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The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, October 22, 1896, Image 4

Image and text provided by Minnesota Historical Society; Saint Paul, MN

Persistent link: http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn90059523/1896-10-22/ed-1/seq-4/

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Address all letters and telegrams to
* THE GLOBE. St. Paul. Minn.
Complete flies of the Globe always kept
on hand for reference.
Payable in Advance.
Dally and Sunday, per Month .BO
Dally mid Sunday. Six Months - $2.75
Dally and Sunday. One Ycur-f3.00
Daily Only, per Month .4©
Dally Only, Six Months f 2.8K
Daily Only, One Year f4.00
Sunday Only, One Year f 1.50
Weekly. One Year - »1.00
WASHINGTON, Oct. 21.— Forecast for
Thursday: Minnesota— Fair: northerly winds.
Wisconsin— Fair; light to fresh northerly
The Dakotas— Generally fair; northerly
Montana— Generally fair: warmer in eastern
portion; northerly to westerly winds.
United Stales Department of Agriculture,
Weather Bureau. Washington. Oct. 21, 6:48 p.
m. Local Time, 8 p. m. 75th Meridian Time.—
Observations taken at the same moment of
time at all stations.
Place. Tern. Place. Tern.
St. Paul 32 Minnedosa 30
Puluth 34 Winnipeg 26
;luron 40- '
Bismarck 38 Buffalo 38-42
Williston 34. Boston 56-64
Havre 42 Cheyenne -...52-6t>
Helena ,">0 Chicago 42-44
Edmonton 42 Cincinnati 50-56
Hattleford 30 Helena : 50-52
Prince Albert 30 Montreal 38-54
Calgary 46 New Orleans 72-82
Medicine Hat 42 New York 50-64
Swift Current StilPittsburg 46-68
Qu'Appelle 26"
Barometer. 30.07; thermometer, 28; relative
humidity. 74: wind, northwest; weather, part
ly cloudy: maximum thermometer, 35; mini
mum thermometer, 20; daily range. 15;
amount of rainfall or melted snow in last
twenty-four hours. 0.
Gauge Danger Height of
Heading. Line. Water. Change.
St. Paul 14 2.2 0.0
La Crosse 10 1.3 0.0
Davenport 15 1.0 0.0
St. Louis 30 5.5 *0.1
Note — Barometer corrected for temperature
and elevation. —P. F. Lyons, Observer.
We have referred repeatedly to the
campaign lie still going its rounds
which asserts that the laborin^fcian is
so poor a thing that he can be coerced
by an employer into voting against his
desires, although there exists no means
of ascertaining whether he does or not.
It is the first, but neither the last nor
the worst of the insults offered to labor
by the men who are playing their last
desperate card in the hope of securing
tke support of the workingman for the
ckuse of Mr. Bryan, free silver, na
tional repudiation, Chinese finance and
mob law. A graver stigma is cast upon
the name of labor in the speech of a
Brj4j,n orator in this city on Tuesday
night, who coupled in consecuWve sen
tences the honest laboring man of this
country wi^p. the degraded tramp. In
the namo of that honorable industry
which we hold sacred, we, for one, re
ject and denounce this classification.
Said^he speaker: "The American
tramp is the spawn of this single gold
standard. He will become a perma
nent institution. He will not disap
pear while the gold standard prevails.
The once proud American workingman
has been reduced to the dead line of
degradation." If these words had been
spoken by any well known capitalist,
If they had come from the mowth of
any employer of labor, ten thousand
protests would have risen instantly
from the camp of the maligned and in
sulted workingman. There are no two
extremes in this country today which
are farther apart than the working
man, whether in or out of employment,
and the tramp. The latter is not "a
spawn" of the gold or any other stand
ard, or of this or any other age. He
is the human wreckage produced by
idleness and the theory that "the world >
owes every man a living." He belongs
to the world under all forms and sys
tems of government as far back as
history goes. Among the* earliest
epochs of legislative authority we find
laws to suppress vagrancy and vaga
bondage. The tramp problem was a
serious one before there was any
"American system" of finance, before
there was any American government,
before America was discovered. It will
remain a problem for centuries to
come, until the universal application
of ihe labor cure, without discrimina
tion ->r pity, shall have driven the old
tramp out of existence, and destroyed
the conditions that might create the
We are not without knowledge of the
constitution and character of tramp
fraternities and tramp armies in this
country. They have been made an ob- !
Ject of careful and scientific study.
Their members are not workinmen,
with the rarest exceptions, and do not
wish to become so. It d~>es sometimes
happen that a man who has lost his
fob and is actually in search of an
other takes to the road with the hope
cf bettering his circumstances. This
Is. however so rare that it need not be
taken into calculation. The regula
tion tramp, as he is met with on the
highways of this country, is a man j
who has learned the fatal lesson that,
if self-respect is surrendered, and
moral principles put aside, it is possi
ble for a human being to exist without
work. That has become his study and |
his practice; and there is nothing, not
even the city lockup or the county
jail, which he avoids with such shud
dering horror as the opportunity for
steady employment at any wage. There
are a great many unemployed work
ingmen in this country today, but they
are not tramps. They have no quali
ties in common with the tramp. To
place them in 'that evil category is a
foul slander which, on their behalf,
. we would resent. They may be found
in all the great cities and in many of
the smaller towns of the nation. They
are the product of the imperfect ad-
justment of labor demand and labor
supply to one another.
