28
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Complete file** of the Glob- always kept
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1 —
TODAY'S WEATHER.
WASHINGTON, May 9.—Forecast for Sun-
Bay:
For Minnesota—Local showers; cooler in
pastern portions; variable winds.
For Wisconsin—Partly cloudy weather: lo
pal thunder storms in northern portion; prob
ably cooler Sunday night; southerly wnids,
Iresh to brisk.
For South Dakota—Local showers in east
_rn, fair, in western portioa; cooler; variable
Winds. "
For North Dakota—Local rains; northerly
Winds, shifting to westerly.
For Montana—Generally cloudy, with show
ters; westerly winds; slightly warmer in west
ern portion.
TEMPERATURES.
Place. Ther.! Place. Ther.
Jilsmarck 62-70 Helena 40-40
Buffalo 54-60 Montreal 76-84
Boston 68-84 New York 84-90
Ch'yenno M-fit; Pittsburg 82-90
Chicago 84-90 Winnipeg 52-62
Cincinnatl 86-90
DAILY MEANS.
Barometer, 28.88; thermometer, 78; rela
tive humidity, 56; wind, southwest;
Weather, partly cloudy; maximum thermom
eter, 87; minimum thermometer, 68: daily
range, 19; amount of rainfall or melted snow
In last twenty-four hours, .08.
RIVER AT 8 A. M.
Gauge Danger Height of
Reading. Lire. Water. Change.
fit. Paul 14 9.0 —0.1
La Crosse 10 10.4 *0.2
JDavenport 1"> 9.6 —0.2
fit. Louis ..30 14.4 *<L 2
♦Rise. —Fall.
Note—Barometer corrected for temperature
»nd elevation. T. F. Lyons. Observer.
THE GLOBEJS NEW YEAR.
One year ago the New Globe made
Its first appearance. The present man
agement placed before the people their
plat form, announced their plan of
campaign. It was proposed to give to
the public the best newspaper that
could be made in the Northwest; a
newspaper entertaining without flip
pancy, alert without sensationalism,
and clean without prudishness. We
have before us the declaration of prin
ciples upon which the Globe founded
£ts new career, and there is nothing to
be added or taken away. It seems
to us now, as it seemed one year ago,
the standard by which alone journal
ism ought to be judged; conforming to
iWhich success must We assured, and
departing from Which success itself
must be accounted failure. That we
have succeeded at least moderately in
living up toward the high ideal there
presented, the ample confidence and
appreciation of the public go far to
prove.
Although" the past was a year of
great business depressions year which
bore hardly upon all enterprise, and
one especially unfavorable to new
ventures, it has brought to the
J*Jew Globe a measure of success
"certainly far greater than it had dared
to expect in so short a time. It is suf
ficient to say here, perhaps, that the
.circulation of the paper in the city of
St. Paul has been more than doubled
in the past twelvemonth, while very
large additions have been made to its
country list. Measured by the com
monest test, which is the circulation
record, the Globe has surpassed all
the expectations of those who planned
its future. In all other respects, in the
qualities that go to make a great daily
and to command the respect even of
those who differ from the opinions that
it holds and the economic or political
views that it endeavors to teach, it
has aimed to be bold, impartial, hon
est, and so to deserve the cordial ap
preciation that has fallen to its lot.
More gratifying is the success discov
ered in the kind words of friends and
the tribute of public opinion, than that
Which answers to and fills the com
mercial test. Toward this worthiest of
all successes we shall labor unceasing
ly in the future as in the past.
It is our hope and cur purpose to
make each year of the New Globe
mark as great an advance as the last
has seen. There are no limits to the
work of a great newspaper. There are
no _q;■■•.i.l tries to its possibilities. And
we hive met no disappointment in our
faith iii the people, our belief in their
:••-■ Cor clean, honest, enterprising
jour_aJiem. We have given them of
cur bcs.t, and they have found it what
they desired. We have assumed to be
only c£ the people, and have relied
upon their intelligence, their honesty,
their appreciation of the highest stand
ard of work. One year ago the Globe
©aid that it would rest its faith and
its future upon the judgment of a
public whose standards it believed
were no lower than its own. The issue
has approved the test. All that has
been inspired by love of country, love
of humanity, love of the right, in these
columns has found the readiest ac
ceptance, evoked the warmest welcome,
received the heartiest applause. The
Globe has hoped to establish munici
pal economy, to rebuke uncleanness,
to succor the oppressed. In this way
we intend to make progress to the
end. We have no friends to reward,
no enemies to punish, nothing but the
truth to serve. To make a good news
paper first and a good Democratic
newspaper second is the' purpose that
seems to us worthy of the utter conse
cration of life's strength and effort.
