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THE flgllY GLOBE is PUBLISHED EVERY DAY AT NEWSPAPER HOW, COR. FOURTH AND MINNESOTA ST«. SUBSCRIPTION RATES. Payable in Advance. Daily and Sunday, per Month .BO Daily and Sunday, Six Months - $2.75 Daily and Sunday, One Year - ?3.00 Dally Only, per Month - - - • 4O Daily Only, Six Mouths - - - ?---5 Daily Only, One Year. - - - - §4.00 Sunday Only, One Vctir ?l.t>O Weekly, One Year ------ ?1-OO Address all communications ana make all remittances payable to THE GLOBE CO., St Paul, Minn. Complete files of the Globe always kept on hand for reference. TODAY'S WKATHEIt. WASHINGTON, Sept. 4.-Forecast for Sun day: Jiinnesota-Gencrally fair; cooler in southerly portion; variable winds. Wisconsin— Fair; warmer in eastern por tion; fresh to brisk soutlier.y w.nas. North Dakota-Generally fair; westerly "*s n o d uth Dakota-Fair; cooler; northwesterly fair; continued h:gh tem perature; southerly winds. Montaria-Fair; slowly rising temperature; southwesterly winds. TEMPERATURES. Puffalo -G6-44 Cincinnati 78-82 Boston 60-64- Montreal 58-b4 Cheyenne 76-82 Norfolk 70-7 Chicago 72-76 Pittsbprg ...74-80 DAILY MEANS. Barometer, 29.95; mean temperature 82; relative humidity, 68; weather, partly cloud> , maximum temperature. 90; minimum temper ature 7- daiy range, 16; amount of precpi tation in last twenty-four hours, trace. Note-Barometer corrected for temperature and elevation. -P. F. Lyons, Observer. THE CoTnCIL'S "LATEST SIRRKX DEII. As everybody knows, the city council busies itself chiefly in these days in devising ways and means of offering aid and comfort to the street railway company. Its latest effort in that line, and its latest bequest to the company, is summed up in an ordinance that passed the assembly on Thursday evening. This ordinance pretends to Consult the public in that it aims to secure a better service on the Selby avenue line and through to Merriam [Park. It needs but the slightest anal ysis to show that it is, in fact, a com plete surrender of the people's rights and a proffer to the street railway company, under the most favorable terms, of the privilege for which it has been making all its grand-stand plays. Let us get this thing straight at the outset. The change of the Selby ave nue line from a cable to an electric is not a concession te the public, but a concession to the company. It has been anxious to make that change for sev eral years past. Therefore, its maneu verings with the council have been for the purpose of securing permission to make it. It has allowed the service on the cable line to deteriorate, and has deliberately made it as bad as possible in order to compel the people to con sent to such change. In effect, the con cession to the company of the privilege to substitute electric for cable power on that line is the key to the whole sit uation. Undoubtedly, the company would like to run its trains on Uni versity avenue and do an express busi ness, and half a dozen other things which it does not expect to get. The only thing that it does expect and is determined to get, and which the as sembly has agreed to give it, is the privilege of doing away with the ex pense of operating a cable and putting electric cars on the St. Anthony hill line, without those safeguards that any decent consideration of the public wel fare demands. Bearing in mind, then, the start ing point, that this change is in the interest of the company and by its re quest, and not for the sake of the peo ple, what conditions ought the repre sentatives of the people to make? Two, at least, are perfectly clear, and these should not be waived in any event. The first is, that the company should cut down or tunnel the Selby avenue hill, so as make a grade at once suitable and safe for the operation of electric cars. This condition should be abso lute. There is no safety to the public in the operation of this line by electric power without it. The company itself has declared that there is no safety de vice which would be effective. If it wishes, for the sake of its own finan ces, to make this substitution, it should pay the bill for the changes in volved. The right to run electric cars over the hill line ought never to be granted until a grade proper for them is furnished at the company's expense. The man who votes for such an ordi nance without that clause betrays the people's interests. Another change that should be re quired, and that was pointed out and Insisted upon in the assembly by men having in mind the rights of the people, and not the wishes of the company, is the placing of this line under Ordi nance No. 1227, thus" making the fran chise terminable instead of perpetual. What earthly apology can there be for picking out this line in the city and giving the right of occupancy to it for an electric street railway forever, when the right already granted to op erate on all the other streets limits the existence of a franchise to fifty years? Remember that we are not asking something of the city railway company. but proposing to grant it a favor for which it has been struggling for years. We throw in along with that valuable privilege a perpetual franchise, which is something that no other council, since the electric car came into vogue, has dared to do. These two outright gifts to the street railway company, to gether with permission to put in and operate on the