This faulty adjustment is not
due to "the crime of 1873,"
nor to the gold standard, nor
to any other legislation or lack of legis
lation whatever. Nearly all of it is a
consequence of the enormously rapid
advance in the invention and use of
labor-saving machines. Were it not
that society is more mobile than for
merly, that it accommodates itself with
less friction to new conditions, the
changes which this necessitates would
involve hardships unendurable. If the
same relative amount of distress were
created today by the introduction of a
new machine that followed the employ
ment of spinning and weaving ma
chines in factories when they first took
the place of hand labor, society would
almost disintegrate. Take any occupa
tion that you please. Go into the
place where it is carried on. Examine
the most improved machinery and see
what amount of labor it has displaced,
then reckon the total amount of labor
thus displaced throughout the coun
try, and the difficulty with which a
man of mature years, who knows, prob
ably.how to do one thing well, and only
one, by a life's practice, is able to make
a living at some unfamiliar employ
ment where the ranks are already sim
ilarly overcrowded, and the wonder is,
not that there are unemployed laborers,
but that the contingent is so small.
It is one of the conditions of pro.-,
gress that entails suffering from which
there is no escape. The use of labor
saving machinery in the long run cre
ates a demand for more labor than
was required before. This is one of the
most familiar and best established
laws of economic science. When every
thing is adjusted to the new condi
tion there is more work and better pay
for all work than there was before.
But the period of transition from one
system to the other is the time of
suffering, of loss and uncertainty for
a number of men who are unable to
find employment.
No people have ever set themselves to
meet this problem practically with the
courage, sturdy independence and
practical success of the American la
borer. In no country have the changes
ever been so sudden and severe. Cap
ital bears its share, in that a costly
plant which earns a splendid profit one
year is worth no more than old iron
the next. Labor contributes its share
in the losses incident to a transfer from
old occupations to new. That is the
price which we are all of us, to some
extent, paying today for material ad
vancement. It does not transfer the
laborer into a tramp. It does not give
him one of the abhorrent and repulsive
qualities that belong to the tramp. It
stamps him as a brave private in the
ranks where all of us are marching
toward what we believe to be a better
industrial system and a higher future.
Of this army the tramp contingent is
the camp follower, the straggler and
the prowling marauder, who hangs in
the rear, well out of the way of danger;
and wouid cast upon the real soldier
the burden of his shame. It is an amaz
ing thing to us that it should have
been left for a man who professes to
be in sympathy with labor to confound
and confuse it with this caricature. In
the name and for the sake of honest
labor, we expose the monstrous false
The Democrats of Minnesota who
hold by the old faith will read with en
thusiasm and delight every line of the
splendid speech delivered last night by
Hon. O. M. Hall in advocacy of the
principles of National Democracy. This
state has produced no abler, more loyal,
more courageous Democrat than Mr.
Hall. Today he is on the picket line
for Palmer and Buckner, and his bul
lets fly straight to the mark. In stir
ring and incisive sentences he told his
audience their duty. From the first
word to the last thefe" was neither un
certainty nor apology. "It is as a
Democrat that I address you tonight,"
he said, "a Democrat untarnished by
Populism, unsuspected of Republican
ism." And his brave words and unan
swerable arguments were applauded to
the echo by those who have not forgot
ten how to reward courage and devo
tion to principle.
For Mr. Hall, as for many of us, it
is enough to make a stand for the
Democratic idea, which we believe to
be essential to the maintenance of lib
erty. That idea is equal rights to all,
and the least amount of interference
by the state with the individual. It
is represented today by the National
Democratic party and by no other. In
a few telling sentences Mr. Hall ex
posed the hollow pretences of Republi
canism and the impossible dreams of
Bryan Populism. With the mastery of
his subject that belongs to the student
of finance, he went down the line and
stripped the nonsense from the argu
ment for free silver. His exposition of
the principles of sound money, his de
nunciation of our present currency
system, and those who are responsible
for it. his remedy for the evils that we
suffer, are beyond criticism. His ad
dress is a simple, yet scholarly state
ment of the financial question from the
side of practical fact and economic
science. From Bryan and Altgeld the
appeal is taken to Jefferson, and no
Democrat can linger long over his
It is in his attitude in the present
emergency that Mr. Hall stirs our^
warmest admiration and commands our
heartiest sympathy. It is the everlast
ing truth that the support of the
National Democratic ticket this year
is the highest service that a
man can render to Democracy and to
his country. Not merely as a protest
against both Republicanism and Popu
lism, but as a witness of the immor
tality of Democratic principle, and as a
rallying point for the party reorgani
zation of the future. A vote for the
Palmer ticket will count more than an
other. Mr. Hall summed it up tersely
when he said: "A vote for Palmer is
not a vote lost. It is a protest against
| the folly and the madness of this year
1896, and It Is a hope and an expression
of possible success in l»00." Setting our
faces to the future, it is not our duty
alone, it is our high privilege to show
to all the world that there are those
who will not bow the knee to falsehood
in whatever garments it may be robed;
who will not surrender their allegiance
to principles, without which no nation
has saved itself from retrogression, and
without which liberty cannot endure.
It is an inspiring movement, and Mr.
Hall has presented it to our people at
its best, in this address which is
pitched to the high note of patriotic
fervor and devotion that has never
found this people indifferent or recre
ant when it sounded the command.
