successes. When the war was ended he went into law again, but seemed inclined to let politics alone. Yet his war record was instrumental at once in advancing him. The United States district judge ship in Southern Indiana became va cant in 1809. There were hosts of can didates. Gresham himself strongly recommended his law partner. The papers being submitteirto Grant, the latter glanced over them and his eye caught the name of Walter Q. Gresham as a 1 -coinmender of somebody else. The old commander said nothing, but sent over for Rawlins, at the war de partment. He said: "Rawlins, we've got to appoint a district judge in South ern Indiana, and here's a pile of appli cations. On the papers of one is an in dorsement from Walter Q. Gresham. Ain't that our 'Walt' Gresham that used to be in front of Vicksburg?" "Rawlins said he thought it was. "Well," said the "old man," "you find out.and if it is we won't look any further for a judge. He's the man for the place if he'll take it." Rawlins assured the president that that was"Walt"Gresham, and orders were given to send his name at once to the senate. It was late one evening when Gresham received the no tice of appointment, it coming by mail. Meeting an intimate friend, lie handed it to him and asked him to read it. "What do I know about law?" said Gresham. "I can't fill such a place. It must be a mistake." When assured that it was not a mistake and that he knew a great deal about law. Gresham walked off with the reply, "Who would have thought of such a thing?" A few days later, however, he accepted and made a judge whose record stands with out an equal in Indiana, not a case being reversed in the twelve years he was on the bench. He has always been better as judge than as lawyer. He was a student rather than a forensic contestant. He had the "judicial" mind. He has heard and de cided many famous cases, notably of late the injunction suits in tiie "Q" strike. His decision then made him thousands of friends . among organized labor. As a jurist Judge Gresham is distinguished for the directness and ac curacy of his perceprfons, the absolute fairness of his rulings and his utter un consciousness of the standing, character or wealth of parties or counsel. When he aud Judge Harlan split on the Mackin case, which had the effect of sending the question to the supreme court, of whether an "information" was sufficient in a criminal case, everybody knew on which side Gresham went. He upheld the right of indictment by a grand jury and the supreme court. Equity he delights in, the technical ities of law he despises and sweeps aside whenever possible. Perhaps his most famous decision was in the Wa bash case. The "Wabash system" has been de scribed as the masterpiece of Jay Gould's genius. In the spring of 1884 it was composed of no less than sixty eight separate original corporations, controlling . nearly 5,000 miles of rail way in the six states of Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri and lowa. It had a consolidated caoital of over 550,000,000 and a bonded indebtedness of nearly $80,000,000. Commencing in 1-79 Jay Gould and his associates, chilli among whom were Russell Sage, Si _- ney Dillon and Solon Humphreys, ob tained control first of one bankrupt railroad and then of another, all heavily in debt and most of them in the hands of receivers, until they had secured a network of railways running through the states above mentioned. They were not only a network, but a glittering web in which it was proposed to catch many financial flies. Nothing less than the high-sounding name of "system" would do for such an aggregation of railroad iron. Each sep arate road had its separate indebtedness —and all that it could carry— but that was a small matter to the manipulators of the "system." A $50,000,000' mortgage was placed oil tin* entire "system," a laiSe portion of which wag sold in Eng land. The "system" was also "stocked" to the extent of some $.0.000,00., one half of it "preferred" stock, and the most of this was duly marketed on Wall street and in London. In 1879, 1880 and 1881 everything was booming, 6 per cent dividends were paid, the preferred stock sold at 9S and the bonds at par. But the "system" did not earn the money to pay these dividends, nor scarcely enough to pay the interest on the separate mortgages with running expenses. The heroic treatment of the "system" by Mr. Gould and his associates had the effect heroic treatment often has on other kinds of systems. It broke down, and one day in May, 1834, Gen. Wager Swayne, attorney for Gould and all his friends, appeared before Judge Treat at St. Louis and filed a bill in equity on behalf of the Wabash company asking for the appointment of a receiver. Judge Treat referred him