Selby avenue hill a safe ty device, unknown and undescribed, which may. as far as any one can tell, Inflict serious injury upon property in the vicinity and subject the city to damage suits, represent the bonus ■which the council proposes to offer to the street railway company for doing something that it wants to dor that it finds it necessary to do and that it would pay roundly for the privilege of doing if we had representatives that insisted upon it. This is a fair arid impartial summing up of the two sides of the question, without feeling or fa vor in either direction. The action of tne assembly is left ex posed- to the glare of public scorn and condemnation by the propositions that were made and voted down for deal ing with the street railway company in the only manner that conforms to a proper sense. of public duty. A substi tute ordinance, was proposed, and re ceived the votes of three assemblymen, which was just and fair in ts terms, but which had no chance of passage because it embodied a care for the rights of the people instead of a solicit ous interest for the welfare of the street railway company. This ordi nance, introduced by Mr. Albrecht, not ed the fact that the Street railway company had violated the conditions of its franchise by burning bituminous coal at its power house, and had re fused to obey the requirement that it pave its tracks on Third and Fourth streets; and had further violated its rights under its charter by giving a service on the Selby avenue line that any court must hold to be inadequate and unreasonable. This ordinance was, indeed, defective in that it per mitted the company to use the safety device instead of cutting down the hill, but it did place the new line under the provisions of the present ordinance, limiting the franchise to fifty years. The vital part, however, is the provi sion • attacking the franchise of the company, and instructing the corpora tion attorney to institute proceedings to forfeit the franchise of the cable line unless the company should accede to reasonable terms. Here was a clear way out of the dif ficulty. It is known to all that the company's franchise would not stand such a legal attack, and that the com pany itself could not afford to take the chances in such a contest. By the pass age of the Albreoht ordinance, leaving out the provision for a safety device on the Selby avenue hill, the city would have been placed in a position where it could absolutely dictate its terms. The street railway company would have been obliged, under penalty of losing its right to operate the hill line alto gether, to reduce the grade to safety, to pave between its tracks with as phalt, to put in a union depot loop and to grant transfers to all lines. There is not the shadow of a doubt that every Improvement in this Fourth street line, from terminus to terminus, which the people desired or expected, could have been secured from the company if the members of the assembly had fixed their eyes upon the interests of the city, rather than those of the street railway company. They voted down the people's ordinance and passed the company's ordinance. Now let us see what the board of aldermen will do. The street railway company does not intend that this council shall pass out of existence before it shall have obtain ed substantial concessions, including everything that public opinion will stand. It hopes- by temporarily, relin quishing its attack upon 'University avenue, to secure, for all tme to come, the privilege of putting in, under condi- i tions regardless of the public interest and the public safety, an electric line on Fourth street. The assembly has given its consent. If the board of al- I dermen does the same, then we shall ! have registered for future reference a list of those .so-called representatives' of the people who are more concerned about favoring the street railway than about protecting the people. Let the council make up this issue and go to the public upon it if it dare. THE MULTIPLE STANDARD. It would be much more to the pur pose were those of our contemporaries who are still lamenting the natural sloughing off process that is going on in finance, as it has in mechanics, for instance, and in pretty much every thing else, to turn their attention to what has already been accomplished in the evolutionary movement and what that movement foreshadows for the future. We have repeatedly call ed attention to the very evident and very natural desire to be relieved of the burden of metallic money; a desire that has expressed itself in the substi tution of copper or brass for iron, of silver for brass, of gold for silver and of notes', checks, drafts and bills of ex change for gold. The silver certificate is the proof of the unwillingness of the men who sold silver to take the coin; the provision for depositing gold and getting from the treasury gold certifi cates is evidence of the desire of what are contemptuously termed the "gold bugs" not to be weighted down with gold, while the greenback is a stupid recognition of the same desire out of which is growing and will come the money of the future. No man, goldbug or silverbug, having $1,000 due him and having tendered an unquestionably solvent bank note, fifty double eagles or 1,000 standard dollars in payment, would decline to take the note, merely because it carried the same representa tive value in the