.We begin the new year on a securer
footing, with a better knowledge of
our public, with a mark of achievement
set higher than before. To those who
have helped by their assistance, their
encouragement, their criticism, to make
It what it is, the Globe offers the
THK SAINT PAUL DAILY GLOBS: SUNDAY MORNING, MAY 10, 189H
thanks that are their due. For It is
the public that is our helpmate; and
by its aid we have been enabled to
banish the indecent, to take up the
cause of the helpless, and to raise the
standard of newspaperdom in the
Northwest. To them, to the great
masses of the people, whose cause is
our cause, whose future is our future,
and in whom our faith is placed, we
dedicate the eager, joyous, unsparing
labor of all the years that are to come.
OUR AXMVERSARY EDITJON.
The Globe presents to its readers
this morning what it believes to be the
choicest and most complete edition of
a newspaper ever issued in the North
west. Our aim has been, in celebrat
ing for the public benefit the conclu
sion of one year under the present
management, to take a step in ad
vance of anything that Northwestern
journalism has achieved. We are ready
to submit this morning's G1 ob cto the
people as an evidence that our ambi
tion has been gratified. In the forty
pages which we present to them
they will find a vast magazine of cur
rent news, especially prepared articles,
local features and detailed description
of our daily life and its work. The
cover, especially designed for this
number, is the most artistic bit of color
work that has come from any press
west of New York city. In the de
scriptive articles, beautifully illustrat
ed by half-tone engravings, which
cover the accessories of newspaper pro
duction to be found in Newspaper
Row, we give our readers a glimpse of
the complicated, yet delicately and
perfectly adjusted machinery, both hu
man and inert, that is required for the
production of a modern metropolitan
daily.
The advertising matter which has
been furnished so liberally by saga
cious business men for this issue is
not only valuable and informing to the
public, but it is, we think, placed be
fore them in a more artistic and ef
fective arrangement than has ever
been attempted outside of strict
ly magazine work. The ad
vertising pa,ges of this morn
ing's Globe represent not only in
their number, but in the studied ex
cellence of their arrangement and me
chanical finish, an advance in the ad
vertising art as great on its side as
we believe that the Globe has ex
hibited in its provision and grouping
of news and editorial matter.
The one unfamiliar figure which will
strike the reader, but which, we be
lieve, he -will greet with particular
satisfaction, is the new headline, which
will hereafter adorn the first page of
every issue of the Daily Globe. The
old style of lettering and design was
unsatisfactory. It belonged to a crude
and inartistic period of typography.
It will be observed, by those familiar
with the newspaper world, that in all
our large cities the newspaper which
stands pre-eminent in the list for ener
gy, enterprise and commanding suc
cess has abandoned the archaic forms
of type for the plain block letter, which
fitly symbolizes the simplicity and di
rectness of modern business life. We
need instance only the Herald, of New
York, and the Times-Herald, of Chica
go, though the leading paper of almost
every other city has followed their
example in the matter of heading. The
Globe, as-the leading paper of St.
Paul and the Northwest, adopts this
distinctly up-to-date headline, and
knows that it will very quickly become
as familiar to our readers as it will
be, from the very beginning, more
grateful.
Distinguished by all the excellences
that we could crowd into its pages,
we present this special issue as the
Globe's new year's gift to its sub
scribers, and shall feel sufficiently re
warded if they find the same satis
faction and pleasure in conning its
pages that we have in preparing them.
HEARING A CRISIS.
There are some Indications that the
trouble between Spain and the United
States may be brought to a speedy
crisis by the trial of American citltens
now under arrest for filibustering. It
was inevitable that, sooner or later, we
should be drawn into the difficulty in
just this way. While no American has
any right to take part In the Cuban
war on either side, and must expect,
if apprehended -giving aid to the in
surgents, to experience the treatment
accorded to his companions, the peo
ple of this country would not sit quiet
ly by and tolerate the Infliction of the
death penalty. Since the patriots have
not been acknowledged as belligerents,
the Spanish forces are free to treat
them, and have treated them, as rebels
and traitors. So, in the official pro
ceedings against the vessel which was
captured on its way from Key West to
the island, those on board are desig
nated as pirates, and will doubtless be
so sentenced by the court martial.
Guilty or not guilty, the people of the
United States will not stand it to have
any American citizen so perish for
such a fault.
Every Item in the long account of
this insurrection, from its beginning
down to the present time, shows the
inability of Spain to conquer her re
bellious dependency. By a constant
supply of new forces, she can prolong
the agony.but she cannot subdue Cuba.