to Judge Brewster at Leavenworth, and Swayne went thither and obtained the order privately from the judge, secur ing the apointment of men selected by himself— Solon Humphreys and Thomas E. Tutt— as receivers. This was all done without notice to any creditois, and on behalf of the debtor company itself, Humphreys and Tutt being inti mate associates with Gould. Among the first things these receivers did was to pay out of the receipts of the road, as fast as they could, certain advances that Messrs. Gould, Sage and Dillon had made, totally obvious of the fact that they wel'S but ordinary creditors, if at all, and that the mortgage creditors must be paid first. In fact, they ran the ''system" exactly as Gould wished it. The first-mortgage bondholders, find ing tlieir requests were not considered at all, finally filed a bill in the United States court at Chicago for the removal of these receivers and for an adjustment of their rights. The case came on for hearing before Judge Gresham in No vember, 1886, and lasted many days. Much testimouy was taken, many nice and intricate questions of law raised, and learned counsel argued with acute ness and ability. In his decision Judge Gresham tore away all the mass of sophistry that had been thrown around the case, ignored all the fine points that had been raised, and went to the heart of the matter. He saw through the whole scheme by which Gould and the rest had added millions to their private fortunes, and he had no hesitation in characterizing it as it deserved, lie took control of the roads in the "system" which were east of the Mississippi river, discharged the unworthy stewards and placed the roads in the hands of an honorable re ceiver, Judge Cooley, with whose integ riry and ability the whole country is fa miliar. Jay Gould sneered and said: "That man Gresham was running for presi dent!" IN THE CABINET. Postmaster General and Secre tary of the Treasury Under Ar thur. It was President Arthur who read his character and ability clearly enough to invite him into the cabinet. Everybody was surprised at the appointment. While on the district bench Judge Gresham took no active part in politics, but his charactei: and reputation were known to the leading men of the coun try. It so happened, when President Garfield was forming his cabinet, that Judge ( ii _ sham's name was among those originally agreed upon. Mr. Blame particularly urged his appoint ment. The situation became such, however, that Garfield found himself obliged to modify his original intention, and Judge Gresham was not tendered a seat in that cabinet. It is not thought that Gvesham loves Blame. The story is told that he was holding court at Indianapolis, and a boy brought him a dispatch. It revealed, "Arthur has appointed you postmaster general. What shall 1 say for you?" The judge read it over on the bench, and calling the boy, gave it back and said softly, "I think you or your manager must have made a mistake. I am quite sure this is not for me. But it is an important dispatch. Take it right back to your manager, and tell him that 1 think there must be a mistake. Don't show the dis patch to anybody, and be sure and don't lose it." And then the judge gave the boy 10 cents. The telegraph manager laughed, and sent a personal message to say there was no mistake— he (Gresham) had been appointed postmaster general. Then the judge adjourned court, and concluded to think it over. Postmaster General Gresham was one of the most original and valued mem bers of Arthur's cabinet. He was a re former in esse. He instituted innova tions which electrified the barnacles of the circumlocution department. In Oc tober, 1884, Gresham began to be rest less under the strain of executive office — the exactions of place. He said to Arthur that the hard work of the post office department was not congenial or tasteful. Arthur said: "Take the treasury portfolio, if only for a few weeks. Drummond is going to retire, and you shall have that judgeship, if you will take it." That determined Mr. Gresham. He was made secretary of the treasury for a few weeks, and upon Judge Drum niond's retirement he was appointed his successor. One of the most notable incidents of his administration of the postolfice de partment was his exclusion of the Louisiana lottery from the use of the mails in spite of powerful pressure. He closely watched the mail contracts, and there were no star route jobs during his incumbency. IN PRIVATE LIFE. Gresham as a Man and a Citizen — Running for Congress. Judge Gresham married Miss Matilda McGrain in 1858 and has two grown-up children— son and a daughter. He maintains a home in Indianapolis, which is regarded as the family altar, but is now living in Chicago, having rented Postmaster