least space with the least weight. In whatever form the currency of the future may develop, there Is little ques tion that it will be based upon the theory of the multiple standard, which recognizes money as but the represent ative of commodities, and that it should at no time have a greater or less purchasing or debt-paying power than commodities have. Such a cur rency would equalize present and de ferred payments, giving to neither debtor nor creditor any advantage over the other. It is surprising to learn that this most just currency was rec ognized by the state of Massachusetts Bay over 100 years ago, and applied to meet the financial conditions growing out of the War of the Revolution that left the continental and all other paper currency practically worthless. The state was indebted to its citizen sol diers, among others, who were risking life and health in securing independ ence, and had been paid in a depre ciated currency, just as the soldiers of the civil war were. This fluctuated, as THE SAIIVT PAU& GL33 3 SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1897. did our own greenbacks; and, being the only currency, all values were stated in it. These fluctuations carried with them unjust losses to some and equally unjust gains to others. The problem was how to secure to the creditor of the state his just dues. It is a pity ■that congress, in dealing with a sim ilar condition after 1865, was not as wise as were the legislators of Massa chusetts a century before. The current Arena has, for a frontis piece, a facsimile of a note issued by the state of "Massachusetts Bay" to Capt. Silas Clark, dated Jan. 1, 1780, by which the treasurer of the state, in its behalf, promises to pay Clark £2,240 on or before March 1, 1784, with inter est at 6 per cent, payable, principal and interest, in the current money of the state, but "in a greater or less sum according as 5 bushels of corn, 68 4-7 pounds of beef, 10 pounds of sheep's wool and 16 pounds of sole leather shall then cost more or less than £130 cur rent money, at the then current prices of said articles. This sum being 32 1 / 2 times what the same articles would cost at the prices affixed to them" un der the act of 1777, «»a.n act to prevent monopoly and oppression." In spite of the act fixing prices they had risen until they were 32% times those fixed in the act, and the £130 due the captain would buy less than 1-32 of these commodities as priced in 1877. The justice of compelling him to take the latter sum was as manifest to them as the same injustice of com pelling the soldiers of 1862-C5 to take their pay in money that had lost half its buying power was imperceptible to congress. When the time comes that the jus tice of a currency thus based becomes generally admitted there will be a much more stable and a wider basis on which to build it. The number of confmoditiea that are staple is much larger; the facilities of transportation, the accessibility of the world's markets by telegraph, the extension of com merce until it embraces the entire globe, together with the tables of prices and their index figures compiled by Sauerbeck and others, supply the foun dation for a multiple standard that the legislators of Massachusetts did not have at their 'command. This is the money problem of the future, and in stead of worshiping gold as money im mortal or vainly calling for the restor ation of vanishing and discarded sil ver, it will be wiser and better to give attention to this proposed solution. THE STRUGGLE IN NEW YORK. The contest for and against good government in the city of Greater New York has assumed a most interesting phase. It is acknowledged by all that the coming election is the most impor tant that the people of the metropolis have ever known. Under its charter the mayor of Greater New York, who is about to be chosen, will have power and patronage at his disposal such as have never been contended for as the prize in any political struggle short of a national election: It is doubtful, indeed, whether the powers of the president of the United States, under the constitution, as far as place j arid emoluments are concerned, are a match for those of the executive o-f Greater New York. Tins being the case, there is naturally a hot contest for a position so desirable. Further than that, the control of the new mu nicipality is absolutely essential to the control of the state machine. All politics in New York state is divided between the big Democratic machine, with Tammany at its head, and the big- Republican machine, now entirely controlled by Senator Platt. Dick Croker, who runs the one, and Tom Platt, who manages the other, are in perfect accord with each other. Eacn of them wants to bag the mayoralty of Greater New York, or his machine will be knocked out of gear. Each of them would rather see the other suc ceed than to have any reform element enter into the game. This is the old play of politics in New York city and state, with which the country has be come thoroughly familiar. The unusual element is introduced by a singular disposition on the part of the people to have something- to say about their government themselves. They have apparently taKen kindly io clean streets and a decent political ad ministration, and they are unreason able enough to have formed a Citizens' union, which claims an enrollment of 100,000 voters. This union has