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The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, February 05, 1899, Image 5

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The Policy "Hands Off" and "Walk Alone" Is Dis
tinctly American — The Policy of the McKinley Ad
ministration un-American.
One of the strongest letters of the year on expansion was written some
time since by Charles Francis Adams to Carl Schurz. It is as follows:
My Dear Mr. Bchurz: In a recent letter you kindly suggest that I sub
mit to you a sketch of what, I think, should be said in an address such
as it is proposed should now be put forth by the Anti-Imperialist league to
the people of the United States. i
I last evening read a paper before the Lexington Historical society, In
which I discussed the question- of extra-territorial expansion from the his
torical point of view. A copy of this p:iper I hope soon to forward you.
Meanwhile, there is one aspect, and, to my mind, the all-important aspect of
the question, which, in addressing an historical society, was not germane.
I refer to the question of a practical policy to be pursued by us, as a na
tion, \yider existing conditions. That Spain has abandoned all claim of sov
ereignty over the Philippine islands admits of no question. Whether the
: nited States has accepted the sovereignty thus abandoned is still an open
question; but this 1 do not regard as material. Nevertheless, we are con
fronted by a fact; and, whenever we criticise the policy up to this time pur-
BUed, we are met with an inquiry as to what we have to propose in place
of it. We are invited to stop finding fault with others, and to suggest some
feasible alternative policy ourselves.
To this we must, therefore in fairness, address ourselves. It is, in my
judgment, useless to attempt to carry on the discussion merely in the nega
tive form. As opponents of an inchoat* policy we must, in place of what we
object i". propose something positive, or we must abandon the field. Ac
cepting the alternative, I now want to suggest a positive policy for the con
sideration of those who feel as we feel. I wish your judgment upon it.
There has. it seems to me, been a great deal of idle "Duty," "Mission,"
and "Call" talk on the subject of our recent acquisition of "Islands Beyond
th» Sea," and the necessity of adopting some policy, commonly described as
"Imperial," in dealing with them. This policy is, in the minds of most peo
ple who favor it. to be indirectly modeled on the policy heretofore so success
fully pursued under somewhat similar conditions by Great Britain. It in
volves, as I tried to point out in the Lexington paper I have referred to, the
abandonment or reversal of all the fundamental principles of our govern
ment since its origin, and of the foreign policy we have heretofore pursued.
This, I submit, is absolutely unnecessary. Another and substitute policy,
purely American, as contradistinguished from the European or British,
known as "Imperial,"- policy, can readily be formulated.
This essential American policy would be based both upon our cardinal
political principles, and our recent fo:eign experiences. It is commonly ar
gued that, having destroyed the existing government in Cuba, Porto Rico
and the Philippines, we have assumed a political responsibility, and are un
*er a moral obligation to provide another government in place of that which
our action has ceased to exist. What has been our course heretofore
t-ler similar circumstances? Precedents, I submit, at once suggest them
>'es. Precedents, too, directly In point, and within your and my easy recol
, I refer to the course pursued by us towards Mexico in the year 1848, and
again In 1866; towards Hayti for seventy years back; and towards Venezuela
as recently as three years ago. It is said that the inhabitants of the islands
of the Antilles, and much more those of the Philippine archipelago, are as
yet unfitted to maintain a government; and that they should be kept in a
condition of "tutelage" until they are fitted so to do. It is further argued
that a stable government is necessary, and that it is out of the question
for us to permit a condition of chronic disturbance and scandalous unrest to
exist so near our own borders as Cuba and Porto Rico. Yet how long, I would
ask, did that condition exist in Mexico? And with what results? How long
lias it existed in Hayti? Has the government of Venezuela- ever been "sta
ble?" Have we found it necessary or thought it best to establish a gov
ernmental protectorate in any of those immediately adjacent regions?
What has been, historically, our policy — the American,
as distinguished from the European and British policy — towards
those communities — two of them Spanish, orfe African? So far as
i foreign powers, are concerned, we have laid down the principle of "hands off."
So far as their own government was concerned, we insisted that the only way
to learn to walk was to try to walk, and that the history of mankind did not
show that nations placed under systems of "tutelage" — taught to lean for sup
port on a superior power — ever acquired the faculty of independent action.
Of this, with us, fundamental truth, the British race itself furnishes a
very notable example. In the forty-fourth year of the Christian era the island
of Great Britain was occupied by what the "imperial" Romans adjudged to
be an inferior race. To the Romans the Britons unquestionably were inferior.