The mysteriously persuasive influence
that hangs about garbage contracts in
this city has conquered the mayor's
office, as it had already reduced the
common council to submission. For a
little while it really seemed as if Mayor
Doran were about to achieve distinc
tion for himself by laying down the
rule that when people enter into a con
tract to perform certain services for
the municipality they should be com
pelled to execute their agreement or
to pay the- penalty set down therein
and guaranteed by their bonds. In no
other city that is at all decently man
aged is this rule denied, nor is it in
our own save only for the favored
contractors who have charge of the
removal of city garbage. It has now
passed into a precedent seemingly too
sacred to be broken that contracts,
penalties, bonds and agreement's of all
sorts have no binding force upon these
privileged masters of the public. Ev
ery time that a garbage contract is let
there are a lot of bids below the cost
of performing the service, and, al
though this is pointed out, the bidders
contemptuously remind the objedtor
that they know their own business,
and if their offers are too low they
themselves will be the only losers by
it. If, indeed, a contract is not let to
somebody who offers to woi-k at fig
ures which every one knows to be
impossible, there is a prompt threat of
legal proceedings to compel the coun
cil to give the work to the lowest bid
der. Then, within a few months, the
work is neglected, the health officer
points out the fact and declines to ap
prove the bill, and the council prompt
ly passes it, ignoring its duty to the
people and violating every principle
of public decency and official honor.
What the influence may be that
works these extraordinary results we
have never been able to determine.
There was a glimmering of hope in the
brave announcement of Mayor Doran
that he proposed to treat garbage con
tractors like other people, but it is
extinguished forthwith by his abject
surrender. He has approved the bill in
violation of right and common decency,
and the farce goes on. In the mean
time, neither council nor mayor seem
I to have thought that the public has
j any rights whatever in the matter. We
are paying a large sum of money
monthly from the public treasury, pro
vided by the taxpayer, for a service
that is not rendered. The health officer
reported 370 complaints from house
holders in a single month, for non-re
! moval of garbage according to the
terms of contract. Think of what this
means for the health and comfort of
the city. Think of the inconvenience
and the indignation of the householder,
who, paying his share of the money
received by the garbage contractors,
finds offal accumulating day by day
about his premises, makes complaint to
the health officer, is informed that
there is no remedy for him, and then
is obliged to hire private parties at his
own expense to do that for which he
and others have already paid. It is a
public wrong and a public scandal that
this should continue year after year
without change or interference. Those
who are a party to it invite the sever
est scrutiny of their acts and motives.
While the address put out this morn
ing by the Democratic state central
committee is the customary tonic that
is administered by both parties just
before election to the voter who is suf
fering from nervous prostration, its
sincerity in other respects is impeached
by the fact that it wears a downright
Ite as the precious jewel set upon its
front. We do not propose to mince
words in dealing with the statement at
the outset of this manifesto that "if
the metropolitan daily press would
fully and fairly publish the news, it
would not be necessary for us to take
this means for explaining the situa
tion." It is a fair and settled maxim
of the law that a witness whose testi
mony is false in one respect is not to
be trusted in any other. This unprece
dented falsehood vitiates every state
ment with which it is connected.
We know nothing about the
policy of any other members of
the metropolitan daily press, but,
as far as the Globe is con
cerned, we characterize this assertion
as false in every line and syllable. It
is known to be false by those who ut
tered it. The columns of the Globe
have been open to every man on either
side of this contest. No communica
tion, temperately worded and of rea
sonable length, has failed of publica
tion. Furthermore, the free use of the
Globe as a means of communication,
with the public has been offered to
those in conduct of the Democratic
campaign, and personally to one of the
gentlemen whose names are appended
to this document.
This being the fact, we ask the pub
lic to judge how far these men can be
trusted when they charge the metro
politan daily press with a refusal to
fully and fairly publish the news. Read
in the light of this original falsehood,
the remainder of the circular needs lit
tle comment from us. It ill befits those
to decry an appeal to class against
class who have made their own cam
paign on those lines from the begin
ning. It is only fair to say of the whole
circular letter that It will suffer in the
public estimation from the prefatory
statement, which we have proved to be
wilfully false, as far as the Globe is
Continued' Worn | First Page.
cents— eighty— l donft know but what it la
up to ninety, I haven't seen today's report
but between tlj^e tyfo periods wheat has j
fluctuated, and iluetuated greatly, in value.
In 1861 it was s'aventy-flve cents; in 18G2, sev
enty-six cents; Tn 1887, under the greenbacks,
$2.20; In 1884. slxty-4our cents, and in 1888,
ninety-two centtf. You can take any number
of years since 18T8 and compare them with the
same number ofryeaefe prior to 1873, and you
will see that there la no material difference
in the prices of , wheat in the Chicago market.