Judd's handsome house on Delaware place. In appearance Judge Gresham is somewhat slender— in youth he was re markably so— six feet in height, his black hair and full beard now turned to iron-gray. .His eyes are hazel, full and large, with the power to "threaten and command," but soft and amiable in familiar converse. In Harrison county one often hears in conversation a good deal about "the Gresham eyes," and the belles of that family are said to be justly proud of them. Judge Gresham's features are clearly cut and regular, and abundantly justify the reputation he had in youth of being a handsome fellow. His voice is pleasing and con sorts well with his habitual demeanor, which is quiet and modest. But he is careless of dress; a little round-shouldered and tonsorially negli gent. His favorite attitude in court is with one foot on the corner of his desk, his body swung back in a chair, his eyes half-closed, and the thumb and forefinger of his right hand toying with his knife. He can sit tor hours and open and snap the blade, and never move another muscle. Lawyers may talk— lawyers' jaws may swing and move and wag and heave hour after hour— the judge's eyes are closed, and his knife goes on with its click. Presently: "What was that authority?" So and so, says the at torney, surprised that he has been even heard. "Thanks! -Go on, sir." And then the eyes close again, and the pen knife clicks on the measure of time as before. He understands the relations of this country to foreign nations, the nature of the treaties in force and the govern ment's diplomatic history. He has been a careful and thorough student of the decisions of Chief Justice Marshall, and understands the just relations of federal and state sovereignty. He was never in congress before his appointment to the bench in 1860. He was the Republican candidate for con gress in Speaker Michael C. Kerr's dis trict, and was badly beaten. This was in 1807-8. He ran again with the same result. .- - Then Grant • offered him the collQctorship at New Orleans and the district attorneyship of Indiana, and he refused both. In the Republican national conven tions of 1876 and ISBO ..Judge . Gresham supported Bristow and Grant respect ively, on the latter occasion being one of the celebrated "30G," In 1880 his de sire to better his worldly condition led him to let hjs name be used, as a candi date for United States senator agaiiigt Benjamin Harrison, but vainly, as in nearly every instance where he has de pended on the votes of any body of men for political honors. In 1808 Judge Gresham came first into contact with New York.being appointed state agent for Indiana in tins city. His duties were to disburse the interest, He acquired no prominence here at that time. HIS LUCK. Fortune Smiles on Him Without a Change. His luck in having fine positions thrust upon him is proverbial. "Haven't you a "man down your way named Gresham?" asked Gen. Grant, immediately after his election as presi dent in 18GS, of a Hoosier. r___ "Yes, sir; Gen. Gresham!" "I remember him well as a fighter and a discreet soldier," replied Grant. "He can have anything I have." Gen. Gresham used to live in a plain, unpretentious but comfortable house in the suburbs of Indianapolis, the only real estate he owns, valued at $5,000. He has been mentioned for governor and U.S. senator many times, but Ben Harrison was always in his way. In iB7o Gresham went to the Cincinnati convention as a Bristow man, in 1380 he turned up at Chicago for Grant, and in 1884 his choice was Gen. Arthur. Still he has never.been conspicuously identi fied with any particular faction. But for the differences between him and Ben Harrises consequent upon the Indiana gubernatorial contest in 1876, Judge Gresham would have gone into the cabinet of President Hayes. That he escaped such a fate was a source of disappointment to his friends then, but a source of congratulation to him now. Since then Harrison, as the dominant Republican in Indiana, has done as much as any one man can do to an nihilate a rival, but Gresham in some manner always succeeded in coming to the surface with increased popularity. It has been said that he can never be come a presidential caudidate so long as Harrison lives, because Harrison is his bitterest oponent and wants the' nomination for himself. Gen. Grant was very anxious to have Mr. Arthur put Gen. Gresham in his cabinet, but the opportunity did not present itself until the death of Post master General Howe in April, 1883. When Judge Folger died in September, 1884, Judge Gresham took hold of the treasury department until his successor, Hugh McCulloch, qualified. In turn he was made United States circuit court judge. Gresham discountenanced all efforts, and there were many that