ADAMS OPPOSES IMPERIALISM. The Policy "Hands Off" and "Walk Alone" Is Dis tinctly American — The Policy of the McKinley Ad ministration un-American. One of the strongest letters of the year on expansion was written some time since by Charles Francis Adams to Carl Schurz. It is as follows: My Dear Mr. Bchurz: In a recent letter you kindly suggest that I sub mit to you a sketch of what, I think, should be said in an address such as it is proposed should now be put forth by the Anti-Imperialist league to the people of the United States. i I last evening read a paper before the Lexington Historical society, In which I discussed the question- of extra-territorial expansion from the his torical point of view. A copy of this p:iper I hope soon to forward you. Meanwhile, there is one aspect, and, to my mind, the all-important aspect of the question, which, in addressing an historical society, was not germane. I refer to the question of a practical policy to be pursued by us, as a na tion, \yider existing conditions. That Spain has abandoned all claim of sov ereignty over the Philippine islands admits of no question. Whether the : nited States has accepted the sovereignty thus abandoned is still an open question; but this 1 do not regard as material. Nevertheless, we are con fronted by a fact; and, whenever we criticise the policy up to this time pur- BUed, we are met with an inquiry as to what we have to propose in place of it. We are invited to stop finding fault with others, and to suggest some feasible alternative policy ourselves. To this we must, therefore in fairness, address ourselves. It is, in my judgment, useless to attempt to carry on the discussion merely in the nega tive form. As opponents of an inchoat* policy we must, in place of what we object i". propose something positive, or we must abandon the field. Ac cepting the alternative, I now want to suggest a positive policy for the con sideration of those who feel as we feel. I wish your judgment upon it. There has. it seems to me, been a great deal of idle "Duty," "Mission," and "Call" talk on the subject of our recent acquisition of "Islands Beyond th» Sea," and the necessity of adopting some policy, commonly described as "Imperial," in dealing with them. This policy is, in the minds of most peo ple who favor it. to be indirectly modeled on the policy heretofore so success fully pursued under somewhat similar conditions by Great Britain. It in volves, as I tried to point out in the Lexington paper I have referred to, the abandonment or reversal of all the fundamental principles of our govern ment since its origin, and of the foreign policy we have heretofore pursued. This, I submit, is absolutely unnecessary. Another and substitute policy, purely American, as contradistinguished from the European or British, known as "Imperial,"- policy, can readily be formulated. This essential American policy would be based both upon our cardinal political principles, and our recent fo:eign experiences. It is commonly ar gued that, having destroyed the existing government in Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines, we have assumed a political responsibility, and are un *er a moral obligation to provide another government in place of that which our action has ceased to exist. What has been our course heretofore t-ler similar circumstances? Precedents, I submit, at once suggest them >'es. Precedents, too, directly In point, and within your and my easy recol rtion. , I refer to the course pursued by us towards Mexico in the year 1848, and again In 1866; towards Hayti for seventy years back; and towards Venezuela as recently as three years ago. It is said that the inhabitants of the islands of the Antilles, and much more those of the Philippine archipelago, are as yet unfitted to maintain a government; and that they should be kept in a condition of "tutelage" until they are fitted so to do. It is further argued that a stable government is necessary, and that it is out of the question for us to permit a condition of chronic disturbance and scandalous unrest to exist so near our own borders as Cuba and Porto Rico. Yet how long, I would ask, did that condition exist in Mexico? And with what results? How long lias it existed in Hayti? Has the government of Venezuela- ever been "sta ble?" Have we found it necessary or thought it best to establish a gov ernmental protectorate in any of those immediately adjacent regions? What has been, historically, our policy — the American, as distinguished from the European and British policy — towards those communities — two of