Now, this proves that, so far as wheat Is
concerned at l<Wt, gold
in value, for these are gold prices. But an
ounce of sliver, would buy two bushels of
wheat in 1858, and today it won't buy one
bushel. This, ty seems to me, demonstrates
thaUsllver has been reduced in value. It
is undoubtedly true that there has been a
great depreciation i» the prices, and values
of a great many commodities. Why, horses
have gone down recently ; not by reason of
sliver legislation, not by reason of a tariff,
but because the street railways are using
the trolley instead «f horses, and the bicy
cle has got in its deadly work upou horse
flesh, and wherever machinery plays a part
in the cost of production, wherever the men
with brains who are developing and discov
ering new inventions and new processes and
new methods can get in their work, there,
too, prices have been and are being and for
ever will be reduced, and the world Is all
the better for it. Why, I read in the Pop
ular Science Monthly, the other day, an ar
| t!cle by David A. Wells, in which he demon
strates, by mathematical computation, that
a carpenter dropping a wire nail cannot af
ford to stop and pick it up; the time he
would lose is more valuable than the nail
he has lost: but I nevertheless maintain that
there ha* rarely been a time in our history
when a day's work on the farm, in the shop,
behind the counter, would furnish a man
more of the necessities and comforts and
luxuries of life. And this has come about
under our reduced tariff law, and is not
caused by any silver, or other legislation, of
that character. But whether the act of 1873
was wise or unwise, whether it was a crime
or an inspiration, is immaterial matter to
us now. The deed has been done twenty
i five years ago. Ever since that time the
i business of this country has been conducted
| upon the single gold standard; for twenty
three years we have been doing business
upon that basis; and the great question is
shall we stop, shall we revolutionize this
business of ours and put It upon a basis
which we abandoned a quarter of a cen
tury ago. My brilliant and dazzling friend
from Nebraska asks us to try his experiment
of free coinage. With magnificent courage,
he invites us to follow him into the dark,
to leap over the abyss and find out how we
come out. He says, or he has said, that
if the experiment fails, we can go back.
But he forgets, gentlemen, that the man
is not always in a condition to come back.
(ApplauEe and laughter.) Mr. Bryan's prop
osition is that we now open our mints to the
free and unlimited coinage of silver at 16 to 1.
By that, in effect, he means that the man who
has silver ■ bullion can take it to the mint
and sell it for $1.29 an ounce, no matter what
it is worth anywhere else. And this he
calls true Americanism. It does not make
any difference what the market value of it is;
it does not make any difference what other
nations pay fore silver; we will go it alone;
we will have lft. to 1, or we'll bust. "That
is' Americanism*" (Applause.)
In 1792 two of tlje, wisest statesmen this
nation ever possessed — Hamilton, the aris
tocrat, and Jefferson, the Democrat— sat down
to frame the first coinage law of the United
States. They were: both young men, not
brilliant, but careful and able and cautious.
They sought all the information they could
find upon this subject of coinage. They
visited and called upon almost every mint
in Europe, and they studied the markets,
and when they found that fifteen ounces of
silver was worth just exactly one ounce of
gold they said: "Here is the ratio of coin
age;" and they adopted 15 to 1. "Why, it is
purely a mercantile matter." said Mr. Jeffer
son, as he arose from that work, and yet
with all the wisdom of those men It soon
appeared that they had made a mistake. It
soon appeared that fifteen ounces of silver
were not worth as much as one ounce of
gold, and the consequence was that men who
had gold put it in their packets and paid
out their silver, and the free and unlimited
coinage of gold and silver at the ratio of 15
to 1 was not sufficient. The flat of the gov
ernment wa.s not strong enough to-' keep ' both
gold and silver :n circulation at the same
time and on an ■equality., These men did
not dara to experiment with the finances of
the nation. They, had passed through the
terrible days of the revolution; had seen tnd
known what the depreciated continental cur
rency meant, and so this work that they did,
they did with the care and the caution of
practiced statesmen. Years before that, in the
time of good Queen Bess, an investigating
student of economy named Thomare Greaham
had discovered this law from the experience
of the nations that a poor currency, an in
ferior currency always drives the better cur
rency out of circulation. This is known as
Gresham's law, anfl it has been proved and
tested with the experience of nations.
In 1834, in order to bring gold back Into cir
culation, congress amended its coinage law
and fixed upon the ratio of 16 to 1. They
fixed upon that ratio because at that time the
markets showed that sixteen ounces of silver
were exactly equal to one of gold. Now, the
consequence of that act was that In the
course of time the production of gold in
creased and sixteen ounces of silver were
worth more than one ounce of gold, and there
fore Gresham's law came into play, and the
silver went out of circulation and it remained
out of circulation from 1834 to 1873, and dur
ing all that time, 'with the exception of the
period Of the war, the business of the coun
try was upon the basis of the single gold
I standard. The act of 1873 merely enacted that
which was already an existing fact, silver
had been demonetized in 1834. If Mr. Jeffer
son and Mr. Hamilton were today called upon
to frame a coinage law it seems to me they
would do as they did in 1793. They would
put their ears to the* keyholes of the nations,
they would study the markets of the world,
they would find out just exactly what the
market ratio was, and having found that it
was 32 to 1, they would fix upon the ratio of
32 to 1. There would' not be any "16 to 1 or
bust" with Jefferson or Hamilton. Now. the
important question Mr us to consider, gentle
men, is-, what would Be the effect it we would
adopt Mr. Bryan's proposition of free coin
age? Why, he says, he believes that if we do
it, it will raise silver. up until it is equal with
gold. He believes this and he asks us to
have faith in his faith and believe in his
belief. Well, now suppose it does do that,
suppose it does bring silver up until it is
equal with gold and' an ounce of silver sells
for $1.29 in gold, how have we bettered the
situation then? Prices will remain just as
they are now, for silver is equal to gold, and
the man who pays his debt might Just as well
pay it in gold as in silver, because the two
are equal and silver has come up. Who then
would be benefited by such a course except
the silver miner? But suppose Mr. Bryan is
mistaken. Suppose the effect of such coinage
would not be to raise silver, then what? Why
would come in force and the flfty-two-Cent
dollar would drive the one-hundred-cent gold
dollar out of circulation. All this paper
money of ours, the greenbacks, the treasury
notes, the silver certificates, would one and
all be redeemable in the silver dollar, and,
therefore, worth no more than the silver dol
lar. We have outstanding about a thou
sand millions of paper currency, but only a
small portion of that is in the treasury; only
a small portion of it is in the bank vaults;
the greater part of it Is in circulation in
the channels of retail trade, in the hands
and in the pockets of the common people
of this- country. Now when you depreciate
that currency, when you strike it down from
its equality with a gold dollar to an equality
with a flfty-two-cent silver dollar, you rob
and you plunder the common people of this
country. (Applause.) It is true ws can do
business upon a silver basis. Why, we did
business upon a greenback basis, and the
late unrelenting Confederacy did business
uopn a grayback basis. It is true that prices
would advance, and it Is also true that the
more worthless the money the greater would
be the advance in prices. But what would
. there be gained: by all this? What have we
accomplished when we have followed this
young Nebraskan in his revolutionary pro
gramme? Can. you. see that any one will
be benefited b* that depreciated money?
