The Saint Paul globe., January 12, 1900, Page 4, Image 4

About The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905

Image provided by: Minnesota Historical Society; Saint Paul, MN

                
4
THE GLOBE CO.. PUBLISHERS.
Entered at Postofflce at St Paul, Minn.,
Ha Second-Class Matter. -
CITY SUBSCRIPTIONS.
'* By Carrier. | 1 mo | 6 mos \ 12 mos
Sally only .......... ~ TST *2.25~l $4.01
Daily and Sunday.. .50 2.75 5.00
Sunday ...| MS .75 | 1-50
COUNTRY SUBSCRIPTIONS. _
* By Mail. | 1 moT6 nios [ 12 mos
saify only JlTio SUJO
Pally and Sunday-. .85 2.00 4.00
Sunday .75 1.50
flVoekly $0 I-00
BRANCH OFFICES.
(New York 19 Spruce St.
.Chicago..Room tSQ'J, No. 87 Washington St.
WEATHER FOR TODAY.
Minnesota—Fair Friday, with warmer
|n northern portion; increasing cloudiness
{Saturday; variable winds, becoming
(easterly.
North Dakota—Threatening Friday^
(With snow flurries in extreme northern
portion; probably fair Saturday; south
easterly winds, becoming northwesterly
(Kinds.
South Dakota—Threatening Friday; fair
Saturday; westerly winds, becoming
northwesterly.
Montana—Generally fair Friday and
Saturday; west to northwest winds.
i lowa—Fair Friday and Saturday; varia
ible winds.
: "Wisconsin—Fair Friday and Saturday;
|»risk northwesterly winds.
ST. PAUL.
j' Yesterday's observations, taken by the
' United States weather bureau, St. Paul,
'IP. F. Lyons observer, for the twenty
four hours ended at 7 o'clock last night.
{•—Barometer corrected for temperature
lend elevation.
temperature 30
iJLowost temperature • 23
'Average temperature 26
{Daily range '
• -"■)?>
pumidity <°
"°
.7 p. m., temperature 23
7 p. m., wind, northwest; weather, cloudy.
YESTERDAY'S TEMPERATURES.
♦SpmHighi *SpmHigh
Battleford .. 10 10 Chicago 30 34
Bismarck ... 24 32 Cincinnati ...34 44
Calgary 30 38 Cleveland ....32 38
Duluth 18 26 Denver 44 B0
Edmonton .. 40 44'Galveston ....56 56
Havre 36 42' Jacksonville .64 70
Helena 40 40.Montgomery .62 72
■Huron 26 "S New Orleans.6o 66
Medicine H.. 34 42 New York 36 3G
]MiniK'dosa .. 4 12 Omaha 40 46
Pr. Albert... 6 6 Philadelphia .40 42
Qu'Appelle .. 2 12 Pittsburg ....42 42
fi. Current... 24 34 Pueblo 36 44
Williston .... 30 32 San Franciscos6 60
(Winnipeg ...—6 14 St. Louis 32 34
I'Boston 32 341
♦Washington time (7 p. m. St. Paul).
iC= . :
FRIDAY, JANUARY 12, 1900.
GOV. LIXD'S POSITION.
"I am not retiring from the fight, and
I don't propose to * • • but I do
not propose hereafter to be in public of
fice or to be a candidate for public of
fie, so long as I can not * * * feel
, that the political sentiment, the political
Ideals, the political opinion of the ma
jority of the constituency of the citizen
ship of the state is back of me."
n Such were the words used by Gov. Lind
In discussing the" question of his once
again being the candidate for governor
of the fusion forces In Minnesota at the
Democratic gathering in Minneapolis
Wednesday night. His speech on that
occasion had an electrical effect upon his
hearers. The tone of absolute sincerity
which pervaded it, the manliness of the
sentiments expressed and the sound poli
tics that pervaded it made a deep im
pression upon the audience, and the in
trinsic merits of his address are not lost
or dimmed when it is read in print. The
governor's words evidently come straight
from his heart and have received the ap
proval of his brain. Such words from a
man holding the position which Gov.
t-lnd does are worthy of the deepest con
glomeration by every voter In the state of
Minnesota.