them Spanish, orfe African? So far as i foreign powers, are concerned, we have laid down the principle of "hands off." So far as their own government was concerned, we insisted that the only way to learn to walk was to try to walk, and that the history of mankind did not show that nations placed under systems of "tutelage" — taught to lean for sup port on a superior power — ever acquired the faculty of independent action. Of this, with us, fundamental truth, the British race itself furnishes a very notable example. In the forty-fourth year of the Christian era the island of Great Britain was occupied by what the "imperial" Romans adjudged to be an inferior race. To the Romans the Britons unquestionably were inferior. Every child's history contains an account of the course pursued by the su perior towards that inferior race, and it,s results. The Romans occupied Great Britain, and they occupied it hard upon four centuries, holding the people in "tutelage," and protecting them against themselves, as well as against their enemies. With what result? So emasculated and incapable of self-govern ment did the people of England become during their "tutelage" that, when Rome at last withdrew, they found themselves totally unfitted for self-govern ment, much more for facing a foreign enemy. As the last and best historian of the English people tells us, the purely despotic system of the imperial gov ernment "by crushing all local indeperdence, crushed all local vigor. Men forgot how to fight for their country w hen they forgot how to govern it."* The end was that, through six centuries more, England was overrun, first by those of one race, and then by those of another, until the Normans establish ed themselves in it as conquerors; asd then, and not until then, the deteriorat ing system of long continued "tutelage" ceased to be felt, and the islanders became by degrees the most energetic, virile and pelf-sustaining of races. As nearly, therefore, as can be historically stated, it took eight centuries for the people 9t England to overcome the injurious influence of four centuries of just puch a system as it is now proposed by us to inflict on the Philippines.** Hin dostan would furnish another highly suggestive example of the educational effects of "tutelage" on a race. After a century and a half of that British "tutelage," what progress has India made towards fitness for self-govern ment? Is the end in sight? From the historical point of view, it is instructive to note the exactly dif ferent results reached through the truly American policy we have pursued in the not dissimilar cases of Hayti and Mexico. While Hayti, it is true, has failed to make great progress in one century, it has made quite as much prog ress as England during any equal period immediately after Rome withdrew from it. And that degree of slowness in growth, M%ich with equanamity has been endured by U3 in Hayti, could certainly be endured by use in islands on the coast of Asia. It cannot be gainsaid that, through our insisting on the policy of non-interference ourselves, and non-interference by European na tions, Hayti has been brought into a position where it is on the high road to better things in futuie. That has been the result of the prescriptive American policy. With Mexico the case is far stronger. We all know that in 1848, after our war of spoliation, we had to bolster up a semblance of a government for Mexico, with which to negotiate a treaty of peace. Mexico at that time was reduced to a condition of utter anarchy. Under the theory now gaining in vegue, it w »uld then have been our plain duty to make Mexico an extra-ter ritorial dependency, and protect it against itself. We wisely took a different course. Like other Spanish communities in America, Mexico then passed through a succession of revolutions, from which it became apparent the peo ple were not in a fit condition for self-government. Nevertheless, sternly in sisting on non-interference by outsider powers, we ourselves wisely left that country to work out its own salvation in its own way. In 1562, when the United States was involved in the War of the Rebellion, the Europeans took advantage of the situation to invade Mexico, and to establish there a "stable government." They undertook to protect that people against themselves, and to erect for them a species of protectorate, such as we now propose for the Philippines. As soon as our war was over, we insisted upon the withdrawal of Europe from Mexico. What followed is matter of recent history. It is unnecessary to recall it. We did not reduce