put for ward Mr. Seth Low as its candidate for mayor, and the bosses on both sides are desperately embarrassed. i Seth Low is almost an ideal man for the position. He is a well known mu nicipal reformer. It was by his work that Brooklyn obtained its new char ter, and under him municipal govern ment became something worthy of the name. He is a man of purity of char acter, of remarkable executive ability and of such other acquirements that he honors the position of president of Columbia college. Against such a man's candidacy it would seem that nothing could be urged; yet the whole energies of Croker and Platt are de voted at this moment to forcing him from the field. All that the union asks is the in dorsement of Seth Low as its candi date by either party, thus assuring de cent municipal government. Croker, of courpe. lis/.ens to nothing of the kind. Platt, through his chief of staff, Quigg, insists kbat Seth Low must be with drawn and threatens, if this is not conceded, to take up Mayor Strong for a renomination. How desperate is his case nay be realized from his willing ness to use a man whom he hates and abuses, as he does Mayor Strong, as a club to beat off a still more formidable enemy. The circumstances show that the people of New York city have the situation entirely in their own control. If they insist upon Seth Low as mayor, he will be elected. If they give up to the old partisan game, lin ing up on the cleavage of national politics and voting for a bad man for mayor because he is called "Demo crat" or "Republican," then a Tam many man or a Platt man, as the case may be, will be chosen, and Platt and Croker will divide the spoils between them. If this comes to pass,, then Greater New York will get a very bad govern ment, but exactly the kind of govern ment that it deserves. A lesson which the American j people are exceedingly slow to learn As that a government does not rise higher than its source. The people, in the long run, get just such presidents, governors, mayors, congresses, legislatures and city coun cils as they ought' to have. If they are indifferent enough to stay away from primaries and polling places; if they are carejess enough to let the bosses take charge "of their most im portant business; if they are wicked enough to «.vcte for incompetent men or dishonest men', simply because they happen to be the regular party nomi nee, then they deserve to have their government a*busetf, their interests neglected and their property confiscat ed. Whether the greatest city of the country has yet so far developed po litically as to be willing and able to take charge of its own affairs and have them administered for the public benefit, instead of for the most corrupt private combination that American politics has produced, remains to be seen. THE SMOKE NUISANCE MUST GO. A reason exists now which did not before for pressing the campaign against the smoke nuisance in St. Paul to an early and successful close. There is plenty of law upon tha subject. A number of injunctions were obtained some time ago, and are still in torce, against the ejection of black smoKe in volumes sufficient to constitute a nui sance. Other injunctions can be se cured whenever it is desired, and the smoke nuisance in this town can be remedied as swiftly and sur;ly as the people desire. There has been a com parative cessation of effort recently to do away with the smoke nuisance, ow ing to popular indifference and, mere particularly, to. : the cry of hard times. It was asserted that, if the law should be rigorously enforced, a number of concerns that could not ifford to put in expensive consumers, or to U3e an thracite coal instead of bituminous, would be forced to gf out of rown or close business altogether. It is doubtfiil if there is a'iy basis of fact for this plea, since several of those who hav§ been compelled by the court to use a different fuel have found themselves actually -benefited thereby. By substituting buckwheat coal of the anthracite varrety for the soft coal formerly used/ they have discovered not only, that the smoke nuisance %\as stopped, but that a large decrease was made in their fuel bill' If this be gan erally true, and we knu^ no :eason why it should not be universal, then the change desired can be made at a gain instead of a loss, and ought not to require the bringing of suits or the authority of the courts. In any case, the plea of hard times will no longer answer, and the campaign against the belching chimneys ought- to be taken up again and carried to completion. There are -only ■&.! i£ew offenders left, but they- are" old sind incorrigible ones. In addition to the inconvenience and disgust which they inflict 1 upon our people and the injury to our business, it is a clear case now that we cannot permit the smoke nuisance to continue after the superstructure of the new capitol has been begun. The adoption of Georgia marble for the outside of the building will give us a magnificent structure, but it demands absolutely the suppression of the circulation of smoke particles through the atmo sphere of this city. Before the roof is put on the new capitol, if the smoke conditions were to remain as at pres ent, the unfinished walls would be streaked and stained with smut and grime. The new capitol would be a sight to behold before it grew to com pletion; and, instead of the attractive and splendid