Since Jan. 1, 1899, John Lind has filled
the position of chief executive of Min
nesota, and whole holding that office
he has had no support from the other
executive officers of the state or from
eltlu-r branch of the state legislature, for
the reason that all the executive state of*
fleers except himself were Republicans
end both the senate and the house of
representatives were controlled by Re
publicans. And not only has the gov
ernor had this to contend against, but
every state board was in the hands of
Republicans and dominated throughout
by Republican politicians. All the em
ployes of state institutions had been ap
pointed by Republican officials or boards,
and In every department of state work
existed a sentiment hostile—personally in
jnany cases and politically in all cases—
to the governor and his plans and to the
principles binding together the reform
forces which he represented.
The platform of the reform forces
called for certain important changes and
reforms In state affairs and their man
agement, but the governor, single
handed and alone, except for the loyal
aid received from such state officials as
were his appointees, has had the mortL
flcation of feeling himself unable to car
ry out the reforms demanded by his
supporters or the plans he had made to
amend the many gross abuses existing In
public offices, laws, departments and
systems.
Tlie situation in which Gov. Llnd has
found himself has been so trying as to
be almost unbearable. The legislation
required to carry out the needed reforms
demanded could not be obtained from a
body controlled in both its branches by
political opponents. The other executive
officers of the state, while not actively
obstructing the governor's plans, were
and are political opponents and offered
a passive opposition as insurmountable
as the legislature. The different state
boards and institutions and their nu
merous employes were necessarily un
friendly to any measures of reform, for
political reasons, and effective action on
the part of the governor was blocked in
every direction
The only desire that John Lhid had in
seeking election to the high office of gov
err.or was, as he stated Wednesday night,
"to give this state an example of clean,
efficient, businesslike administration of
public affairs." So far as has lain in his
power this has been done, but, with an
unfriendly legislature and unfriendly pol
iticians ramifying every branch of state
government, the result has been a deep
and heartfelt disappointment to Gov.
John Llnd and to all friends of good gov
ernment, who, like the governor, have
so earnestly wished to see the state rid
of those predatory rings which have scan
dalized the community and paralyzed all
efforts to secure useful and needful legis
lation.
Why was Gov. Llnd sent, single-handed
and without the support absolutely neces
sary to secure success, into the forefront
of battle? Why was it that Be alone of
all the men on the state ticket was elect
ed? How comes It that both branches of
the legislature were controlled by the Re
publicans and seven Republican congress
men were sent to congress? Why should
John Lind have been elected by 20,000 plu
rality, while the rest of the candidates
on the state ticket he headed were de
feated by pluralities ranging from 24,000
to 4G.000? Perhaps part of this result was
brought about by treachery within the
Republican party and part of It Is due
to the personal popularity of John Lind,
but neither of these causes could be suf
ficient to produce such a large disparity
in the votes received.
Must It be charged to the lack of
unanimity among the reform forces? It
would seem so, and It Is not a matter of
surprise that Gov. Lind should declare
that he will not again be the candidate
unless he can feel that the political senti
ment, the political ideals and the political
opinion of the majority of the constitu
ency of the citizenship of the state is be
hind him. It is his right, if once more
asked to become' a gubernatorial candi
date, to demand such unanimity. It is
the right of any man who may be chosen
to lead his party to receive its complete
and unanimous support. Nominees for
high office may not be sent out as a
forlorn hope, nor can they play Uriah to
the David of reform.
When a reform candidate for governor
is elected by 20,000, or even 10,000, plurality
the whole reform state ticket and a ma
jority of the legislature and congressmen
should be elected with him.
This is what John Lind asks, and he
wants some positive assurance that the
unanimity necessary to bring about this
result does exist, before he will consider
the question of again becoming the nomi
nee of the reform forces. His position is
reasonable, and that it is right and proper
cannot be gainsaid. It now rests with
the supporters of the reform movement
in Minnesota, if they again desire John
Lind to lead them, to furnish evidence
that their support at the polls shall in
clude all candidates of the party on the
state ticket, all the candidates of the
party on the legislative tickets and all
the party candidates on the congressional
tickets. He wants, as all good citizens
should, to have the campaign conducted
and the votes cast, not on personal
grounds, but for reasons dictated by a
recognition of great principles and for the
general weal.
.»_
OXE QVESTIOX SETTLED.