Every child's history contains an account of the course pursued by the su
perior towards that inferior race, and it,s results. The Romans occupied Great
Britain, and they occupied it hard upon four centuries, holding the people in
"tutelage," and protecting them against themselves, as well as against their
enemies. With what result? So emasculated and incapable of self-govern
ment did the people of England become during their "tutelage" that, when
Rome at last withdrew, they found themselves totally unfitted for self-govern
ment, much more for facing a foreign enemy. As the last and best historian
of the English people tells us, the purely despotic system of the imperial gov
ernment "by crushing all local indeperdence, crushed all local vigor. Men
forgot how to fight for their country w hen they forgot how to govern it."*
The end was that, through six centuries more, England was overrun, first by
those of one race, and then by those of another, until the Normans establish
ed themselves in it as conquerors; asd then, and not until then, the deteriorat
ing system of long continued "tutelage" ceased to be felt, and the islanders
became by degrees the most energetic, virile and pelf-sustaining of races. As
nearly, therefore, as can be historically stated, it took eight centuries for the
people 9t England to overcome the injurious influence of four centuries of just
puch a system as it is now proposed by us to inflict on the Philippines.** Hin
dostan would furnish another highly suggestive example of the educational
effects of "tutelage" on a race. After a century and a half of that British
"tutelage," what progress has India made towards fitness for self-govern
ment? Is the end in sight?
From the historical point of view, it is instructive to note the exactly dif
ferent results reached through the truly American policy we have pursued
in the not dissimilar cases of Hayti and Mexico. While Hayti, it is true, has
failed to make great progress in one century, it has made quite as much prog
ress as England during any equal period immediately after Rome withdrew
from it. And that degree of slowness in growth, M%ich with equanamity has
been endured by U3 in Hayti, could certainly be endured by use in islands on
the coast of Asia. It cannot be gainsaid that, through our insisting on the
policy of non-interference ourselves, and non-interference by European na
tions, Hayti has been brought into a position where it is on the high road to
better things in futuie. That has been the result of the prescriptive American
policy. With Mexico the case is far stronger. We all know that in 1848, after
our war of spoliation, we had to bolster up a semblance of a government for
Mexico, with which to negotiate a treaty of peace. Mexico at that time was
reduced to a condition of utter anarchy. Under the theory now gaining in
vegue, it w »uld then have been our plain duty to make Mexico an extra-ter
ritorial dependency, and protect it against itself. We wisely took a different
course. Like other Spanish communities in America, Mexico then passed
through a succession of revolutions, from which it became apparent the peo
ple were not in a fit condition for self-government. Nevertheless, sternly in
sisting on non-interference by outsider powers, we ourselves wisely left that
country to work out its own salvation in its own way.
In 1562, when the United States was involved in the War
of the Rebellion, the Europeans took advantage of the situation to invade
Mexico, and to establish there a "stable government." They undertook to
protect that people against themselves, and to erect for them a species of
protectorate, such as we now propose for the Philippines. As soon as our
war was over, we insisted upon the withdrawal of Europe from Mexico. What
followed is matter of recent history. It is unnecessary to recall it. We did
not reduce Mexico into a condition of "tutelage." or establish over it a "pro
tectorate" of our own. We, on the contrary, insisted that it should stand on
its own legs; and, by so doing, learn to stand firmly on them, just as a child
learns to walk, by being compelled to try to walk, not by being kept ever
lastingly in "leading strings." This was the American, as contradistinguish
ed from the European policy; and Mexico today walks firmly.
Finally take the case of Venezuela in 1895. I believe I am not mistaken
when I say that, during the twenty-five preceding years, Venezuela had
undergone almost as many revolutions. It certainly had not enjoyed a stable
government. Through disputes over questions of boundary. Great Britain
proposed to confer that indisputable blessing upon a considerable region We
interfered under a most questionable extension of the Monroe doctrine and as
serted the principle of "hands oft." Having done this — having in so far per
petuated what we now call the scandal of anarchy— we did not establish
"tutelagt?." or a protectorate, ourselves. We wisely left Venezuela to work
out its destiny In its own way, and in the fullness of time. That policy
was far-seeing, beneficent and strictly American in 1895. Why then make -,i
most indecent haste to abandon it in 1898? ■ ' c al '
Instead, therefore, of finding our precedents in the experience of Eng
land, or that of any other European power. I would suggest that the true
course for this country now to pursue is exactly the course we have hereto
fore pursued under similar conditions. Let us be true to our own tradition*
and follow our own precedents. Having relieved the Spanish islands from
the dominion of Spain, we should declare concerning them a policy of "hand*
off," both on our own part and on the Part of other powers We ' should nay
that the independence: of those islands is morally guaranteed by us" as a rnn
sequence of the treaty of Paris, and th^n leave them just as 'we have left
Hayti. and just as we left Mexico and Venezuela, to adopt for themselves such
form of government as the people thereof are ripe for. In the ca<=es of~Me-ir
ico and Venezuela and in the case of Hayti, we have not found it necesscirv
to interfere ever or at all. It is not yet apparent why we should find it nere/
sary to interfere with islands so muc h more remote from us than Havti ami
than Mexico and Venezuela, as are the Philippines. '
In this matter we can thus well afford to be consistent, as well as loeical
Our fundamental principles, those of t he declaration, the constitution and tha
Monroe doctrine have not yet been sh°"'n to be unsound— why should we hi
in such a hurry to abandon them? O ur Precedents are c!ose at hand nnrt
satisfactory— why look away from the m to follow those of Great Britain*
Why need we, all of a sudden, be so very English and so altogether French
even borrowing their nomenclature o f "imperialism?" Why can not we too'
in the language of Burke, be content t° set our feet "in the tracks of mir
forefathers, where we can neither wan d " nor stumble?" The only difficulty
in the way of our so doing seems to b<? that we are in such a desperate w
ry; while natural influences and meth°ds. though in the great end indisouta"
bly the wisest and best, always require time in which to work themselves rmt
to their results. Wiser than the Almighty in our own conceit we think tr.