structure that the imagi nation beholds, we would have a mot tled black and white building covered with inky splotches and with rivulets of varying shades of blackness chas ing one another from the eaves to the foundation. It dees not matter that the Georgia marble does not retain or absorb ex traneous matter easily, and that de posits upon its surface do not readily discolor it. The trouble is that we can not have a man, with a hose to wash off the capitol daily, and the soot de posited upon the rough surface of this white stone would stay there, to be beaten in by rains and dried upon the surfa-ce of the marble. We have but to look at the city hall, or any other building in St. Paul, to see what abom inable effects are produced by the smoke nuisance. We have been too tolerant and indifferent about this, but the decision of the capitol commission makes it a matter of vital necessity that we introduce a reform. On pure ly business grounds the smoke nui sance should have been completely abolished long ago. The work must be done now before the new capitol be gins to show its glittering walls above the granite. St. Paul, which is to be ornamented by the addition of this beautiful building, owes that much to the people of the state. JU» SERVICE PENSIONS. The Grand Aifmy national encamp ment recommenj led again the passage of a service peftsion bill by congress, and it has occasioned much comment, mostly adverse. ' If it is to be merely an expansion act, bestowing pensions on those who have kept their names off the roll either from -a feeling that a pension should no| be asked where the person is capable of self-support, or because theyicould present no pen sionable disabilities, then there should be no favor shown it in any disinter ested quarter. Or if it is intended to be cumulative, adding to the pensions now received, either from service disa bilities or the helplessness made pen sionable by the dependent act, then it deserves an opposition not limited to those who did not wear the blue. There should be emphatic protests from the veterans themselves. But, if it be proposed to substitute for all pensions, except, possibly, cases of total disability, a pension depend ent only on having seen service, and made proportional in amount to the number of days of service given, then it commends Itself to all for its fair ness, and, admitting that anything is due those who served more than the compensation given them while in service, it presents the only basis of computation by which equality of com pensation can" be secured. We do not assent to the proposition that there is any "debt" remaining unpaid, or that any soldier did anything more than his duty. By doing that he could not make himself a creditor. But the pen sion system is too firmly imbedded now to be considered with any other pur pose than that of ridding it of its abuse, its injustice and, more than all, of its political or partisan character. Thus regarded, pensions should be commensurate to length of service and entirely regardless of disabilities, whether contracted in the service in line of duty or as a result of misfor tune since discharge. It is objected that it would largely increase the annual appropriations made for pensions. Without exact in formation, speaking merely from im pressions gained by personal knowl edge and observation, we believe that the contrary will be the result. The most eager and successful applicants for pensions and increases come from those who entered the service only af ter national, state or town bounties, or all combined, appealed to a cupidity which counted compensation for per forming the highest duty of citizenship as of first importance. They looked upon army service then as a money making joh, and they naturally have ever since so regarded the government as something out of which money was to be got. These soldiers have to their credit very short terms of service, and their pensions, computed on days of service, would average less than the minimum under the dependent act. The amount to be gained would be so small for so many that application would not be made. A decided gain would be the removal of the old soldier from politics. No party would thereafter open the treas ury to him to lure his vote. We would have no more laudations of the Tan ners because of their disregard of law in swelling the pension list, nor de nunciation of the Loehrens because they kept within the law. A further gain would be to the pensioners them selves in the relief from the odium that now attaches to all because of the unworthiness of so many who have not stopped at perjury to force their names upon the rolls. A service pen sion would be proof of service given, while the amount of it would furnish measurement of its duration. If it can be substituted for all present pensions, with a few exceptions, it would be ad vantageous. • ~^m- AN EPIGRAM DEMOLISHED. Among those who discuss political and economic problems from rhe stand point of prejudice and by pleas to pas sion, no dictum is more forceful than that which declares that the rich are J growing richer and the poor are grow ing poorer The generalization has about it an epigrammatic terseness which strikes the willing fancy, and to casual observation it seems a truth of social conditions. In a paper which will attract attention, Carroll D. Wright, in the Atlantic, leaves the epi gram in