It is only a question how long that
unhappy island and its wretched peo
ple shall be left to be harried by the
cruel emissaries of Spain, merely to
prevent the humbling of Spanish pride.
If to the sympathy which our people
have felt for those of Cuba striving for
a liberty so dear to ourselves there is
added such intensity of anger as would
accompany any overt act by the Span
ish armies against the American cit
izen, no matter how apprehended, the
passions of the people could not be
restrained. Nor ought they to be. The
time has fully come, we are convinced,
when the administration should recog
nize the belligerency of the Cuban peo
ple, and consider the propriety of in
tervention in their behalf. By the
same token that we have held it to
Great Britain's everlasting shame that
she permitted the sacrifice of the Ar
menians are we ourselves responsi
ble for what may happen from this
time forward in Cuba. We have been
sitting still long enough. Before any
American suffers, it is time for us to
speak and act.
A BUSINESS CHAXCE.
Literary people are proverbially im
provident. In the current number of
the Lark, a writer incidentally gives
to the public a suggestion, from which,
had he been as wiso as he is clever,,
he might have coined a comfortable
fortune in a unique way. As he chose
to use his valaable notion to adorn a
tale instead, it now belongs to the
public, and it is to be hoped some en
terprising syndicate will not be long in
taking it up. His idea is of a Ro
mance association, formed for the pur
pose of making life interesting to peo
ple "in any romantic, mysterious or
whimsical manner wit may suggest."
The clients of the association would
naturally be persons of substance, Into
whose life adventure has never en
tered. Around such ennuied souls the
association would, for *>. consideration,
weave a web of romance, mystery,
surprise. They would become tfce cen
tral figures of a play. Life would
grow dramatic, and they would find
themselves actors in marvelous and
unexpected combinations of events.
"When one considers that people will
pay a higher price for escape from
boredom than for almost any other
good thing of life, one begins to see
what a future the Romance associa
tion might have. The present craze
for books of adventure is only one of
a host of symptoms showing how we
crave the spice of the unexpected in
our lives. Heretofore people who were
bored have had to rely upon their
own exertions and ingenuity to rid
themselves of the unpleasant sensa
tions. But the utmost accomplishment
in the way of self-diversion which can
be brought about by a single individ
ual, even one with an unlimited bank
account, is slight compared with the
results which might be obtained were
the resources of a powerful company
exerted to the same end. The best
talent would be secured, and Conan
Doyle, Anthony Hope and the rest,
instead of laboriously writing out ad
ventures for the world to read, would
plan them for the world to act.
This is the era of co-operation, spe
cialization, diversion of labor. The
average individual Is as incapable of
diverting himself, of making interest
ing things happening in his life as he
is of baking his own bread or polish
ing his own cuffs. In the onward
march of civilization a Romance asso
ciation is as logical a development as
a bake-shop or a laundry.
WILL HISTORY REPEAT ITSELF?
Republican newspapers are fond of
echoing and re-echoing the cry that
the convention at St. Louis will de
clare for "sound money." Some of
them mean by that a platform an
nouncing a straight gold standard.
More of them mean the repetition of
such a straddle as was to be found In
the Minneapolis platform of 1892. The
occasion for doubt is very grave, and
is to be found even more in the record
of the candidate than in that of the
party. It is true that the conventions
which have been held thus far do not
at all warrant the claim that the Re
publicans of this country are in favor
of maintaining the existing monetary
standard. Those of New York and
the New England states undoubtedly
are. Those of the Northwest, includ
ing Wisconsin, Minnesota and the Da
kotas, have taken the same position.
On the other hand, those of the Pa
cific coast and of a large portion of
the South are openly pronounced for
the single silver standard. The con
vention in Kansas was divided and
said nothing. The convention in Mich
igan, which has just met, after a spir
ited fight between the silver men and
the gold men, compromised on the Min
neapolis platform.
The conventions of the great
states of Ohio and Illinois
skulked under cover. Mr. McKinley's
own state was worst of all. In Illinois,
which went to McKiniey with a whirl,
the currency plank is thoroughly am
biguous. It says: "We favor the use
of silver as currency to the extent only,
and under such restrictions that its
parity with gold can he maintained,"
This might mean the re-enactment of
the Bland bill or of the Sherman law,
or any other concession to silver which
the people, after election, should find
expedient. Mr. McKiniey himself has
refused absolutely to declare his po
sition. His public record on the finan
cial question is bad, and his public ut
terances are, to say the least, equivo
cal. Everything goes to show, almost
certainly, that the St. Louis convention
will not come out positively and
straightforwardly in favor of the gold
standard, but will repeat some such
meaningless and double-intended plat
form as it gave out at Minneapolis.