Mexico into a condition of "tutelage." or establish over it a "pro tectorate" of our own. We, on the contrary, insisted that it should stand on its own legs; and, by so doing, learn to stand firmly on them, just as a child learns to walk, by being compelled to try to walk, not by being kept ever lastingly in "leading strings." This was the American, as contradistinguish ed from the European policy; and Mexico today walks firmly. Finally take the case of Venezuela in 1895. I believe I am not mistaken when I say that, during the twenty-five preceding years, Venezuela had undergone almost as many revolutions. It certainly had not enjoyed a stable government. Through disputes over questions of boundary. Great Britain proposed to confer that indisputable blessing upon a considerable region We interfered under a most questionable extension of the Monroe doctrine and as serted the principle of "hands oft." Having done this — having in so far per petuated what we now call the scandal of anarchy— we did not establish "tutelagt?." or a protectorate, ourselves. We wisely left Venezuela to work out its destiny In its own way, and in the fullness of time. That policy was far-seeing, beneficent and strictly American in 1895. Why then make -,i most indecent haste to abandon it in 1898? ■ ' c al ' Instead, therefore, of finding our precedents in the experience of Eng land, or that of any other European power. I would suggest that the true course for this country now to pursue is exactly the course we have hereto fore pursued under similar conditions. Let us be true to our own tradition* and follow our own precedents. Having relieved the Spanish islands from the dominion of Spain, we should declare concerning them a policy of "hand* off," both on our own part and on the Part of other powers We ' should nay that the independence: of those islands is morally guaranteed by us" as a rnn sequence of the treaty of Paris, and th^n leave them just as 'we have left Hayti. and just as we left Mexico and Venezuela, to adopt for themselves such form of government as the people thereof are ripe for. In the ca<=es of~Me-ir ico and Venezuela and in the case of Hayti, we have not found it necesscirv to interfere ever or at all. It is not yet apparent why we should find it nere/ sary to interfere with islands so muc h more remote from us than Havti ami than Mexico and Venezuela, as are the Philippines. ' In this matter we can thus well afford to be consistent, as well as loeical Our fundamental principles, those of t he declaration, the constitution and tha Monroe doctrine have not yet been sh°"'n to be unsound— why should we hi in such a hurry to abandon them? O ur Precedents are c!ose at hand nnrt satisfactory— why look away from the m to follow those of Great Britain* Why need we, all of a sudden, be so very English and so altogether French even borrowing their nomenclature o f "imperialism?" Why can not we too' in the language of Burke, be content t° set our feet "in the tracks of mir forefathers, where we can neither wan d " nor stumble?" The only difficulty in the way of our so doing seems to b.-.;>. -riiy Still Here. Minnesota has had a governor elected on the Fusion ticket, for nearly a month now, and still the Republican papers don't claim that our credit has boen ruined. They are Btill insisting that prosperity is here. They claim that money is plenty, times good, and people happy. Who would have believed, when they were shouting so loudly last fall to look out for the consequences of electing a free silver or fusion governor that they would in a few short months be trying to claim him as a good Republican ?--Buffalo Ga zette (Dem.). Not Likely to Pumh. Representative Pope, in the house, has in troduced a bill to make sailoon licenses in cities over 10.000 Inhabitants $1,500 per year. It should bo entitled "to encourage blind pigs." But it is not likely to pass.— Mankato Review (Dem.). Would Refotrm Everybody Else. A member of the legislature from Renville county, named Peterson, the latter part of last week introduced a bill in the house to pro hibit the acceptance of railroad passes by members of the legislature and state officers; but the bill was not given even a decent burial. Instead of hailing with delight this opportunity to show to the people of the state that the members are honest and intend to advance political honesty, the Peterson bill was strangled to death at the first oppor tunity by Indefinite postponement: and even Peterson, father of the bill, did not give any puMic evidence of mourning. The members of each successive legislature, instead of re forming themselves, want to reform every body else.