shreds after an analysis of its terms. Without clouding his meaning in technical terms, the chief of the fed eral bureau of statistics declares the doctrine a false one; "false in its prem ises and misleading- in its influence." It is, he adds, "half truth, and yet in the whole untrue." To attempt a summary of the entire paper in a brief space is an inviting, but impracticable task; only its essen tial conclusions can be set forth, and those only with the hard figures upon which they are based, without the rea soning used in their development. It is true, Mr. Wright asserts, and the statement is not in the form of an ad mission, that the rich are growing richer, and that more people are, with the progress of time, possessed of in dependent means; but it is not true that the poor are growing poorer, from any standpoint which may be chosen to view the subject. The poor, like the rich, are growing richer; the dif ference being relative. The i;oor, true, are not, comparatively speaking, grow ing rich as rapidly as are those already possessed of enough or an abundance. The gap between the very rich and the very poor is wider than it was a gen eration ago; but the well-to-do and the poor, in the meantime, have made a marked advance. If there is cause for social complaint in the rapid increase of wealth which the world has seen in the last half century, it is not because any class has suffered, but because the distribution seems unequal. This in itself may, and doubtless does, seem to many legitimate cause for dissatisfac tion, but it must sink to the level of petty criticism when compared with the popular understanding that the poor, so far from keeping a relative po sition, are actually retrograding. Mr. Wright's assertions are based upon official figures which are unpreju diced and unquestionable as authority. They bear out his conclusions in ev ery detail. From 1840 to IS9O the av erage rate of wages steadily grew. The aggregate number of wage earners, in proportion to the total of population, shows a marked percentage of increase for those engaged in skilled trades, the professions and in commercial employ ment. Only in unskilled labor is the percentage one of loss. To emphasize the importance of these figures it is only necessary to state that in the same time the working population— those who support themselves — increas ed more than 4 per cent. In fifty years, then, the number of those engaged in productive labor increased faster than did the rate of population. The relative aggregate of those in skilled employ ments outstripped the increase among bread earners in general. Only among those where decrease was to be desired was there a falling off. In the same tSme hours of labor were shortened and I the cost of living was stationary or had fallen. With the iacts thus stated, the theory that the poor are growing poorer falls flat. No juggling with realities can save it. To borrow Mr. Wright's il lustration, if society as ft was orga nized fifty years ago be represented by a pyramid, with the . very rich the pointed apex and the very poor the broad base, while the one has expand ed, the other has contracted. Despite the more rapid widening of the point, the evolution has tended toward equali zation. Labor has grown away from the Ricardo theory, the so-called iron law of wages. "The economic man of Ricardo is gradually developing into the social man." No longer satisfied with just sufficient wage to maintain the greatest degree of physical effi ciency, labor demands, and rightfully enough, Mr. Wright contends, "a fair proportion of even the luxuries of life." Whether the question of relative prog ress is one that will adjust itself, or, admitting that it will not,, what are the means by which inequalities are to be harmonized, the future must tell. In the meantime the richer rich and poor er poor epigram has been robbed of its keenest sting for all Who care to look upon social progress in the light of logic and not of hysteria. HIS SUPERFLLENCY SPEAKS. Hats off to Mr. Hobart, Hobart, of New Jersey, Hon. Garret A. Hobart, if the name happens to have slipped your memory. Most wonderful of dis coverers, future generations of vice presidents will rise up to call him blessed. Honor to him wherever he may be. Turn out the guard and let the trumpets sound. Fly the vice regal standard from the castle walls. The unexpected has happened, and Mr. Ho bart has eclipsed the flights of those who have sought the philosopher's stone, perpetual motion and other im possible things.- The vice president of the United States has responsible du ties. Mr. Hobart has found them; again hats off to him. At the annual meeting of the New York, Susquehanna & Western Railroad company, Mr. Ho bart was not re-elected as a director, because he informed his colleagues, in writing, that his official duties would not permit him to give any of his time to the road. The very paper on which the note was written rustled with in ward mirth, and the solemn walls of the committee room shook with laugh ter, and yet it does not appear that the honorable gentlemen even smiled. They asked no questions and were not even startled, but the public will insist on a bill of particulars. Mr. Hobart will not be allowed to hide his light. Those wonderful responsibilities must be put on show. Each one under a powerful compound microscope will be gaped at by