get there at once; the "there" in this case being everlasting "tutelae-e " » =
in India, instead of ultimate self-government, as in Mexico
The policy heretofore pursued by v? in such cases— the policy of "hands
off and walk alone,' is distinctly American; it is not European not even
British. It recognizes the principles o* our JDeclaration of Independence It
recognizes the truth that all just government exists by the consent of' the
governed. It recognizes the existence of the Monroe doctrine In a word n
recognizes every principle and precedent, whether naturai or historical
which has from the beginning lain at the foundation of our Anftrican noWv
It does not attempt the hypocritical contraction in terms of pretending fc Tele
vate a people Into a self-sustaining condition through the leading-string nro
cess of "tutelajre. It appeals to our historical experience, applying to mlt
int conditions the lessons of Hayti, Mexico and Venezuela. In dealimr with
those cases, we did not find a great standing army or an enormous navy
necessary; and. if not then, why now? Is Cuba larger or nearer to us "han
i Mexico? When, therefore, in future they aak us what course and poMcy we
anti-imperialists propose, our answer should be that we propose to pursue
towards the islands of Antilles and the Philippines the same common-sense
course and truly American policy which were by us heretofore pursued with
such signal success in the cases of Hayti. Mexico and Venezuela all inhab
ited by people equally unfit for self-government, and geographically much
«lor.er to ourselves. We propose to guarantee them against outside meddling
and. above all. from tutelage," and make them, by walking, learn to walk
This. 1 submit. Is not only an answer to the question so frequently nut tn
us. but a positive policy following established precedents, and. what is
more, purely American, as distinguished from a European or British policy
And precedents. I remain, etc., — CHARLES FRANCIS AJDAMS
Hon. Carl Schurz, 16 East 64th Street, New York City
Boston. Dec. 21, 1898.
•Grerai's Short History (111. Ed.). Vol. 1. p. 9.
•«The Roman '.egions wpre withdrawn from Great Britain in 410; Magna Charta
was sdgned in June, I£J5, and the reign of French kings over England oame to a clo«« in
1217. It is a striking illustration of the deliberation with which natural processes "work
themselves out, t!»*t the period whl^h elapsed between the withdrawal of Rome from Eng
land, and the recovery of Eng'.and by the English, should have exceeded by more than a
century the time which has as yet < lapsed * nee England «n thus reoovered-
Minnesota Press Pungencies
Fourteen Kinds of a Liar.
Editor Pease of the Anoka Union desires H
distinctly understood that any person that
questions the desirability of Auoka a* aa
asylum site is—
An unmitigated liar.
A measly liar.
An outrageous liar,
A miserable liar,
An atrocious liar,
An unconscionable liai^
A boldiheaded liar,
A contemptible liar,
A vilalnous liar,
A wretched liar,
A pKiful liar,
A beggarly liar,
A lying liar.
And a! ! ! I 1 ! liar.
Now. we wish to be entirely fair in this
aFyiluin matter, and we Should be obliged to
Editor Pease If he would answer one plain
question without getting excited about it:
Is Anoka a better site fur the asylum thau
Hastings?— Duluth News-Tribune (Rep.).
l'r, >.-.;>. -riiy Still Here.
Minnesota has had a governor elected on
the Fusion ticket, for nearly a month now,
and still the Republican papers don't claim
that our credit has boen ruined. They are
Btill insisting that prosperity is here. They
claim that money is plenty, times good, and
people happy. Who would have believed,
when they were shouting so loudly last fall
to look out for the consequences of electing
a free silver or fusion governor that they
would in a few short months be trying to
claim him as a good Republican ?--Buffalo Ga
zette (Dem.).