— NfcwUlm News (Dem.). Squeezing a Leiaon, When Prank Day begins to quote Shakes peare, it is high time for Deputy Warden Lemon, of the state prison, to pack his trunk and slide down the rear wall. Frank says Lemon must go.^Sherburn Advance (Rep.). Their Own Whitewashing. The fusloniits ir. the legislature— there are no Populists there— slipped easily Into the noose adjusted for them by J. P. Jacobson when they accepted places on the twine in vestigating committee. Had they possessed common political acumen they would have compelled the Republicans to conduct the in vestigation, of themselves. The farmers in this state have long ago made up their minds that the Republican management of the twine business is a fraud, and the fusionists should have left the Republicans to do their own whitewashing.— Fergus Falls Globe (Pop.). Advice for Jacobaon, Representative Jacobson might profit a lit tle if he would take some of the advice he offers to others home to himself. Jake is a good representative and wise legislator, but ho should remember that he Is not the only peach-tree in the orchard, the Minneapolis Journal to the contrary notwithstanding.-- Inter Lake Tribune (Rep.). Don't Worry About the Editor. "The editor," says a county paper, '"has a charter from the state to act as doormat for the community. He will get the paper out somehow and stand up for the town and whoop it up for you when you run for office and lie about your bigfooted son when he gets a four dollar a-week Job and weep over your shriveled soul when it is released from its grasping body and smile at your wife's sec ond marriage. Don't worry about the editor; he'll get along. The Lord only knows how— but somehow.— Hutchinson Independent. A Mystery of Minneapolis. Every day the Minneapolis papers teem with particulars of highway robberies and bur glaries committed in that town. Bandits must be as thick as spatter in the Flour and how the policemen manage to k?pp out of their way is a conundrum. — Grand Forks Courier (Rep.). There Were Others. What is the use of all this howl by the op position press, denouncing Gov. Lind for ap pointing Ed Corser as surveyor general of logs! The only thing they ssem to bring against the man is that he failed in business some time ago. So did William McKinley, William R. Merriam and the Guaranty Loan company, of which Eustis and a large num ber of the leading Republican lights were managers.— New Ulm Review (Pop.). Depends on Records. Senators Knatvold, of this county; Greer, of Wabasha, and Thompson, of Fillmore, are mentioned as possible candidates for congr?sa before the Republican congressional conven tion in 1900. All of these possible candidates, however, have a legislative session before them, and their prospects depend upon the records they will make in the legislature dur ing the next sixty or seventy days. Con gressman Tawney, however, is a strong can didate, and it will be no easy task to defeat him. — Albert Lea Enterprise. (Pop.). PARIS HONORS A FATHER. Having- Raised Fourteen, He la Re warded With 3,000 Francs. From the New York Herald. A public-spirited Frenchman recently left the city of Paris a legacy sufficient to provide every two years a prize of 3,000 francs to the most deserving father to be found among the laboring classes. The money was to go to the one who had raised the most children and brought them up best. A committee, appointed by the municipal council, finally awarded the prize to a poor shoemaker, named Vandenbrouck, the father of sixteen children, fourteen of whom were still living. The man and his wife and nu merous progeny lived in a small house, built by the cobbler himself, at one of the extremi ties of Paris. The committee's report was as follows: Father, shoemaker, 45 years old, of medium height, large blue eyes, thick blonde mus tache, old Gallic type. Mother, 39 years old, fat, good-natured woman, always smiling. Justine, the oldest daughter, 22 years old. Louis, the oldest son, 20 years old, about to begin military service. Nathalie. 