Well, yes, sombbody; the man who is in
debt can pay Bis debt with a depreciated
dollar; with one-half of the debt he can
pay the whole of his inOtefttedness. But I
do not believe, gentlemen, that the people of
these United States,, are a dishonest people;
they are not repiidlators, and they don't want
a bankrupt dollar". ■(Applause.) Why, gentle
men, a time of- business like this, when the
people are struggling to escape from the
calamities of a financial panic. Is a bad time
to experiment with our finances. It never
is a good thing to experiment with the
finances of a nation. A reckless experiment
is a crime. Even the most necessary re
form should be followed with caution and
after the greatest deliberation.
But to plunge madly and wildly into the
darkness, to follow a will-o'-the-wisp and
rely upon his belief, to accept and attempt
an experiment which he thinks is coming
out all right, why I say it is a thing that
the American people cannot afford to do, and
I do not believe they will do it. As a Dem
ocrat standing on the firm rock or conserv
ative Democracy, I cannot myself consent to
participate in any such scheme. I cannot
vote, I dare not vote, for Mr. Bryan In
this election. (Applause.) I dare uyt assume
the responsibility for this revolujioasuy and
dangerous programme which he proposes.
The Democratic? party c*n survive the de
feat of Mr. Bryan, but it can never survive
hla success. I know him well. H« la •
bright, a brilliant, a clean, an honast man;
he is an intense man, firm In his conviction;
he will carry through whatever ha believe*
to be right, though the heavens fall. It
therefore behoove* such a man to be right.
He Is a burning enthusiast, like Peter the
Hermit, and like Puter the Hermit he In apt
to lead those who follow him Into destruction.
He is the candidate of three different |>o
litical organizations. To them he will owe
his election if elected, and among them
must he distribute the spoils of victory. What
kind of a cabinet would Mr. Bryan (era)
do you think? Would Altgeld havu thn Mri
folio of state, Tiliman the war d««mrlm«»f,
Peffer the navy and Ignatius the posl.fifn<->-?
(Laughter.) Is it to such a piratical e**W
as this President Cleveland must utmto
the ship of state on the 4th of next March?
Why, I can nee my friend Bryan an he con
fronts this Banguine-eyed cabinet of Mm for
the first time; and a* they press upon lilm
bleeding brow this Populisitic crown of
Uiorns and crucify him upon the cross of
Populism, what Scriptural text may he not
invoke in the hour of his agony and re
pentance. (Cheers.) I can Jo my friend
Bryan no greater service than to
to rescue him from the hyenas who would
prey upon him. He Is too good a man and he
is too valuable a man to be lost but his only
salvation Is In his defeat. (Applause.)
There Is one plank in the Chicago platform,
and only one other, to which I wish to call
your attention, it is that in relation to the
income tax. Now I have no sympathy with
the proposition so often advanced that the
supreme «>urt of the United States is above
censure; that it Is so sacred that it is not
subject to criticism. The people have a right
to criticise that court and every other court,
and they have a right to censure it 1f it de
serves censure. In so far then as the Chi
cago platform condemns the decision on
case, I am in hearty accord with it. I be
lieve In an income tax, and since the supreme
court has three different times held it to be
constitutional, I cannot understand this flimsy
reasoning which, after a hundred years, de
clares It to be unconstitutional. But It has
thus been decided by the court of last resort,
and until that decision is reversed, in the
orderly and natural course of law, every law
abiding citizen will submit to it. We have
the right to appeal, from Philip drunk to
Philip sober, and from the supreme court as
it is today to the supreme court as it may
hereafter exist. But, so far as the Chicago
platform proposes to pack that court in or
der to overturn that decision, I have no sym
pathy with It. A packed court is a Repub
lican precedent, and Democrats cannot af
ford to follow such precedents. Mr. Bryan
is the regular nominee of a regularly called
Democratic convention. He is entitled to the
support of every Democrat who cares more
for an organization than he does for a prin
The free coinage of silver has never been a
principle of the Democratic party. The Demo
cratic party has always advocated sound
money; It has always maintained that no dol
lar was too good for the man who honestly
earns it. and that every debased or depreciat
ed dollar was a swindle upon the man who
was obliged to take it. That is the money
platform of the Democratic party in the years
past. We were defeated in 1894, and that de
feat was due to a combination of Democrats,
so-called, who betrayed the party; Democrats
who were false to the cause of tariff reform
and also to the men who were the advocates
of free coinage in congress; Bryanism and
Gormanism united to embarrass and defeat
the administration of Grover Cleveland and
to break and disrupt the Democratic party.