Not Likely to Pumh.
Representative Pope, in the house, has in
troduced a bill to make sailoon licenses in
cities over 10.000 Inhabitants $1,500 per year.
It should bo entitled "to encourage blind
pigs." But it is not likely to pass.— Mankato
Review (Dem.).
Would Refotrm Everybody Else.
A member of the legislature from Renville
county, named Peterson, the latter part of last
week introduced a bill in the house to pro
hibit the acceptance of railroad passes by
members of the legislature and state officers;
but the bill was not given even a decent
burial. Instead of hailing with delight this
opportunity to show to the people of the
state that the members are honest and intend
to advance political honesty, the Peterson bill
was strangled to death at the first oppor
tunity by Indefinite postponement: and even
Peterson, father of the bill, did not give any
puMic evidence of mourning. The members
of each successive legislature, instead of re
forming themselves, want to reform every
body else.— NfcwUlm News (Dem.).
Squeezing a Leiaon,
When Prank Day begins to quote Shakes
peare, it is high time for Deputy Warden
Lemon, of the state prison, to pack his trunk
and slide down the rear wall. Frank says
Lemon must go.^Sherburn Advance (Rep.).
Their Own Whitewashing.
The fusloniits ir. the legislature— there are
no Populists there— slipped easily Into the
noose adjusted for them by J. P. Jacobson
when they accepted places on the twine in
vestigating committee. Had they possessed
common political acumen they would have
compelled the Republicans to conduct the in
vestigation, of themselves. The farmers in
this state have long ago made up their minds
that the Republican management of the
twine business is a fraud, and the fusionists
should have left the Republicans to do their
own whitewashing.— Fergus Falls Globe
Advice for Jacobaon,
Representative Jacobson might profit a lit
tle if he would take some of the advice he
offers to others home to himself. Jake is a
good representative and wise legislator, but
ho should remember that he Is not the only
peach-tree in the orchard, the Minneapolis
Journal to the contrary notwithstanding.--
Inter Lake Tribune (Rep.).
Don't Worry About the Editor.
"The editor," says a county paper, '"has
a charter from the state to act as doormat
for the community. He will get the paper
out somehow and stand up for the town and
whoop it up for you when you run for office
and lie about your bigfooted son when he gets
a four dollar a-week Job and weep over your
shriveled soul when it is released from its
grasping body and smile at your wife's sec
ond marriage. Don't worry about the editor;
he'll get along. The Lord only knows how—
but somehow.— Hutchinson Independent.
A Mystery of Minneapolis.
Every day the Minneapolis papers teem with
particulars of highway robberies and bur
glaries committed in that town. Bandits
must be as thick as spatter in the Flour
and how the policemen manage to k?pp
out of their way is a conundrum. — Grand
Forks Courier (Rep.).
There Were Others.
What is the use of all this howl by the op
position press, denouncing Gov. Lind for ap
pointing Ed Corser as surveyor general of
logs! The only thing they ssem to bring
against the man is that he failed in business
some time ago. So did William McKinley,
William R. Merriam and the Guaranty Loan
company, of which Eustis and a large num
ber of the leading Republican lights were
managers.— New Ulm Review (Pop.).
Depends on Records.
Senators Knatvold, of this county; Greer, of
Wabasha, and Thompson, of Fillmore, are
mentioned as possible candidates for congr?sa
before the Republican congressional conven
tion in 1900. All of these possible candidates,
however, have a legislative session before
them, and their prospects depend upon the
records they will make in the legislature dur
ing the next sixty or seventy days. Con
gressman Tawney, however, is a strong can
didate, and it will be no easy task to defeat
him. — Albert Lea Enterprise. (Pop.).
Having- Raised Fourteen, He la Re
warded With 3,000 Francs.
From the New York Herald.
A public-spirited Frenchman recently left
the city of Paris a legacy sufficient to provide
every two years a prize of 3,000 francs to the
most deserving father to be found among the
laboring classes. The money was to go to
the one who had raised the most children and
brought them up best.
A committee, appointed by the municipal
council, finally awarded the prize to a poor
shoemaker, named Vandenbrouck, the father
of sixteen children, fourteen of whom were
still living. The man and his wife and nu
merous progeny lived in a small house, built
by the cobbler himself, at one of the extremi
ties of Paris. The committee's report was as
Father, shoemaker, 45 years old, of medium
height, large blue eyes, thick blonde mus
tache, old Gallic type.
Mother, 39 years old, fat, good-natured
woman, always smiling.
Justine, the oldest daughter, 22 years old.
Louis, the oldest son, 20 years old, about to
begin military service.
Nathalie. 18 years old.
Constant, 16 years and G months old.