In their endeavor to maintain their po
sition in the Philippines the imperialists
have in the past year resorted to a
beautiful variety of arguments. There
has been no attempt to render the argu
ments reconcilable. Each has answered
its immediate purpose; and beyond the
immediate present the administrationists
never appear to look. They never an
nounce a settled policy; and that which
would be intolerable today is advocated
by them with all the convincing force of
accomplished fact six months from today.
On the Filipino capacity for self-govern
ment, for instance, there has been ex
pressed by high imperialist authority,
from time to time, every conceivable view,
from that of flat denial of such capacity,
in every gradation up to the freest ac
knowledgment of that ability. It used to
be the fashion to denounce the Spanish
friars for all the woes of the Filipinos.
Then the Spanish officials it was who
made Filipino rife a burden. Now it is
the innate cussedness of the "little nig
ger" himself which furnishes the expla
nation of all the tribulations which have
befallen him.
It is naturally a little confusing to try
to distinguish what the abiding position
of the imperialists on this and cognate
subjects-is, even If that position may be
said ever to assume final determinate
form. But for all' present purposes, at
least, the declarations made by Senator
Beveriilge, of Indiana, in his notable
speech a few days ago, may be accepted
as the imperialist administration gospel
on the subject. The Indiana orator on
this subject made during his speech these
statements:
"The Filipino is, the South Sea Malay,
put through a process of three hundred
years of superstition in religion, dis
honesty in dealing, disorder in habits of
industry and cruelty, caprice and corrup
tion In government. It is barely possible
that one thousand men in all the archi
pelago are capable of self-government in
the Anglo-Saxon sense. My own belief is
that there are not one hundred men
among them who comprehend what
Anglo-Saxon self-government even means;
and there are over 5,000,000 people to be
governed."
This statement has in a singular de
gree the merit of clearness. There is no
mistake about what the man who made
it means. The view is the view of the
administration. Senator Beveridge's
speech is certain to become a very text
book of imperialism. The Filipinos are a
race of barbarians. We assume the gov
ernment and control of them with a
clear understanding of the fact. Neither
now nor hereafter 13 there any sense In
talking about self-government in connec
tion with such a race. We must govern
them as England governs the negroes of
the West Indies, or the Mohammedans
of Egypt, or the natives of the East In
dies. So much at least is settled.
But how about the "superstition" of
which Senator Bevc-ridge tells us in the
above extract? Do we understand im
perialism to commit itself to the proposi
tion that the state religion of Spain, rep
resenting a church as old as the Chris
tian era itself, is mere superstition? Per
haps it is that Senator Beveridge is alone
responsible for this remarkable view, and
that it is not to be adopted even par
tially as a pact of the imperialist pro
gramme of Christian civilization. How
ever this may be, it certainly is, in any
event, a somewhat staggering prospect
which the eloquent Indianian presents to
us of the problem of human govern
ment which we have taken up 7,000 miles
away from our chief base of civilizing
and Christianizing supplies.
The public can now understand official
advices from South Africa, The loss of
anything under 100 men is an "accident;"
over that number it is a "serious check."
Potter Palmer's son has gone to work
in a Chicago bank for ?6 a we«lc With
THE ST. PAUL GLOBE, FRIDAY, JANUARY 1% 1900.
economy the money will keep him In
white gloves.
— * "
WHY IS THE BRITISH-BOER WAR?
A correspondent, signing himself "Man
kato," writes the Globe as follows:
"Will you kindly give In your next
Issue the exact reason of the Ensllsh-
Boer war."
Recognizing the difficulty of giving an
answer that shall be absolutely correct
in point of fact, the Globe does not on
its own account essay the task. In
stead, we submit, siniply as echo, what
partisans of the respective belligerents
have to say to the question.
The pro-Boer answer, as will be seen,
has been secured by a local interview.
The pro-British answer is the contents
of a leaflet which has found its way to
the editor's desk.
Pro-Boer Answer.
Mr.W. Siwart Smit, secretary and treas
urer of the Twin. City Brick company
and an enthusiastic sympathizer witn
the Boers, contends that the war in Soutn
Africa is unjustified, and was forced upon
the Boers by the unreasonable exactions
of Great Britain. Mr. Smit Is a relative
of Mr. Fritz Koch, president of his com
pany. Mr. Koch is a Hollander, and,
while in his native land, met and became
intimate with both President Kruger and
Gen Joubert, through whom he acquired
a familiarity with the situation in the
two little republics that are fighting.