This being the case, what have we
to expect in the event of the election
of Mr. McKiniey and a Republican
congress? The situation would not be
so dangerous were it not for the pres
ence in the senate of enough mem
bers devoted to free coinage to hold
the balance of power. Will these men,
or will they not, demand "something
for silver" as the price of permitting
a tariff bill to pass? And will the Re
publican party, or will It not, yield to
their demands rather than to be pro
hibited from raising protective duties?
Everything goes to show that the dan
ger to our finances In the
event of Republican success
will be extreme. We do not
base this statement on any hypothesis,
but on the history of actual facts. The
one united demand of the Republicans
is for a restoration to McKinleyism.
Whatever they may think about the
currency or other questions, they are
bent, heart and soul, upon imposing
high tariff duties. That is what Mc-
Kinley's sweep of state after state
means. The Republican voters know
and care little about the man or his
views of other public issues, but they
do know that he stands as the prin
cipal exponent of the protective the
ory, and they insist, for that reason,
upon his nomination. This means that
a party victory would be barren of re
sults unless the protected industries
could work their will upon a new tariff
bill. It is practically certain that they
will not be able to do this unless they
placate the free silver interest.
The proof of this is found in an in
teresting revelation made by Mr. Teller
in the senate in a speech delivered a
few days ago. Mr. Teller is a man
whose word is inviolable. However
much we may differ with him in opin
ion, we can trust any statement that
he makes as the-lite:ftl truth Mr.
Teller says th/y: tl^ pretension of lend
ing Republicans {hat they voted for
the Sherman purchase act, in 1890, be
cause they feared that President Har
rison would sign a free coinage bill
if they went tq him instead, is an utter
fraud. He said: *On the day the
Sherman bill passed there was no "more
show of a free ooinage bill becom
ing a law thaw there was of the heav
ens falling." He s_ys that the Sher
man bill was passed as part of a com
promise between the free silver men
and the high tariff- men. He says that
the free silver- supporters *'*• tlte SM3 ~
ate had determined 1 to add a free coin
age bill to the M-l-tni'ty tariff bill, un
less they received some c mcession, and
insisted upon their standing or falling
together. He asserts that the Repub
lican high tariff men knew this, and
knew that the president would veto
any such hybrid measure. Therefore,
rather than to see the McKiniey bill
fail, they agreed to pass the silver
purchase bill along with it. This is
the truth of history.
Now. unless every sign fails, history
Is going to repeat itself. Suppose the
Republicans carry the election this fall
with McKiniey at the head ,f their
ticket. That victory would be useless
to them, would be absolutely thrown
away, would be only a mockery and a
reproach, unless it were signalized by
the reimposition of high tariff duties.
No such bill can pass the senate with
out the votes of the members from
the free silver states. They have al
ready indicated what they will do.
When the tariff bill came up at this
session in the senate, they joined with
the Democrats to defeat its considera
tion. They are ready to do that again.
And their declared intention not to
bolt in the St. Louis convention, but to
abide by its results, means nothing ex
cept that they understand themselves
to be in a position of unquestioned
power. Assuming a Republican ad-
ministration to .be in control and the
tariff bill to have been agreed upon by
the house, it will go up to the sen
ate. It will meet there the united op
position of the Democratic senators,
and the free silver senators from the
Republican states of the mountain re
gion will join them. Combined, they
will make a majority. The passage of
a tariff bill will be absolutely block
aded unless the votes of the free silver
men can be obtained. Their price is
already settled. They will have prac
tical free coinage or nothing. Either
free coinage or no tariff revision is
their ultimatum.
Taking, now, jthg party's record on
the financial question as ft stands; re
membering that*in ay large number of
states Republican conventions have
declared for free silver; that in still
more numerous and (^important states
they have ; refused to*,do anything but
straddle, and that only in a minority
have they favored -the single gold
standard; remembering that Mr. Mc-
Kiniey himself has been on record on
the wrong side of this question, and
has refused, week after week and
month after month, to put himself
right—what can the people expect?
What will happen, what can happen,
save a repetition of the experience of
1890? In order to secure the passage
of a tariff bill, some kind of a silver
bill will be agreed upon as a compro
mise. Do the business interests of the
country want this? Dare they invite
it? Can they take the chances? And
Is it not surely written in the condi
tions of the times that, should the Re
publicans return to power, the year
1898 will see a recurrence of the dis
astrous legislation of 1890, which has
brought this country three years of un
exampled panic, financial uncertainty
and business loss? Above all ques
tions of men and party policy, this is
the one which the voters of the United
States will do well to lay to heart
within the next six months.