Francois, 16.
Jean, 12.
Louis, 11.
Lucie, 10.
Irma 9.
Arsene, 7%.
Marthe, 6.
Maxime, 4'. a .
Pierre, 8.
Marie, 14 months.
A writer in the Figaro thus describes his
visit to the family.
"All this little world lives in a space sixty
feet deep by thirty -wide. It is a small one
story house, with two windows, giving on
the street and surmounted by an attic. A
small court, inclosed by a wooden railing,
is between the house and the street. At the
end of the court is a workshop, and beyond
tiis three rooms, another workshop, a bed
room where the hustoand and wife and the
three last children sleep, a large room which
serves as a kitchen, dining room, and still
another workshop. The attic Is a dormitory
in which sleep the remaining eleven chil
A Long Pull, A Strong Pull and a Pull All Together.
Here Is Congressman Berry's little list of eons, ,sons-ln-law, grandsons, nephews and
brothers of great mtn who obtained commissions In the army during the war because of
t %;■ political and social influence:
Persons With Pulls. . Parsons They Pulled For. The Office That Waa Pulled.
R. A. Alger, secretary of war Fred M. Alger ... Captain.
Benjamin Harrison, ex-president Russell B. , Harrison Major.
Congressman, Hill, of Connecticut Fred A. Hill Lieutenant colonel.
■Mrs. James G. Blainu Jamea G. Blalne Captain.
•Congressman Belford, of New York Samuel W. Belford Captain.
CabeJl Breckinridge, of Kentucky John C. Breskinridge Captain.
Mrs. Gen. John A. Logan.... .....John A. Logan Major.
Gen. Longstreet ; r. l . Longstreet Major.
Gen. ,Fltzhugh Lee, of Virginia Fitzhugh , Lie Jr First lieutenant.
Senator J. B. Foraker, of Ohio Joseph B. Foraker Jr Captain.
Senator Fairbanks, of Indiana..' Warren C. Fairbanks Captain.
Senator Sewell, of New Jersey... William J. Sewell Captain.
Gen. J. E. B. Stuart, J. E . B. Stuart Jr Captain.
Representative Hull, of lowa. John A. Hull Lieutenant colonel.
Ex-Senator Gordon, of Georgia Hugh H. Gordom. Major.
Late Senator Calvin S.,Brice •..., Stewart M. Bric<t Major.
Senator Mitchell, of Wisconsin .; H. E^Mitchell Major.
Senator Mills, of Texas : Charles H. Mills Major
Senator McMillan, of Michigan .: James M. McMillan Captain.
Senator Earle, of .South Carolina* Jonn Earle Captain.
Ex-Gov. A. R. McGill, of Minnesota C. H.,McGill . Major
Senator Elkins, of West Virginia David Elkins ....: Captain.
p.? l S VtV \ R - W " "Thompson Jr Captain.
% n Si J ,I DaVIS Briu °" D^ls Captain.
Ex-Gov. \\oodbury, of Vermont C . L. Woodbury Major.
„ J ?™ - William S. Worth Brigadier general.
rZ w^r » JfT Fred D - Grant Brigadier general.
Gen W. B Rochester w B Rochester Jr Captain.
Ex-Coiißul.Gen. John C. New, of Indiana H. S. New .. Captain
Ex-Mayor Strong, of New York city P B Strong Caota n
E X -May tr A. S Hewitt New York luy . .'. .. iLSn? Stt " \"\ " W S uln!
C. A. Gnscom, Philadelphia, president Amer
indiani 6 Steam^ lpS > U«rt Q. Grlscom Captain.
maianians w E _ En£|l3ll Captain.
Oria -first lieutenant.
ci a y,.nM^ i chaei^h il ade IPh i a -v;v::\v:v:c ay E C^cnae{-;:::::::Sof
VZZrIuT H^ a r rt G^ r « e S - Hobart Major.
Senator Allison, of lowa w B Alljson Captain.
Senator Money of Mississippi Beverly A. Read Captain.
B. F. Butler family. Massachusetts Adelbert Ames Brigadier general.
John Gary Evans, of .South Carolina , Captain
Lucius F. Hu'bbard. of Minnesota general.
Judge Nathan Goff, of West Virginia Charles J. Goff Captain.
Larz Anderson .- _ , .
William A., Harper of New York "city...;;. ctnSn'
C. Creighton Webb, of, New York city ;. ' Major.
Leonard Wood, President McKirJey's phyateiMVZ.VZ.Z.'."'.'. '.'.'.'. Brigadier general.
Here, There, Everywhere.
Washington's Coal Industry.