wero made, to make him a presidential candi date in 1884, spenly declaring that his choice was President Arthur. He and Mr. Chandler were the only cabinet officers who had the pluck to disobey Mr. Arthur's wishes and advise their friends to work for their chief's nom ination. The Blame machine, how ever, was too potent to be overthrown, and the administration was too vir tuous to useJihc influence which it held in its hands.' Arthur was defeated, re tired from office a broken-hearted man and passed the remainder of his days in melancholy soltitude. ■ ___•- TARIFF SENTIMENT. The People's Wedge.' Pittsburg Post. Monopoly tariff advocates have been so long shouting about the free trade of the Mills bill that it is a little surprising to hear one of them admit that it seeks a comparatively slight reduction of duties, and denounce it as the "enter ing wedge of free trade." This looks, by comparison with general Republican declarations on the subject, so fair that some weight may be given to it. But it is still matter for conjecture whether the gentleman thinks a wedge can be withdrawn if it docs not suit the people. And it may be that this last advocate of '•protection" looks so far ahead that he sees such prosperity following a reduc tion of useless taxation as will bring us closer to that industrial perfection nec cessary to command the markets of the world. Having gotten so far from the contracted position of the monopolists as to admit that the Mills bill is a long way from "free trade," the country may be desirous of knowing just how "broad this gentleman's views are. The People Judges. Pittsburg Commercial-Gazette. The general speeches on the tariff closed on Saturday, and congressional opinion on the bill is pretty well crystal lized. The prospects are that the bill will pass. Of the Democrats all but about eight will vote for it. Of the Re publicans all but three, possibly four, will vote against it. But beyond the house it will not get this session, as the senate with its Republican majority will defeat it. Still, in the opinion of Mr. Cleveland and the other Democratic leaders, this would be a victory for them as showing to the country that their party has committed itself unequivocally to free trade. On the whole, then, per haps it is as well that the Republicans cannot prevent the Democrats from making this record for themselves. The people will have the better chance to judge between them when they come to decide how they will vote next fall. Dana's Growl. New York Sun. Mr. Randall's plan for the reduction of the surplus revenue differs from that suggested in Mr. Cleveland's message, but so does Mr. Mills' plan also. Both measures depart in principle and method from the president's recommendations. If there is treason to the Democratic party in that, Mr. Mills and Mr. Ran dall are equally guilty. The difference between the two plans is that while the Randall hill is sure to reduce the an nual surplus by from $70,000,000 to $90, --000,000, the practical effect of the legis lation proposed by Mr. Mills and the committee on ways and means is hidden deep in the depths of the unknowable. A Crucial Point. New York Times. Our Washington dispatches report that the "ways and means committee will stand by free wool if the bill goes down." We do not see how they could do otherwise. The repeal of the duty on wool is to all intents and purposes one of the most crucial points of the whole movement for the reform of the tariff. It will not very seriously affect the revenue, though, so far as it goes, it is, of course, a direct reduction, but it will relieve the people of the country of a very large tax that does not go to the treasury. Wouldn't Rally. Madison Democrat. The impression at Washington is gain ing ground that the Mills bill will pass. The Republicans have had time to hear from the country to get a general idea of the prevailing sentiment. The result shows itself in a lowering of the tone all along the line. When the leaders of the party mounted the old high war tariff, and drew their sabers for battle, they expected to see the entire party, with a good sprinkling of Democrats, rally with a yell for the onslaught. But the' party did not rally. --_»» Like Unto Clay. Brainerd News. E. V. Smalley, of the Northwest Magazine, made to the News editor the other day in a conversation about Mr. Blame's candidacy, a very significant statement of a remark of Mr. Blame to him some years ago, on the subject of the presidency. To use Mr. Smalley's words, Mr. Blame said that he felt that he was destined to follow Clay; that when he might be elected he could not be nominated, and by the time he could command the nomination, he could not secure the party's undivided suDoortfoc election.