18 years old. Constant, 16 years and G months old. Francois, 16. Jean, 12. Louis, 11. Lucie, 10. Irma 9. Arsene, 7%. Marthe, 6. Maxime, 4'. a . Pierre, 8. Marie, 14 months. A writer in the Figaro thus describes his visit to the family. "All this little world lives in a space sixty feet deep by thirty -wide. It is a small one story house, with two windows, giving on the street and surmounted by an attic. A small court, inclosed by a wooden railing, is between the house and the street. At the end of the court is a workshop, and beyond tiis three rooms, another workshop, a bed room where the hustoand and wife and the three last children sleep, a large room which serves as a kitchen, dining room, and still another workshop. The attic Is a dormitory in which sleep the remaining eleven chil dren." A Long Pull, A Strong Pull and a Pull All Together. Here Is Congressman Berry's little list of eons, ,sons-ln-law, grandsons, nephews and brothers of great mtn who obtained commissions In the army during the war because of t %;■ political and social influence: SONS. Persons With Pulls. . Parsons They Pulled For. The Office That Waa Pulled. R. A. Alger, secretary of war Fred M. Alger ... Captain. Benjamin Harrison, ex-president Russell B. , Harrison Major. Congressman, Hill, of Connecticut Fred A. Hill Lieutenant colonel. ■Mrs. James G. Blainu Jamea G. Blalne Captain. •Congressman Belford, of New York Samuel W. Belford Captain. CabeJl Breckinridge, of Kentucky John C. Breskinridge Captain. Mrs. Gen. John A. Logan.... .....John A. Logan Major. Gen. Longstreet ; r. l . Longstreet Major. Gen. ,Fltzhugh Lee, of Virginia Fitzhugh , Lie Jr First lieutenant. Senator J. B. Foraker, of Ohio Joseph B. Foraker Jr Captain. Senator Fairbanks, of Indiana..' Warren C. Fairbanks Captain. Senator Sewell, of New Jersey... William J. Sewell Captain. Gen. J. E. B. Stuart, J. E . B. Stuart Jr Captain. Representative Hull, of lowa. John A. Hull Lieutenant colonel. Ex-Senator Gordon, of Georgia Hugh H. Gordom. Major. Late Senator Calvin S.,Brice •..., Stewart M. Bric U«rt Q. Grlscom Captain. maianians w E _ En£|l3ll Captain. GRANDSONS. Oria -first lieutenant. ci a y,.nM^ i chaei^h il ade IPh i a -v;v::\v:v:c ay E C^cnae{-;:::::::Sof NEPHEWS. VZZrIuT H^ a r rt G^ r « e S - Hobart Major. Senator Allison, of lowa w B Alljson Captain. SON-IN-LAW. Senator Money of Mississippi Beverly A. Read Captain. B. F. Butler family. Massachusetts Adelbert Ames Brigadier general. EX-GOVERNOR. John Gary Evans, of .South Carolina , Captain Lucius F. Hu'bbard. of Minnesota general. Judge Nathan Goff, of West Virginia Charles J. Goff Captain. WHAT A SOCIAL PULL WAS WORTH. Larz Anderson .- _ , . William A., Harper of New York "city...;;. ctnSn' john'Xl^V^r^:::;-"--- C. Creighton Webb, of, New York city ;. ' Major. Leonard Wood, President McKirJey's phyateiMVZ.VZ.Z.'."'.'. '.'.'.'. Brigadier general. Here, There, Everywhere. Washington's Coal Industry. The state mining inspectors report shows that 3,388 men are engaged in the work of mining coal in Washing-ton. This does not include those directly employed in furnishing timbers for the mines, nor those engaged In transporting the coal. This would doubtless raise the number actually drawing wages from the industry to 5,000 men. Estimating the number of men, women and children dependent upon the Incomes of these miners and auxiliaries at the 'customary ratio of five to one, and we have 25,000 peo ple living off the products of the coal mines in this Pacific coast state. The amount of coal produced in the stat.-s during the past year Is over 1,700,000 tons. It is believed by coast papers that if the bill now before congress to put coal on the free list should pass, it would permit British Co lumbia, with her Chinese labor, to compete sim az![BJßd snq} pus saauiin sijqAv jno irjiAi growing industry.— Northwest Magazine. Erench Military Slang. - A very pretty idea of the attitude of French men toward the army may be gathered from an inspection of the current slang. Thus, the up-to-date Frenchman rarely uses the word mauvais. He does not say a thing is bad. He merely adds to the srub3tantive the word "soldat," or some equivalent that ex presses the military idea. "Viande a soldat, femme a soldat, tabac de cantlne, pain de munition, drap de capote," etc., are popular phrases of contempt. The word "mllitalre" has much the same contemptuous meaning. Slung is a sort of national barometer and these phrases are significant of tliat general dislike for the army which has made a hero of Zola and a martyr of Dreyfus. -The Criterion. The Merchant Marine. A noteworthy provision of Senator Hanna's shipping bill is that which extends to. other vessels owned by American citizens a pro vision similar to the one under which the foreign-built steamships New York and Paris were admitted to registry. There is no doubt that that law was wise. Under it the St. Louis and St. Paul were built, and both they and their foreign-built mates served us most usefully as auxiliary cruisers during the war with Spain. Last