The state mining inspectors report shows
that 3,388 men are engaged in the work of
mining coal in Washing-ton. This does not
include those directly employed in furnishing
timbers for the mines, nor those engaged In
transporting the coal. This would doubtless
raise the number actually drawing wages
from the industry to 5,000 men.
Estimating the number of men, women and
children dependent upon the Incomes of these
miners and auxiliaries at the 'customary
ratio of five to one, and we have 25,000 peo
ple living off the products of the coal mines
in this Pacific coast state.
The amount of coal produced in the stat.-s
during the past year Is over 1,700,000 tons. It
is believed by coast papers that if the bill
now before congress to put coal on the free
list should pass, it would permit British Co
lumbia, with her Chinese labor, to compete
sim az![BJßd snq} pus saauiin sijqAv jno irjiAi
growing industry.— Northwest Magazine.
Erench Military Slang.
- A very pretty idea of the attitude of French
men toward the army may be gathered from
an inspection of the current slang. Thus,
the up-to-date Frenchman rarely uses the
word mauvais. He does not say a thing is
bad. He merely adds to the srub3tantive the
word "soldat," or some equivalent that ex
presses the military idea. "Viande a soldat,
femme a soldat, tabac de cantlne, pain de
munition, drap de capote," etc., are popular
phrases of contempt. The word "mllitalre"
has much the same contemptuous meaning.
Slung is a sort of national barometer and
these phrases are significant of tliat general
dislike for the army which has made a hero
of Zola and a martyr of Dreyfus. -The
The Merchant Marine.
A noteworthy provision of Senator Hanna's
shipping bill is that which extends to. other
vessels owned by American citizens a pro
vision similar to the one under which the
foreign-built steamships New York and Paris
were admitted to registry.
There is no doubt that that law was wise.
Under it the St. Louis and St. Paul were
built, and both they and their foreign-built
mates served us most usefully as auxiliary
cruisers during the war with Spain. Last
year, too, congress admitted about 40,000
tons of foreign shipping, while the war and
navy departments bought over twice as
much. In the latter cases there was a spe
cial national emergency that required a de
parture from our ordinary policy; but in the
act of 1891 the principle recognized was that
we must . helj) at once American shipowners
and American shipbuilders. The significant
fact has been pointed out in official reports
that in the six years from ISB.T to 1891 the
Norddeut^cher Lloyds expended $7,500,000 in
German yards against $9,000,000 In British,
but in the next six years it expended $16,000,
--000 in German to only $1,500,000 in British
Our government authorities, in considering
the differences of cost for construction and
operation between American and British car
go steamship?, have put this at about 1 cent
per ton in favor of the British for each 100
knots run. On vessels of that c.ass, it fur
ther appears, Japan gives a bounty of VA
cents, Italy one of IVi cents and France one
of 2.1 cents, so that all would overcome a
difference greater than that which exists in
our case as compared with Great Britain. Mr.
Hanna's bill provides a graduated plan of
compensation for American vessels engaged
in foreign commerce, the amount depending
on the elements of size and speed.— New York
Increase of Trusts.
Combinations of capital are constantly in
creasing in number, magnitude and power.
And this in spite of the anti-trust law. We
heartily believe in applying whatever legisla
tion is necessary to restrict these great com
binations, and to keep them amenable to
the law and as servants, not masters, of the
people. But when all this is accomplished it
will not prevent the existence of these large
corporations. They are one form of co-op
eration. The capitalist and the corporation
have been the first In the United States to
realize and apply the co-operative idea,
whereas in England it was the workingman
and mill operative who founded co-operation
and have applied it so successfully during
the past fifty years that leading co-operators
there are firm in the belief that the people
through co-operation will own the "bulk of all
property in the kingdom within another 100
years. Now. we need in agriculture Just
such co-operation. If a fraction of the
breath and brains that farmers have ex
pended in "cussing the trusts" were- put into
education, agitation and co-oper&tlon, the
benefits to farmers would be I far' greater.
The fact is, our farmers have : got to take
hold and work out their own salvation since
no one else will do it for them. They have
the ability, integrity and money, to do this.
If they will only pool their Issues as manu
facturers and those In other occupation 3 are
so successfully doing. It is so much easier
to find fault with others than to Join in help
ing ourselves, that It takes a long time even
for our Intelligent farmers to enlist In any
co-operative effort. Increasing competition
will drive them to it, however, and the soon
er they realize this and improve their op
portunities for buying together and selling
together the sooner will their prosperity
come and the larger will it be. We need
more corporations among farmers to do for
them what the individual farmer alone can
never hope to do.-Orange Judd Farmer.
David Starr Jordan Pays a Tribute
to Her University.