the passing crowd. When at night they are carefully packed away in a pin hole, soldiers in martial array will stand on guard to see that none are spirited away. It is a pitiful spectacle that Mr. Ho bart presents, weighed down by the j crushing responsibility of appointing j one private secretary and two mes j sengers, • while the fate of a nation ! hangs on the wisdom of his choice. And when the fateful decision has been made, if free institutions survive the stress of such a time of peril, there is no rest for the weary head weighed down by the vice presidential crown. With the morning,* when congress is in session, still shaken and weak from I the exhaustion of the previous day, I Hobart, the Honorable Garret A. Ho bart, must nerve himself for a new task. While sixty millions of people gasp and tremble in an agony of ap prehension, the fateful words, "the senate will be in order," must, by a supreme effort of the will, be forced from his quivering lips. Mr. Hobart has no time to run a railroad with such | a weight on his official shoulders. If fate had made the New Jersey states man chairman of the town board of Armougok, Vt., he would have been compelled to resign from his wife and family. As member of the city council of Podunk, Mr. Hobart doubtless would do his breathing by proxy and have his meals served to him in bed. The city papers are now coming down as gracefully as possible, but their line of bat tle is uncovered, and the press of the First district will wheel its great siege guns into position prepared to defend our nervy con gressman when the thunder of the mud batteries at the head of navigation is again heard in the land.— Rushford Star. And if the "great siege guns" of the First district's press take to the wooda as expe ditiously as did their "nervy congressman" when he got the rebound #f his Times- Herald article, their thunder will not break ''on the bosom of the palpitating air" very hard. All the same, this "nervy" backing of the nervous congressman should be re warded with "something equally good." >^»- The idea of charging Congressman Tawney with the authorship of the now famous sec tion 22 in the tariff bill is absolutely rldlcu ! lous. If the section does what la claimed j for It, discriminates against the Northern ! railroads, Tawney would be a fool for father j ing such a measure, as no state would be | injured more than his own. And Jim Is not j a fool — not by a hundred and sixty rods. — Preston Times. If Tawney "would be a fool for fathering" j it, just how much of a fool was he for voting for It, whether he knew it was there or not? _ Moral: If there is anything in luck, so I called, let us have, of course, that particu i lar brand of it that brings industrial ac ! tivlty and good times. The McKinley brand, j like that of Harrison before, appears to be just the thing to restore confidence and set the wheels of industry in motion.— Winona Republican. Agreed. And save us from the Grant brand, burned in in 1873; the Arthur brand, ap plied in 1884, and the other Harrison brand that scorched us in 1890. From plague, pestl ! lence, famine, and all such brands, good Lord deliver us. m , Those fellows who are constantly repeating the assertion that the Republican party is not responsible for returning prosperity will have up-hill work trying to make the In telligent citizen indorse their views. — Wheat on Reporter. We give up all hope of getting the editor of the Reporter to "indorse their views," and will restrict our efforts to citizens. Tawney says he didn't know anything about it. but he don't explain why in thunder he didn't. Who looks after our interests, any how?—Anoka Herald. That depends on whose "our" interests are. If they are lumber, Tawney does. If they are chicory, Tawney does. If they are eggs. Tavney does. If they are Tawney 's, Tawney does. If they are just us common folks, no one does. IiOJiGIfIG FOR SPRING REPUBLICANS ANXIOUS FOR THE TIME "WHEN THEY CAN GET AT DO RAN. ACTIVITY IN THE EIGHTH WARD PLANS LAID FOR A TICKET COM. POSED OF KIEFER, FITZGER ALD AND AROSIN. W. R. JOHNSON TO CUT SOME ICE. Democratic Sentiment Has Not Yef Begrun to Crystuli/.e in Favor of Anjr One Man. The Republicans of the Eighth ward have commenced to hold precinct meetings in order to arrange for the spring election. There seems to be a feeling among the voters of the ward that the present administration has not given the .ward the proper recogni tion due it considering the showing made at the last election. The Ger man American voters are particularly sore over the treatment, and it is in this ward that the Kiefer boom is be «'£• w r u ed tne - str ongest. The ticket which the friends of Kiefer are talk ing about reads like this- Mayor— A. R. Kiefer City Comptroller-M. W. Fitzgerald City Treasurer-O. H. Arosin. « * * With the city ticket headed by this trio the friends of Col. Kiefer think the grand old party could win again m the spring. With the present execu tive at the head of the ticket, a whole lot of prominent Republicans say that a victory is impossible, and for this reason any plan or scheme which will throw the Sixth ward statesman down meets with favor. If, as some of the wise ones claim, Col. Kiefer would rather take his chances for congress in the fall than to make the race for mayor in the spring, then there Is a chance for William R. Johnson, recent ly elected to the