year, too, congress admitted about 40,000 tons of foreign shipping, while the war and navy departments bought over twice as much. In the latter cases there was a spe cial national emergency that required a de parture from our ordinary policy; but in the act of 1891 the principle recognized was that we must . helj) at once American shipowners and American shipbuilders. The significant fact has been pointed out in official reports that in the six years from ISB.T to 1891 the Norddeut^cher Lloyds expended $7,500,000 in German yards against $9,000,000 In British, but in the next six years it expended $16,000, --000 in German to only $1,500,000 in British yards. Our government authorities, in considering the differences of cost for construction and operation between American and British car go steamship?, have put this at about 1 cent per ton in favor of the British for each 100 knots run. On vessels of that c.ass, it fur ther appears, Japan gives a bounty of VA cents, Italy one of IVi cents and France one of 2.1 cents, so that all would overcome a difference greater than that which exists in our case as compared with Great Britain. Mr. Hanna's bill provides a graduated plan of compensation for American vessels engaged in foreign commerce, the amount depending on the elements of size and speed.— New York Sun. Increase of Trusts. Combinations of capital are constantly in creasing in number, magnitude and power. And this in spite of the anti-trust law. We heartily believe in applying whatever legisla tion is necessary to restrict these great com binations, and to keep them amenable to the law and as servants, not masters, of the people. But when all this is accomplished it will not prevent the existence of these large corporations. They are one form of co-op eration. The capitalist and the corporation have been the first In the United States to realize and apply the co-operative idea, whereas in England it was the workingman and mill operative who founded co-operation and have applied it so successfully during the past fifty years that leading co-operators there are firm in the belief that the people through co-operation will own the "bulk of all property in the kingdom within another 100 years. Now. we need in agriculture Just such co-operation. If a fraction of the breath and brains that farmers have ex pended in "cussing the trusts" were- put into education, agitation and co-oper&tlon, the benefits to farmers would be I far' greater. The fact is, our farmers have : got to take hold and work out their own salvation since no one else will do it for them. They have the ability, integrity and money, to do this. If they will only pool their Issues as manu facturers and those In other occupation 3 are so successfully doing. It is so much easier to find fault with others than to Join in help ing ourselves, that It takes a long time even for our Intelligent farmers to enlist In any co-operative effort. Increasing competition will drive them to it, however, and the soon er they realize this and improve their op portunities for buying together and selling together the sooner will their prosperity come and the larger will it be. We need more corporations among farmers to do for them what the individual farmer alone can never hope to do.-Orange Judd Farmer. HURRAH~7ORnvJIN~NESOTA! David Starr Jordan Pays a Tribute to Her University. UnilV^f 7 X f S ?, Oke befOre the stude nts of the University of , Minnesota," says President Jor dan, in the Independent. "Ten years later once again I stood on the same platform; The change in these ton .years seemed as the work of magic. A few hudred students housed in coarse barracks, with few teachers and, scanty appliances in 1887; Jn 1897 a mag nificent university that would no wise stand in shame if brought in comparison with Ox ford or Cambridge, or, the still broader and sounder universities of Germany. Beautiful buildings, trained professors, adequate appli ances-all gathered together by the common People, all the .work of the state, all part of the system of public schools with upward of 2,000 students actually there in person the controlling percentage of, the men and women of college age in the whole great state. In this university today Is writtsn the history of Minnesota for ,the- next century. It !s an inspiring history, a history of freedom of self-restraint. As I looked down into those trisht young eyes I ,fek that I was gazing forward Into the future of American democ racy. I had looked into the middle of the next century .and I had found it good. "But more than one-third of the students were