Now, when the Chicago convention hauled
down the old standard of Democracy and ran
up the red flag of Populism, it absolved eyery
Democrat from any allegiance to the usurped
organization. It is not my intention to say
anything in regard to state matters tonight,
nor in regard to congressional matters, ex
cept this— you will pardon the suggestion.
That a congressional district which turns
Maj. Baldwin down and puts Charley Towne
in, is almosr past, praying for. (Laughter and
applause.) Tim Maloney is a good Democratic
friend of mine. I asked htm how he was
going to vote this fall. "Well, sir, he says,
"I'll tell you just what I'm going to do. I'm
going to buy a jug of whisky and I'm going
to the polls and I'm going to take my pencil
and I'm going to vote for McKinley, and then
I'm going to go home and fall upon my knees
and ask God to forgive me, and then I'm
going to drink whisky to
of my mouth." (Laughter.) I told him he
could do better; that he could get his whis
ky (of course Democrats will) and go to the
polls and cast a vote for John M. Palmer,
and then go back home, fall upon his knees
and thank God that there is a Democrat
for whom he can vote, and celebrate it in
the good, old Democratic manner. (Laugh
ter.) And such, fellow Democrats, is my ad
vice for you tonight, leaving the jug part
of it out, of course. (Laughter.) The Mc-
Klnley men- say to as: "It. you are opposed
to Bryan, you ought to vote for McKinley."
And the Bryanites say: "If you are opposed
to McKinley, you ought to vote for Bryan."
But a plague on both their houses. I don't
know how to discriminate between these two
evils. McKinleyism is as odious to me as
Bryanism. When a man offers me prussic
acid in one hand and arsenic in the other, '
I thank him very kindly, but I prefer the
good, old Democratic beverage and John M.
Palmer. No, a vote for Palmer is not a
vote lost. It is a protest against the folly
and the madness of this year 1896, and it
is a hope and an expression of possible suc
cess in 1900. To me the Republican and Pou
ullst parties are but two links of the same
They are the ugly extreme ends of patriot
ism in this country. The one wants special
legislation for particular individuals and the
other wants special legislation for privileged
classes. Between them and holding them
apart and saying to each: "Thus far shalt
thou go, but no farther," stands the Demo
cratic party with its principle of equal rights
for all and special privilege* for none. It will
be a xad day, gentlemen, when this great
conservative force of Democracy is wiped
out of existence, if such should be it» fate,
and when the contest in this country comes
between the lawless rich and the lawless
poor, between the mob and the millionaire,
I say it will be a sad time for the people of
this country. It was the absence of such a
conservative force as that, it was the want
of a Democratic party in revolutionary France
that sent her headlong into the perils and
horrors of war. Now, gentlemen, there is
not any doubt of the result of the pending
election. Every man with his eyes open
knows that Mr. McKinley will be the next
president of the United States, and for four
years thereafter no one will so much regret
the fact as the men who helped to elect ■him.
(A voice, "Nit.") Then if chastened and so
bered by the follies of this campaign the
now disrupted Democracy can unite under
the old flag for the old cause why in 1900
the dawn of the twentieth century we will
send McKinley and McKinleyism where the
woodbine twineth. (Applause.)
But if this is to be the last flght or De
mocracy, if this is to be the end and the
culmination of all, if hereafter the battle is
to be between the contending forces of pa
ternalism, if classes are to .settle the destiny
of America, then may it De said of us who
stood by Palmer that we were faithful unto
the death. (Applause.) Why, when night
closed over the field of Waterloo, and the
last square of the old guard rallied and fell
before the onslaught of the allied forces, one
voice rang clear and strong above the din
of battle, "Guards die, but never surrender."
And now all you Democrats of the old guards,
you men tried and tested In a hundred fights,
you who, year after year, without hope in
the certainty of defeat, have been fighting
the battles of the faith, if* it is true that this
is the last contest. If this be the end and the
culmination of our hopes and struggles, then
of us be it said and written upon the eternal
pages of everlasting history: "The guard
died, but did not surrender." (Applause.)
Denman Thompson's "Old Homestead" at
the Metropolitan opera house continues to do
good business, two large audiences witness
ing the performances at that theater yester
day. The engagement of the "Old Home
stead" Is for the entire week, with a popu
htr-price matinee Saturday afternoon.
* • *
The story of Madge Brierly and her many
mishaps is proving a strong drawing card at
the Grand the present week. The only re
maining matinee of the engagement will be
given Saturday afternoon.
Methodist Bally In Minneapolis.
The Methodist Episcopal rally in connection
with the state Christian Endeavor conven
tion, will be held at Hennepln Avenue M. E.
church, Minneapolis, tomorrow at 4 p. m.
Rev. Dr. J. F. Stout, of St. Paul, will pre
side. Addresses will be made by Rev. F. B.
Cowgill on Hamline university; Miss Sarah
Knight on Asbury Methodist hospital, and
Miss Lou C. Fowble on Methodist missions.
N. McCarthy will lead the chorus singing,
Mrs. Clara H. Hayes and Prof. Walter G.
Reynolds will sing gospel solos.
Retail Clerks' Social.
The social entertainments provided by thU
association seem to have become a feature
in the amusement world. That there was an
opening for the style of entertainment pro
vided by the retail clerks is evinced by the
interest taken in these affairs. Tonight's pro
gramme is no exception to the rule, and the
standard which has characterized the past
efforts of the association will undoubtedly be
maintained at this evening's entertainment.