assembly in place of Ernest L. Mabon, who was given a place on the board of public works Johnson, the night he assumed the po sition of assemblyman, announced that he was not acandidatefor any political honors, but he threw out a life line by saying that "if the people of the city' should ever get insane enough to elect me mayor, I have no doubt but what I could fill the office as well as some of the persons who have been elected to the officer Whether the Eighth ward politician had an idea, at the time, that there might possibly be a chance for him to get the nomination, is a question, but there are any number of persons who are, as he expressed it 'insane enough" to make a talk about giving him the mayoralty nomination Those who are making the talk do not stop at this easy method, but are ac tively at work booming Johnson for the race. • * * No matter who gets the nomination tor mayor there promises to be a very warm fight for comptroller. Capt Mc- Cardy is now doing his third term and the majority of the Republican politicians, and by that is meant the ones who do the hustling at the cau cuses and the polls, are saying that while the "watch dog of the treasury" Is perhaps all right, there are others who could do just as well and are more entitled to the place. The friends of C. L. Hoist, the present city treas urer, who is a candidate for re-elec tion, claim that McCardy, at the time of the recent investigation of the city treasurer's office, endeavored to give Hurst the worst of it. in order to shield himself. Hoist's friends point to the manner in which McCardy threw Conrad Miller overboard, and insist that they will attend to Mc- Cardy when the time comes. • ♦ • W. T. Kirke, of the Seventh ward, at present a member of the assembly, is mentioned as a candidate for the po sition of comptroller. This was the statement made by a Republican of the Seventh ward yesterday, who said that while there had been no concert ed aotion taken, there was a possibil ity that the ward might go to the con vention pledged to Kirke for comp troller. The Seventh warder laughed at the proposition of Freddie Bryant standing any show to get the nomina tion for comptroller. Assemblyman Kirke was, he said, a good accountant and qualified to fill the position. • * » E. E. McDonald, who is supposed to represent the crystallized sentiment of the Sixth ward voters, says it is as good as settled. The head of the tick et, according to Mr. McDonald, will be Doran for mayor, F. S. Bryant for comptroller and Edward Feldhauser for treasurer. The friends of Mayor Doran, and he still has some who claim he has made the best Republi can mayor St. Paul ever had, are not doing much talking, but are pulling the wire hard for a renomination. In this they are ably assisted by the mayor himself, who carefully weighs his every official act with the sole view of strengthening his fences and forc ing a renomination, whether the rank and file of the party wish it or not. Kiefer, according to the plan of the Doranites, can be kept out of the way either by promising him the congres sional nomination or selecting some other plum which will pay a reasona bly good salary. Right here it may be said that Col. Kiefer is not so green as some of the members of his party may regard him. A friend of the ex congressman said the other day that Col. Kiefer would not accept the mayoralty nomination, if it was hand ed him. The colonel, the gentleman said, realized that the present admin istration had not satisfied the people, and, in the nature of things political, there would be no chance for a Re publican next spring. For this rea son Col. Kiefer's friend said, he woultl not take the nomination, although ho was not foolish enough to repel over tures which might be made to hand him a good thing for his keeping out of the race. • • • Mention is made In conversation daily of a score of persons who would accept the nomination on the Demo cratic side for mayor. One of the most prominent politicians in the Demo cratic ranks in conversation yesterday quite electrified those he was talking to by saying after all the candidates had been sized up and considered, that Robert A. Smith was the only logical candidate for the party to nominate next spring. No one, he said, had made a better mayor than Smith, and the people, after the exhibition of the past fourteen months in the manage ment of city affairs, were beginning to realize that a man familiar with city affairs and having the best in terests of the city and all the c tizens at heart was needed for mayor. This, he said, was why Robert A. Smith was the right man for mayor, and, if the Democrats nominated him next spring, his election would be assured without a doubt. Other people, how ever, are strongly talking of L. L.. May, Dr. E. H. Whitcomb, J. J. Park er and Pierce Butler. These Were Acquitted. Kate Brennan, the former laundress >t the Colonnade, who was arrested on the charge of stealing a quantity of linen, was discharged by Judge Twohy yesterday. The young wo man claims that the property taken from her trunk belonged to her and not to the man ager of the Colonnade. The evidence of the prosecution failed to establish otherwise and the court ordered Miss Brennan's release. Louis Xash and John Alehwanek, the two West side youths accused of stealing a wagon umbrella, were discharged in the municipal court yesterday.