girls, and some one at my elbow said '•It looks like a girls' .school;" so in fact it did. Then in thought I looked forward to the day when these 600 girls should, most of them, be centers of Minnesota homes, , homes cf culture, homes of power, in the noble in fluence* of which the work of, the university should be multiplied a hundredfold. Then I blessed the wisdom of the fathers, I rejoiced in ,the fact that our state universities were schools for women as they are for men. In the control of our state universities are the homes of the twentieth .century, and from these homes of culture, purity and power will come the fortunate students of the for tunate colleges of, the years to come." Hot Fit to Govern Themselveg. The Rev. John R. Hykes, who was t-ent to the Philippines last September by the American Bible society to study the condi tion of the islands and see what openings there were for the distribution of the Sorip tures, has made a report to the society. In it he says: "While there are doubtlens many able men among the Filipinos,- I am convinced that they do not have the qualifications which are essential in the founders of a repub'ic This is not surprising to one who knows the history of the Philippines and Is familiar with the effects of Spanish misrule for more than three centuries-. The natives were lit tle better than savages when the Spaniards came to the islands, and while contact with Europeans has of necessity Introduced a higher culture, I believe that if Western in fluence were to be entirely withdrawn civ ilization would spontaneously die out In the Philippines. The mass of the people are ignorant in the extreme, and they are not prepared and will not be prepared for many years for eelf-government. It will be gen erations before their aspirations to become an independent commonwealth ought to ba realized." Mr. Hykes, continuing, says that Agumal do, who is a Protestant, favors the sending of missionaries to the island, but his cab inet is opposed to it, and therefore it is not pacticable at present. Aguinaldo told a friend of Mr. Hykes this decision of his cabinet. Mr. Hykes says, in concluding his report: "This reply of Aguinaldo is Just about what I expected, although he had, in a general and indefinite way, given people to under stand that he was favorable to the establish ment of Protestant missions in the Philip pines, 1€ they came under native rule. This also shows another thing: That, although Aguinaldo professed to be perfectly satisfied if the Philippines were retained by the United States, and announced that he would disband his army immediately it was settled the United States were to hold them, his real ob ject is absolute independence, and ha will be satisfied with nothing less.— New York Sun. Good Word for O'Brien. No man waß more deserving of the honor of a complimentary vote for United States senator by the anti-Republican members of the legislature than T. D. O'Brien, of St. Paul. Mr. O'Brien has labored long and faithfully for Democracy in Minnesota, is not self-seeking, has never asked for reward at the hands of his party, and has tnore brains than almost any other ten men in the state. He should have had the vote and •what honor It confers.— Hutchinson Leader. Beebe'i Experience. In his war camp stories in Leslie's Week ly Cleveland Moflfett tells of the experience of Walter S. Beebe, of the rough ridOTS, at Santiago. "It's only a couple of weeks," said Beebe, "since they got that bullet out of me. They located It at last with th»,X rays. Here it is. See! It's my opinion tbat bullet came from one of our own six-shoot ers. It was all foolishness, the reckless way the boys shot off their revolvers In the charge. "To dhow you the queer things some of those bullets did I'll toU you « thin* I m GRIP VICTIMS THOUSANDS ARE PROSTRATED. niills, Factories, Railroads, stores and Nearly 0H Industries flre Crippled. J know of no treatment that will so speedily clear and heal all the air passages of the head, throat ani lungs as my inhaler. Used in conjunction with my Cold and Grip Cure, all forms of Grip can be cured and pneumo nia averted. Thi Inhaler gives inrfant relief and the Cold and Grip Cure drives the disease from the system. —MUNYON. This treatment checks discharg-es of tha Nose atil Eye?, stops sneezing, promptly relieves ths Throat and Lun^i, allaji Inflam mation and Fever, and tones up the system. If You Have a Cold, Try It, If You Have the Grip, Try It. If You Have a Cough, Try It. If You Have Catarrh, Try It. If You Have Sore Throat, Try It. If You Have Weak Lungs, Try It. THOUSANDS HAVE BEEN CURED. GIVES INSTHNT BELIEF HND POSITIVELY CURES. Cast Aside AH Other Medicines and Treatments for Twsnty-Four Hours and Give This New System a Trial. Special Demonstration of the Inhaler at the Following Drag Store: Tirknnt* & lacrcr&r Hotel Ryan Pharma cy. 1 itRHOr tX Jdgger , 404 Robert street. ■ Po " te T attendants will be on nan Ito answer all questions. Everybody is invited to or' V not er a free trial - You are welcome to a treatment, whether you purcbas* — F» RICE $1.00.