The festivities will close with dancing, which
will be kept up until midnight.
Mrs. F. I. Whitney, assisted by Mrs. Chaa.
Stevenson, will -gtv9 a. silver tea for the bene
fit of St. Clement's guild, at the residence
of the former, 826 Dayton avenue, today, from
> to 6 d. m. ■
The WurdM in UT.i.-h the Best Re.
suits Were Obtained — Compara
tive Statement.
The registration in all the wards of
the city on Tuesday foots up the total
of 11,366, making: a total for the two
days of 24,102. There was a falling off
of nearly 1,400 on Tuesday as com
pared with the total of the previous
week, but the weather probably had
something to do with that fact. The
total for the first two registration days
last spring was 19,106— a difference of
5,000 in favor of this fall.
The increase by wards is as follows:
First ward, 623; Second ward, 364;
Third ward, 205; Fourth ward, 395;
Fifth ward, 136: Sixth ward, 341; Sev
enth ward, 815; Eighth ward, 728; Ninth
ward, 306; Tenth ward. 233; Eleventh
ward, 206. Totahincrease, 4,996.
The increase is most noticeable in the
strong Democratic and Republican
wards. In the First, which is a Re
publican ward, it is claimed the large
registration is due to the efforts of the
laboring element to get into line. The
Republicans are confident the interest
shown in the registration is due en
tirely to sound money influence. Both
parties express gratification at the
prospect of a heavy vote in the ward.
The local Democratic ticket should
profit by the increase as the falling off
in the vote last spring was due almost
entirely to Democratic defection.
The Second ward also is being
claimed by both parties. The increase in
the Third is not startling, and neither
party is claiming any advantage.
The Fourth promises well for the Dem
ocrats. The ward is Democratic
normally, and while a«4arge portion of
the vote is for sound money, it can
safely be reckoned for the county Dem
ocratic ticket. The Fifth shows apathy
as compared with other wards. There
is a vote approaching 4,000 in that sec
tion of the city, and it is estimated that
at least 3,000 ballots will be cast. The
Republicans, particularly, are hopeful
of a heavy vote in the ward, otherwise
"tile majority will be Democratic. May
or Doran's end of town — the Sixth —
shows the interest manifested in the
issues of the campaign. The ward is
certain to cast 2,800 votes if not more.
The Seventh, of course, is at the top
of the list with a tremendous increase.
It's pretty safe to say 90 per cent of
the vote Is registered. Some of the
precincts approach the 400 limit, which
will necessitate a reapportionment of
the ward. Republicans count upon at
least 1,500 majority in the ward.
In the Eighth the Democrats find
much comfort. The organization of
the party in the ward is almost per
fect. That the increased registration
is largely due to Democratic energy
there can be no doubt. The Demo
cratic majority for the county ticket i»
the Eighth will more than offset the
small majorities the Republicans may
get in the First, Tenth and Eleventh
■wards. These latter wards, embracing
the midway district, -"■■show distinct
gains that will in all probability be en
joyed by the Republicans.
Following is the total by wards and
precincts, and comparison with me
same days of registration last spring:
First 2
Yester- Both. Spring
day. days. of '96
First ward 1.407 2,947 2,324
Second ward 1,066 2,162 1,798
Third ward 621 1,298 1,093
Fourth ward 1,135 2,430 2,035
Fifth ward 1,103 2.338 2,182
Sixth ward 1,407 2,947 1.982
Seventh ward 1.050 2,460 1,645
Eighth ward 1.840 3.830 3.102
Ninth ward 1,037 2,350 2,044
Tenth ward 858 705 472
Eleventh ward 342 635 429
Totals 11,366 24,102 19.106
First Warrt.
Total Ist
Yester- Both 2 days
Precincts. day. days. Spring
1 114 208 179
2 59 203 212
3.... 147 328 264
4... 119 244 166
5 92 200 168
6 157 301 244
7 133 273 231
8 156 346 .225
» 131 261 171
10 139 295 237
11 160 288 226
Totals 1,407 2,947 2,324
Second Ward.
1 94 176 135
2 93 106 214
3 120 247 245
4 96 215 186
5 83 168 141
6 115 213 183
7 ISC 312 258
8 94 168 125
9 63 145 97
10 21 36 27
11 145 284 247
Totals 1.066 2,162 1,798
Third Ward.
1 65 129 108
2 30 91 67
3.. 46 87 88
4 72 146 125
5 87 194 180
6 79 148 146
7 101 223 163
8 141 290 216
Totals 621 1,298 1,093
Fourth Ward.
1 81 193 161
2 83 108 146
3 7* 156 124
4 58 112 146
5 84 165 128
6 155 311 269
7 162 368 279
8 119 270 197
9 86 187 134
10 64 147 93
11 83 214 188
12 86 200 170
Totals 1,135 2,430 2,035
Fifth Ward.
1 53 139 141
2 91 184 158
3 54 113 123
4 81 197 165
5 70 158 142
6 122 255 216
7 63 173 159
8 95 229 232
9 83 166 135
10 39 84 66
11 73 118 124
12 90 183 189
13 11l 196 198
14 78 143 143
Totals 1,103 2,338 2,182
Sixth Ward.