UnilV^f 7 X f S ?, Oke befOre the stude nts of the
University of , Minnesota," says President Jor
dan, in the Independent. "Ten years later
once again I stood on the same platform;
The change in these ton .years seemed as the
work of magic. A few hudred students
housed in coarse barracks, with few teachers
and, scanty appliances in 1887; Jn 1897 a mag
nificent university that would no wise stand
in shame if brought in comparison with Ox
ford or Cambridge, or, the still broader and
sounder universities of Germany. Beautiful
buildings, trained professors, adequate appli
ances-all gathered together by the common
People, all the .work of the state, all part
of the system of public schools with upward
of 2,000 students actually there in person the
controlling percentage of, the men and women
of college age in the whole great state. In
this university today Is writtsn the history
of Minnesota for ,the- next century. It !s
an inspiring history, a history of freedom of
self-restraint. As I looked down into those
trisht young eyes I ,fek that I was gazing
forward Into the future of American democ
racy. I had looked into the middle of the next
century .and I had found it good.
"But more than one-third of the students
were girls, and some one at my elbow said
'•It looks like a girls' .school;" so in fact it
did. Then in thought I looked forward to the
day when these 600 girls should, most of
them, be centers of Minnesota homes, , homes
cf culture, homes of power, in the noble in
fluence* of which the work of, the university
should be multiplied a hundredfold. Then I
blessed the wisdom of the fathers, I rejoiced
in ,the fact that our state universities were
schools for women as they are for men. In
the control of our state universities are the
homes of the twentieth .century, and from
these homes of culture, purity and power
will come the fortunate students of the for
tunate colleges of, the years to come."
Hot Fit to Govern Themselveg.
The Rev. John R. Hykes, who was t-ent
to the Philippines last September by the
American Bible society to study the condi
tion of the islands and see what openings
there were for the distribution of the Sorip
tures, has made a report to the society. In
it he says:
"While there are doubtlens many able men
among the Filipinos,- I am convinced that
they do not have the qualifications which
are essential in the founders of a repub'ic
This is not surprising to one who knows
the history of the Philippines and Is familiar
with the effects of Spanish misrule for more
than three centuries-. The natives were lit
tle better than savages when the Spaniards
came to the islands, and while contact with
Europeans has of necessity Introduced a
higher culture, I believe that if Western in
fluence were to be entirely withdrawn civ
ilization would spontaneously die out In the
Philippines. The mass of the people are
ignorant in the extreme, and they are not
prepared and will not be prepared for many
years for eelf-government. It will be gen
erations before their aspirations to become
an independent commonwealth ought to ba
Mr. Hykes, continuing, says that Agumal
do, who is a Protestant, favors the sending
of missionaries to the island, but his cab
inet is opposed to it, and therefore it is not
pacticable at present. Aguinaldo told a friend
of Mr. Hykes this decision of his cabinet. Mr.
Hykes says, in concluding his report:
"This reply of Aguinaldo is Just about what
I expected, although he had, in a general
and indefinite way, given people to under
stand that he was favorable to the establish
ment of Protestant missions in the Philip
pines, 1€ they came under native rule. This
also shows another thing: That, although
Aguinaldo professed to be perfectly satisfied
if the Philippines were retained by the United
States, and announced that he would disband
his army immediately it was settled the
United States were to hold them, his real ob
ject is absolute independence, and ha will
be satisfied with nothing less.— New York
Good Word for O'Brien.
No man waß more deserving of the honor
of a complimentary vote for United States
senator by the anti-Republican members of
the legislature than T. D. O'Brien, of St.
Paul. Mr. O'Brien has labored long and
faithfully for Democracy in Minnesota, is
not self-seeking, has never asked for reward
at the hands of his party, and has tnore
brains than almost any other ten men in
the state. He should have had the vote and
•what honor It confers.— Hutchinson Leader.
Beebe'i Experience.
In his war camp stories in Leslie's Week
ly Cleveland Moflfett tells of the experience
of Walter S. Beebe, of the rough ridOTS, at
Santiago. "It's only a couple of weeks,"
said Beebe, "since they got that bullet out
of me. They located It at last with th»,X
rays. Here it is. See! It's my opinion tbat
bullet came from one of our own six-shoot
ers. It was all foolishness, the reckless way
the boys shot off their revolvers In the
"To dhow you the queer things some of
those bullets did I'll toU you « thin* I m
niills, Factories, Railroads, stores and Nearly 0H
Industries flre Crippled.
J know of no treatment that will so speedily clear and
heal all the air passages of the head, throat ani lungs
as my inhaler. Used in conjunction with my Cold and
Grip Cure, all forms of Grip can be cured and pneumo
nia averted. Thi Inhaler gives inrfant relief and the
Cold and Grip Cure drives the disease from the system.