-g
THE CUSTOMARY FARCE.
After the resolution of Senator Pef
fer for an investigation into the cir
cumstances of the recent bond sales
had served as a subject for acrimo
nious debate and controversy in the
senate, it was finally adopted with
such amendments as strip it of most
of Its offensiveness. As provided for
now, the investigation is to be under
taken by the regular finance commit
tee of the senate, Instead of by a spe
cial committee of that body. It Is to
cover ail the bond sales made during
the life of this administration, and
will be a perfunctory and harmless af
fair. Rightly. viewed, there is no act
in the history of the conduct of this
government during the past four years
that will so well bear Inquiry, and so
thoroughly merit commendation, as the
policy by which It maintained our
credit and steadied a raided treasury
in the face of deficient revenue and a
perpetual drain upon its resources
by speculators in greenbacks and gold.
For the credit of Mr. Cleveland and
Mr. Carlisle, no man could desire any
thing better than a thorough investiga
tion of these bond sales.
The inside history of the first of
them has been written already, and it
has been demonstrated that only by
a prompt and extraordinarily able
financial movement was the United
States treasury prevented from declar
ing itself bankrupt and suspending
specie payments. The last of them
needs no explanation, because every
detail of it was open to the public.
The bonds were disposed of by public
subscriptions, and every item of the
transaction conformed to the rules pre
scribed by the secretary at the outset.
The offering of thi_ resolution and the
prosecution ot this, investigation indi
cate only the_ venomous hatred of a
certain class of politicians for those
who have dared to preserve the nation
al credit, and 'to save the business in
terests of the Country from total ruin.
Men like Peffer and Allen in the senate
will go to all lengths to strike at any
man who has thus served the cause' of
national honesty and safety. They
will be aided in that performance by
Republican votes whenever, by so do
ing, they purpose to cast discredit upon
a Democratic officer, however un
stained his character and admirable
his services.
The bond sales by this administra
tion will, on their record, far better
bear investigation than those conduct
ed during the war period, under Repub
lican auspices, by a secretary of tho
treasury who is now a member of the
senate itself. Democrats neither fear
this investigation nor take any inter
est in Its possible conclusions, because
everything that it could disclose is al
ready known. What they have a right
to do is to stigmatize as it deserves
the vicious and unmanly motive of the
men who support such an investiga
tion, not because they believe that it
is either necessary or desirable, but
solely because there is something in
the term that seems to reflect unfavor
ably, in the public mind, upon a Dem
ocratic administration.
THE AESTHETIC SALVATIOX OF
THE SLUMS.
The question of how best to Im
prove the condition of the lowest
classes of our urban population is the
most perplexing problem with which
the philanthropy of this century has
wrestled. The favorite theory of the
last generation was that by saving the
souls of the submerged tenth they
would be placed in a condition to work
out their own material salvation; the
favorite theory of our own generation
has been that by improving their ma
terial condition they would be placed
in a condition where they could save
their own souls if they chose. It is
only within the last decade that work
ers in the slums have grasped the idea
that neither of these methods singly,
nor even the combination of them, is
effectual to achieve the salvation of
the whole man, and have called to
their aid the desire for beauty, the in
stinct for art.
In New York the fourth annual free
art exhibition for the benefit of the
citizens of the East side of the lower
part of the city has just been opened.
The exhibition consists of 150 paint
ings, whose insured value is $150,000.
None of the pictures were seen at any
of the former free exhibitions, and
some^jf them are among the most fam
ous paintings belonging to New York
art patrons. The exhibition is open
every afternoon and evening, and it is
expected that the attendance will be
even larger than last year, when the
exhibition counted 105,696 guests.
This sort of philanthropic effort has
been compared by a recent writer to
"feeding a hungry lion with rose
leaves;" but it must be remembered
that while rose leaves do not consti
tute a square meal, they make a very
satisfactory dessert. New York phil
anthropists are by no means limiting
their efforts to the aesthetic salvation
of the slums, but it is very certain
that every bit of aesthetic salvation
accomplished is a long step toward a
happier life. Everybody cannot be
rich, nor powerful, nor cultivated, but
everybody can love beauty, and in an
artistically regenerated world it would
be possible for the commonest domestic
furniture and implements to be satis
factory in color and line.