1 ._ 50 12« 123
2 112 223 165
3 114 225 215
4.. M 59 142 150
5.... M 19 42 44
6 37 . 104 92
7 99 212 173
8 76 200 177
9 117 253 211
10 118 230 184
11 100 211 151
12 47 126 101
13 m 102 229 ■ 198
Total* ._ 1,050 2.323 1^982
Seventh Ward.
l._ 159 - 359 264
2 149 ' 864 282
3 J33 284 189
4 162 353 230
5 14* 314 200
* 124 277 18i>
1 112 284 »8
* • 23 83 68
9 50 137 102
Totals 1,050 J'mq ~{^k
KlßlKh Whml.
1 116 253 182
* 80 216 l? 5
3 153 gM 25H
* 177 32;', 272
5 140 560 221
% Ml 288 242
1 I^7 292 225
8 151 276 228
J 86 174 146
J'- ••■ •••• *M 337 294
U 13t 260 221
J2 85 170 143
13 121 363 200
}* 87 194 147
15 \ 89 184 143
Totals .*.:.. .1.840 3,830 3,102
Mnili Ward.
I 128 315 253
i « 174 150
3 102 213 168
* 86 180 169
;! 10" 192 190
« 39 92 75
1 2 163 170
f S3 228 199
• «• 213 178
J° «3 131 100
}\ 77 202 132
\% 57 121 95
13 52 127 125
Totals 1,037 2,350 2,041
Tenth Ward.
I B3 155 188
; 155 259 210
* 99 192 130
4 41 99 75
Totals 353 ~~^ ~~^\
Eleventh Ward.
1 63 115 78
% 161 340 237
* 73 130 79
4 25 50 35
Totals 342 635 ~~429
tanned His Wife's Arrest.
Mrs. Agusta Guareno, a neatly dressed
woman about 40 years of age, was before
Judge Twohy yesterday morning charged with
being unfaithful to he. marriage vows The
complaint was made by her husband, Frank
Guareno. The case was continued to Mon
day next and the woman committed to jail
Mrs. Guareno denies the charge and says
that her husband has been way from home for
the past six weeks and during that time she
had to suport herself and two children by
washing and scrubbing. Her children, a boy
aged 13 and « girl 2 years younger, spent the
night of Tuesday at the central station with
their mother, and last evening an agent for
the relief society was looking for the children
to take charge of them.
Frank Guareno, the husband who made
the complaint, says he has been married for
the past three years to the woman. He re
turned home recently from MarysvUle, Mont.,
where he was employed as a laborer.
Afraid He'd Be Robbed.
J. W. Coates, of Shawnee, 0., who is on his
way to Belt, Mont., dropped into the central
station last evening and asked for quarters
for the night. He wanted the officers to keep
his money, watch and railroad ticket until he
was ready to leave the city. He explained
that he was fearful that he would be robbed
of his valuables. His request was complied
with and he was given the best the station
fIPCuMJIo fipiiilllllilllo.
National Democratic Party.
St. Clond, Thursday, Oct. 22nd.
HON. JOHN M. PALMER. Nominee for
President, and HON. SIMON B. BUCK
NER, Nominee for Vice President,
St. Panl, Friday, Oct. 23rd.
MiniictipoliM. Saturday, Oct. 24th.
(Exposition Hall)
Winona, Saturday, Oct. 2-1 Hi.
Duluth, Tuesday, Oct. 27th.
(Armory Hall)
GOV. R. P. FLOWER and HON. D. W.
Pine City, Tuesday, Oct. 27th, 2 p.m.
D. W. LAWLER and HON. F. W. M.
Brainerd, Wednesday, Oct. 28th.
(Opera House)
Cloanet, Wednesday, Oct. 28th,
11 a. hi.
D. W. LAWLER and HON. F. W. M.
Aitken, Wednesday, Oct. 28th,
3.30 p. m.
D. W. LAWLER and HON. F. W. M.
St. Cloud, Thursday, Oct. 2»th.
(The Tent)
GOV. R. P. FLOWER and HON. D. W.
Staples, Thursday, Oct. 29tb, at
D. W. LAWLER and HON. F. W. M.
Little Falls, Thursday, Oct. 20th,
4 p. m.
D. W. LAWLER and HON. F. W. M.
Anoka, Friday, Oct. 3Oth, I.KO p.m.
D. W. LAWLER and HON. F. W. M.
St. Paul, Saturday, Oct 3lst.
(Metropolitan Opera House.)
GOV. R. P. FLOWER, of New York.
Wubasha, Saturday, Oct. 24th.
HON. D. W. LAWLER and DR. A. J.
Owatonna, Thursday, Oct. 22nd.
Rochester. Friday, Oct. 23rd.
Shakopee, Friday, Oct. 3Oth.
Granite Falls, Saturday Oct. .'list.
Faribanlt, Monday, Nov. 2nd.
Pine Island, Thursday, Oct, 22nd.
\f«rtliHeld, Friday, Oct. 23rd.
Altkln, Tuesday, Oct. 27th.
Kenyon, Friday, Oct. SOtli.
Shakopee, Monday, Oct. 26th.
of Davenport, 10.
Jordan, Tuesday, Oct. 27th.
of Davenport, 10.
l<e Sueur, Wednesday, Oct. 28th.
Norwood, Thnmday, Oct. 20, 1 p. m.
Mankato, Friday, Oct. 3Oth.
Tracy, Thursday, Oct. 22nd.
Winnebavo Ctty, Thursday, Oct.
Fairiaount, FrMlay, Oct. UOth.
Good Thunder. Saturday, Oct. 31st.

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