This treatment checks discharg-es of tha Nose atil Eye?, stops
sneezing, promptly relieves ths Throat and Lun^i, allaji Inflam
mation and Fever, and tones up the system.
If You Have a Cold, Try It,
If You Have the Grip, Try It.
If You Have a Cough, Try It.
If You Have Catarrh, Try It.
If You Have Sore Throat, Try It.
If You Have Weak Lungs, Try It.
Cast Aside AH Other Medicines and Treatments for Twsnty-Four
Hours and Give This New System a Trial.
Special Demonstration of the Inhaler at the Following Drag Store:
Tirknnt* & lacrcr&r Hotel Ryan Pharma cy.
1 itRHOr tX Jdgger , 404 Robert street.
■ Po " te T attendants will be on nan Ito answer all questions. Everybody is invited to
or' V not er a free trial - You are welcome to a treatment, whether you purcbas*
— F» RICE $1.00.—
This company has prepared separate specifics for all diseases, which are sold by all
druggists. Each remedy is so labeled there can be wo mistake. With them every mother
can become the ."amilj- doctor. J
I will guarantee that my Rheumatism Cure will cure rheumatism in a few hours- that
my Dyspepsia Cure will cure any cr.se of Indigestion or stomach trouble- tiiat 9C ocr
cent of kidney complaints, including Bright'a Disease, can be cured wth my 'fiidnev'cure
that my Catarrh Cure will cure catarrh of the head, threat and stomach no matter how
chronic or long standing; that nervous affections and diseases of the heart are controlled
and cured by my Nerve and Heart Cure; that my Cold Cure will break up any form of
cold in a few hours: 57 eur?s for 57 aliments. Every druggist sells them— mootiy 23 ccnta
a vial. Medical advice by mail absolutely free. 1505 Arch street Philadelphia
in the Las Guaslmas flght. There was a
man near me as we went along who stopped
to break off a sti-:k In the shrub. I guess
he wanted to make a ramrod of it. If he
hadn't stopped he might never have been
killed, but just as ha had broken the stick
and was twisting the last fibers apart a
Mauser bullet went straight through his
head and he dropped to his knees. His hands
still clutched the branoh he was breaking,
and, as ho knelt there, another bullet came
and cut through the broken wood, no that
he held his ramrod free. He had got what
he stopped for."
The Shipbuilding Advance.
On the Ist of January this year there wer*
262 vessels building or under contract In
American ship yards. Their value is no
less than $62,110,092.
Of these nine are battleships, threo cruisers
and fo-rty-four other warships, some of them
building for Russia, some for Japan and the
rest for our own country.
There are 204 merchant vessels in the list,
aggregating 254,216 tons and to cost $19,716,
When wo reflect upon the number of men to
whom, directly or indirectly, this great ship
building enterprise gives employment — the
men who dig ore, the men who smelt it, th«
men who make it into steel, the men who
fashion it into plates, trusses and beams, the
men who dig coal and the men who make it
Into coke — there is reason for national re
joicing in the figures that sefsm so cold in
mere print. — New York World.
Women Barber* Nothing New.
Don't think for a moment that women bar
bers, who are becoming more numerous in
Chicago by only a slow rate, are an end of
the century innovation. In Gay's "Journey to
Exeter" (published in 1715) it Is told how,
after passing Morcombe's Lake, the travel-
Globe Wai)t Ads.
Are always busy — they work day
and night. Everybody reads them,
and they always bring returns.
ers reach Axminster, where they sleep. The
next morning
We rise, our boards demand the barber's art;
A female enters and perfornis the part.
The we'ghty golden chain adorns her neck
And three gold rings her skillful hands be
deck; -
Smooth o'er our chin her easy finpers move
Soft as when Venus stroked the teard of Jove.
It Was Familiar.
"What book is that you're reading?"
"The poems of Poe."
"Poe? Poe? That name sounds familiar.
Where have I heard it before? O, yes! I
wonder if he's any relation to the Poes of
Princeton ?"— Exchange.
A Pleaaant Pnninhnicnt.
"Dickie doesn't like his school this year."
"What is the trouble?"
"He says his teacher lets all the other boya
except him Bit by the girls."— Exchange.
An ImpresMlonlnt.
The Old Friend— l don't believe you realize
the dignity of your position.
The New Millionaire — Don't have to. I've
a butler hired for that.— Cincinnati Enquirer.
The Year Rook.
The book of the year. Full and complete
information on political, sporting and genoral
topics. At The Globe counting room or
by mail, 25 cents.
So It Did.
A great deal of th« power that moved tho
Keely motor came from compressed curios
ity.—Chicago Tribune.
Arrived Yesterday.
The Globe Year Book and Almanac.
A complete record of the year's events. A
mine of information, 25 cents. At counting
room or by mail.

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