— MUNYON'S HOMOEOPfITHIG REMEDIES. This company has prepared separate specifics for all diseases, which are sold by all druggists. Each remedy is so labeled there can be wo mistake. With them every mother can become the ."amilj- doctor. J I will guarantee that my Rheumatism Cure will cure rheumatism in a few hours- that my Dyspepsia Cure will cure any cr.se of Indigestion or stomach trouble- tiiat 9C ocr cent of kidney complaints, including Bright'a Disease, can be cured wth my 'fiidnev'cure that my Catarrh Cure will cure catarrh of the head, threat and stomach no matter how chronic or long standing; that nervous affections and diseases of the heart are controlled and cured by my Nerve and Heart Cure; that my Cold Cure will break up any form of cold in a few hours: 57 eur?s for 57 aliments. Every druggist sells them— mootiy 23 ccnta a vial. Medical advice by mail absolutely free. 1505 Arch street Philadelphia in the Las Guaslmas flght. There was a man near me as we went along who stopped to break off a sti-:k In the shrub. I guess he wanted to make a ramrod of it. If he hadn't stopped he might never have been killed, but just as ha had broken the stick and was twisting the last fibers apart a Mauser bullet went straight through his head and he dropped to his knees. His hands still clutched the branoh he was breaking, and, as ho knelt there, another bullet came and cut through the broken wood, no that he held his ramrod free. He had got what he stopped for." The Shipbuilding Advance. On the Ist of January this year there wer* 262 vessels building or under contract In American ship yards. Their value is no less than $62,110,092. Of these nine are battleships, threo cruisers and fo-rty-four other warships, some of them building for Russia, some for Japan and the rest for our own country. There are 204 merchant vessels in the list, aggregating 254,216 tons and to cost $19,716, --900. When wo reflect upon the number of men to whom, directly or indirectly, this great ship building enterprise gives employment — the men who dig ore, the men who smelt it, th« men who make it into steel, the men who fashion it into plates, trusses and beams, the men who dig coal and the men who make it Into coke — there is reason for national re joicing in the figures that sefsm so cold in mere print. — New York World. Women Barber* Nothing New. Don't think for a moment that women bar bers, who are becoming more numerous in Chicago by only a slow rate, are an end of the century innovation. In Gay's "Journey to Exeter" (published in 1715) it Is told how, after passing Morcombe's Lake, the travel- Globe Wai)t Ads. Are always busy — they work day and night. Everybody reads them, and they always bring returns. RESULTS GUARAHTEED-ONLY A PENNY fl WORD 5 ers reach Axminster, where they sleep. The next morning We rise, our boards demand the barber's art; A female enters and perfornis the part. The we'ghty golden chain adorns her neck And three gold rings her skillful hands be deck; - Smooth o'er our chin her easy finpers move Soft as when Venus stroked the teard of Jove. It Was Familiar. "What book is that you're reading?" "The poems of Poe." "Poe? Poe? That name sounds familiar. Where have I heard it before? O, yes! I wonder if he's any relation to the Poes of Princeton ?"— Exchange. A Pleaaant Pnninhnicnt. "Dickie doesn't like his school this year." "What is the trouble?" "He says his teacher lets all the other boya except him Bit by the girls."— Exchange. An ImpresMlonlnt. The Old Friend— l don't believe you realize the dignity of your position. The New Millionaire — Don't have to. I've a butler hired for that.— Cincinnati Enquirer. The Year Rook. The book of the year. Full and complete information on political, sporting and genoral topics. At The Globe counting room or by mail, 25 cents. So It Did. A great deal of th« power that moved tho Keely motor came from compressed curios ity.—Chicago Tribune. Arrived Yesterday. The Globe Year Book and Almanac. A complete record of the year's events. A mine of information, 25 cents. At counting room or by mail.