There is no greater amelioration
of the necessary hardships of this
earthly pilgrimage than an eye
for beauty in common things,
and as beauty is more a ques
tion of structure than of orna
mentation, there is nothing so cheap
nor common that it may not be made
to be beautiful rather, than to be
ugly. Moreover, we shall never have
a contented civilization until we have
a beautiful one. There is no sweetener
of existence so cheap and effectual as
a little beauty; but until the demand
for It and the appreciation of it come
from the masses, no civilization will
ever be beautiful save In select and
exclusive patches. The day may be
far distant when the masses shall de
mand that the implements and ad
juncts and environment of every-day
life be beautiful, but it will be a good
day when it comes, and such enter
prises as the New York free exhibi
tion are a help to its coming.
WHERE IT BREAKS DOWX.
The one great defect !n our industrial
system is the enormous cost of the
final step in the process of distribution,
the distance between the retailer and
the consumer. Something is radically
wrong when this cost exceeds all the
processes of making and distribution
that precede it. The wholesome tend
ency of the age, the reduction In the
cost of making the things that go to
the comfort and sustenance of men, en
abling poverty to enjoy what were the
luxuries of wealth a century ago, is
checked by this final step in the in
dustrial procession. The world never
saw a time when the finished product
left first hands with so low a cost, and
it probably never saw a time when
that cost was so increased by the last,
shortest, and what should be the least
expensive portion of the distributive
process.
Mr. Charles Pillsbury told the com
mittee of the house that was investi
gating reciprocal trade that It cost
more to get a barrel of flour deliv
ered from his mill to his house, a dis
tance of two miles, than it did to send
it from the mill to New York city.
Edward Atkinson says It costs more
to deliver the bread from Boston bak
eries to the customers in that city
than it does to grow the wheat, mill
it, transport it to Bos-ton and convert
it into bread. In the adjustment of
the loss by fire of a large factory en
gaged in making bicycles, the insur
ance companies found that the wheel
that is retailed for $100 nets the maker
$33. The work of distribution costs
twice that of producing all the material,
assembling it and working it up into
the finished product, plus manufact
urer's profit.
The farmer raises the steer, grows
the grains that fatten it, ships it to
the great abbatolrs. Where it Is con
verted into meat, and thence distrib
uted to the butchers in the cities. The
cost that attaches between the block
and the kitchen is from two to three
times the entire cost from the stall on
the farm to the block in the butcher's
shop. The sewing machine pays the
manufacturer a profit of $12, an ad-ii- '
tional 10 per cent pays its long car- '
riage by rail to the market, and there !
the cost is trebled and quadrupled in j
the short passage from the store to the
sewing room. In the broad field of the
implements of farm industry, it is the
same story. The last, shortest, and
what should be the cheapest step in !
the long march from raw material ;
through the various shops, over the ;
long rail haul, through the local dealer
to the farm, adds more to the price to j
be paid than all the other steps com- \
bined.
Our industrial system, whose crown
; ing glory and benefit are the cheapness
of production, breaks down at the last
stage in covering the space between the
consumer and the dealer. Were the j
cost there at all proportional to the cost
of the preceding processes, the pur
chasing capacity of the people would
be immensely increased; there would be
no talk about over-production and un
der-consumption, and productive in
' dustry would be hard pushed to keep
I pace with consumption. The circle •;
! of possible use wid.ns in exact ratio j
! to the narrowing of the circle of cost, j
' Only the grand dames wore calico |
dresses when this century was young, !
while today no woman is too poor to
be without one.
That this condition is a permanent '.
one is impossible. To believe that
i the industrial tendency that has
iso vastly reduced the cost of [
i production is to be balked of ;
1 its divine purpose in the process of ;
final distribution, is to ignore tendencies
j whose evidence is constantly accum- I
ulating. In the various co-operative
movements one phase of this tendency
is manifest. "Mutual" insurance is ;
another. The great department store
is another and a striking one. The
grange and the alliance are efforts in
the same direction. Thus forces are
persistently at work that some day,
in some way, will remedy the one re
maining great defect in our industrial
system.
A "HISTORIAN" CORRECTED.
William Elroy Curtis is quite as i
fallible when he drops into history as j
• when he dabbles in percentages and !
'■ statistics of trade. Attempting to give
, the history of the adoption of the two- ■
' thirds rule by the Democratic national '
! convention in 1832, he says, in one of j
I his Washington letters —called "dis- j
: patches" by courtesy—to the Chicago j
! Record, that it was "adopted for the
purpose of preventing the nomination '
of John C. Calflioun as a candidate
for the vice presidency." Calhoun "was j
the leading candidate for the vice pre •
j idency," he- says, but Jack_on wanted j
Van Buren. The only fact in this is j
that Jackson had selected Van Buren
I as the candidate to run with him. Cal- j
noun and the South Carolina Democ
racy had flocked off by themselves as
they are now doing under the lead of
Tillman. The electoral vote of that state
was given to John Floyd, of Virginia,
for president, and to Henry Lee, of
Massachusetts, for vice president.
The opposition to Van Buren was
strong. It was to defeat him for the
nomination that the two-thirds rule
was adopted; but, to avoid directness,
it was made to apply to both that and
the presidential nomination. Pennsyl
vania was especially virulent and re
fused Van Buren her electoral vote,
casting it for Wilkins. Virginia Dem
ocrats held a separate convention and
nominated Barbour. North Carolina
inaugurated a bolt, but nothing came
of either, both states giving Van Bu
ren their electoral votes. That con
fusing effect of protection on mental
processes which we have had occa
sion to note in Mr. Curtis' arithmetic
extends to his historical impressions,
it seems. But one might anticipate
that such would be the case with a
person capable of asserting that the
price of an article could drop 687 1/.
per cent.
Lord Greville made a statement at
a recent meeting of the Eastmans,
Limited, a meat importing and dis
tributing company, in London, that
handles 25 per cent of all chilled or
frozen beef, and 11 per cent of the mut
ton imported into England, that ex
plains the decrease in 1895 of our ex
ports of dressed meats. He was ex
plaining to the stockholders of his com
pany why their earnings were less than
in the previous year, and he said it
was because they had to pay a fourth
of a penny more for American meats
than they could get Argentine and Aus
tralian meats for, an advance they
could not recoup in selling prices. The
loss of 124,000 cwt. in imports of beef
from America was more than compen
sated by the increase from Australia
and the river Plate of 310,000 cwt, but
the whole falling off was equivalent to
55,000 head of beef cattle. Imports of
live sheep rose from 480,000 in 1894 to
1,072,000 in 1895, while the dressed and
frozen carcasses imported rose from
4,300,000 in 1894 to 5,000,000 in 1895.
There is a serious discrepancy be
tween the accounting for the gold
standard success In the Michigan Dem
ocratic convention made by the local
silverites and that made by Senator
Vest, a distant observer in Washing
ton. The local men say they were
"bought up," and Vest says the "of
ficeholders run things." The odds are
rather In favor of the sweet reason
ableness of the local men. That does
not imply, however, that either is cor
rect. It merely means that each diag
noses the case from the point of his
particular bias.
The manager of the Colonels has be
gun fining his players every time they
lose a game. As they lose about nine
games in ten, they are wondering
where their salaries are going to come
in.
The French are developing porklsh
proclivities. Although gold Is
piled almost as high as the
Washington monument in the Bank of
France, the Gauls are ordering about
$1,000,000 a week from New York.
The joint resolution for the election of
senators by the people is coming up
In the senate again. This resolution
comes up regularly when the senate
has nothing else to do.
Perhaps the Millers would like to
have Umpire Hayes substituted in to
day's game.
When the flag falls at Red Lake, the
Futurity, the Derby and all the rest
will not be in it.
TRfIfISVMIi TALK
NO OTHER SUBJECT HAS ANY IN
TEREST FOR POLITICAL GREAT
BRITAIN.
SCANDAL LOOMING DARKLY.
IT ■_* RESULT IX TUT. CTBIA*
WRECK OF THE PfkBSBNT
-MINISTRY.
ENGLAND IS QUITE CYCLE HAD.
Shares In Any (om|ian> ( nnnpced
With W heeling Are Snappeil I p
With Eager Activity
LONDON. May 9.—The South African
troubles are the talk, and every other
subject seems to have disappear* I
from popular attention. The announce
ment of the secretary of state for the
colonies. Joseph Chamberlain, that do
committee of inquiry into the affairs
of the British Chartered South Afik a
company would be appointed until
after Dr. Jameson's trial, which can
not be proceeded with until June 11,
and that Cecil Rhodes in the mean
while is to be allowed to retain his
position as administrator for the com
pany's territory, and as a dlrecd
that organization, has paused great
disappointment among those who have
experienced a feeling of shame and
humiliation at the recent develop ment
at Pretoria. Mr. Chamberlain, it is
well known, pielded to the pressure
brought to bear upon him by (fiends
of the company who aiv Influential
socially and politically, and it seems
evident that the government has .!•■
--cided to shield Cecil Rhodes. Thus
looming darkly In the distant- is a
scai.dal that may wreck a ministry.
Influential weekly papers, like the
Spectator, National, Observer and Sat
urday Review, protest against th
government's t—rning toward the Char
tered company after the hitter.- com
plicity in the Jameson raid has I n
established beyond the possi-ilitj* of
doubt. The Saturday Review, for in
stance, publishes six pages (Jevoted to
exposing the plot agains: th ■ Trans
vaal, and as further evidence at the
guilt uf Cecil Rhodes declares that
President Kruger has proofs that
Jameson, under Rhodes' orders, In
tended to march upon I'r-t »rla after
the capture of Johannesburg had over
tame- the government.
The wild speculation in tricycle com
pany shares continu.-.s here, in ..pi*.- of
the fart that a deoline in the riding
craze has been noticed among th.- lead
ers of fashion, who were th-' firs! to
_*ye up their horses for tho wheel. In
this city, at Manchester and in Dublin.
all sorts of companies connected with
bicycling havo been float-.1, and their
shares have been snapped up. Th>
Dunlop Pneumatic Tire company was
floated on Monday, with a capital of
£4.000,000. The earls of Delaware and
Albemarle and the Duke of Bomers* L
are of the board of directors.
The formation of an Influential com
mittee, headed by the Marquis of
Lome, to purchase the h'Use of the
late Lord Leighton for £66,000, to be
held in trust for the nation and as a
permanent residence for th.- president
ol' the royal academy, is not received
with general favor. London has more
museums than the people care to at
tend now, and it is very doubtful
whether Sir John Millais, the new pres
ident of the royal academy, or oth ■■*
presidents to come, would care to ex
change their residences for the late
Lord Leighton's fanciful structure.
The Chronicle says: The house la
an example that his taste was ofl m
faulty and nearly always second-rate.
The woodwork is an Inferior example
of cabinet-making; the furniture la
from modern emporiums, and even the
work in the celebrated Moorish Court
is surpassed in many other bouse, in
London.
Much satisfaction is expressed In
racing circles over the non-success of
Richard CrokeT'a plunge for the Ful
well plate at Kempton Park yester
day with Eau Galie. Mr. Croker and
his friend- are said to have lost heav
ily, and the poor showing made by
Americans In the Jubilee stakes today
has added to his discomfiture. Mr.
Croker has sold Red Banner to hi*
trainer. Wan tag, for $500. After Eau
Galie had been beaten in the race on
the Fulvvell plate, he was claim -1,
under the rules, by Mr. Pickering, but
it is thought that Mr. Croker will buy
him back.
The interview of the Chronicle with
Joseph Pulitzer, proprietor of the New
York World, has attracted much at
tention on all sides. The St. James
Gazette says: "The owner of the larg
est and most powerful newspaper in
America thinks that President Cleve
land's message was simply a party
dodge. We do not find this consoling,
for it means that the gravest Issue 3
of peace or war are at the mercy of
any demagogue anxious for votes."
The Globe remarks: "Political econo
mists throughout the world will watch
with interest McKiniey and the presi
dential campaign. The isolation of
Great Britain through free trade policy
is becoming daily more complete.
RHODES HAS FRIENDS.
They Are Anxionrt Tlint He Shualtl
Not Reni-.ii.
BULUWAYd, May 9.—The question as to
whether or not Cecil Rhodes is to resign from
the directorate of the British Chartered South
Africa company is producing great excite
ment throughout this section. People ban
regard him as necessary to the progress of tho
country. A monster petition praying for his
retention will be presented to the govern
ment.
Frederick C. Selous, the African explorer,
will accompany a column of troops dispatched
to meet the forces of Cecil Rhodes. The
force of Col. Plumer, who Is at the head
of 130 on horseback or with wagons, is ex
pected to arrive soon. Sixteen camptires of
the Matabeles are visible from Ruluwayo. but
the movements of the enemy still remain an
absolute mystery.
VOTE OF COHFIDE NN ■
Pn.HMed )•>' the Italian Chamber ox
Deputlen.
ROME, May 9.—The chamber of deputies
today, by a vote of 27S to 133, passed a vot-n
of confidence in the government. The cham
ber also voted favorably upon the matter
of supplementary credlti for Africa. The
Marquis dl Rudlnl, the premier,
stated that General Raratleri must
be tried before a military tribunal,
and deprecated the charges made In tho
chamber against the Crlspl cabinet, as being
likely to prolong party strife. The kalian
blood already shed, he urged, rendered eva
cuation impossible. He asserted, however,
that he would not accept any motion ia
favor of the expansion of Italy's snhere ot
action in Africa.
Harvard Beaten.
PRINCETON, N. J., May 9.—Princeton. 17;
Harvard, 9.