When Gen. Joubert issued his pamphlet,
"A Century of Injustice," reviewing the
causes that led up to the prevailing
crisis, Mr. Koch was sent a copy by the
author. Speaking of the Transvaal war,
Mr. Smit said yesterday:
"In some quarters the reason for the
war is said to be that the Boers declared
their intention of ousting England from
the possession of paramount power in the
republics. There was no more a
British paramount power in the
Orange Free State, or the Transvaal,
than there is today in the United States.
The only right England reserved by the
treaty of 18*4 with the Transvaal is that
no treaties made'by the Transvaal with a
foreign country, other than the Orange
Free State, shall become effective without
the approval of her majesty. According
to the convention of ISSI the British in the
Transvaal were guaranteed equal priv
ileges and civil,' not political, rights before
the law. Article 26 says: 'All persons
other than blacks conforming themselves
to the laws of the Transvaal will have
full opportunity to enter, travel, reside in
any part of it. They will be entitled to
hire or possess houses, manufactories,
warehouses, shops and other premises.
They may carry on their commerce, either
in person or by any agent they may see
lit to employ. They will not be subjected
to restriction in respect to their persons
or property or in respect to their com
merce or industry or in taxation, either
general or local, other than those which
may be imposed upon Transvaal citizens.'
Article 27 says: 'AH inhabitants of the
Transvaal shall have free access to the
courts of justice for the protection and
defense of their rights.'
"The English papers claim that in said
convention was granted equal civil and
also political rights, which is entirely un
true as to the political rights. In 188-1
Lord Derby struck out of the old treaty
of 1881 everything referring to sovereignty.
It was canceled and crossed out by him
self with black lines in the preamble as
well as in the three paragraphs in which
it is mentioned. He then offered what he
himself called a new treaty In substitu
tion for the convention of Pretoria. From
1881 to 1884 a resident was appointed at
Pretoria to represent the British crown in
its suzerain capacity. In ISB4 the office
of resident was abolished, and a consul
appointed in his stead. A resident marks
the country in which he acts as a vassal
one. A consul on the contrary receives
the protection of the republic. Chamber
lain's own words in May, - lS9t>, in the
house of commons affirm this. 'To go to
war with President Kruger in order to
force upon him reforms in the internal
affairs of his state, in which secretaries
of state standing in this place have re
pudiated all the right of interference—that
would be a course of action that would
lie as immoral as it would be unwise.'
"Is it a wonder that, when both the
Orange Free State and the Transvaal
were convinced that Mr. Chamberlain
wanted to enforce the paramount power
(which never belonged to England) in
both these small republics, they
would not wait until Chamberlain sent
an immense army to South Africa ready
to enforce his demands. When even
Kruger's offer, 'I will give all, all, all, ex
cept the freedom of my country,' did not
satisfy Chamberlain, they sent their ul
timatum, in which they offered again ar
bitration, preferring to die for freedom
rather than be at the mercy of Chamber
lain." -
The following official messages to the
consul of Great Britain at Pretoria, Mr.
Smit says, prove the sincerity of the ef
forts of the South African government to
settle all differences:
Department of Foreign Affairs, Govern
ment Office, Pretoria, Aug. 19, 1899.—Sir:
With reference to your request for a joint
inquiry contained in your dispatches of
Aug. 2 and 3 the government of the South
African republic have the honor to sug
gest the alternative proposal for the con
sideration of her majesty's government
which this government trusts may lead
to final settlement:
1. The government are willing: to rec
ommend to the volksraad and the people
a five years retrospective franchise, as
proposed by his excellency, the high com
missioner, at Bloemfontein, on Juno 1, 1899.
2. The government are further willing to
recommend to the voiksraad that eight
new seats in the first volksraad, and, if
necessary, also In the second volksraad,
be given to the population of the Wit
watersrand. thus with the two sitting
members of the gold fields giving to the
population thereof ten representatives in
a raad of thirty-six, and in future the
representation of the gold fields of this
republic shall not fall below one-fourth
of the total.
3. The new burghers shall, equally with
the old burghers, be entitled to vote at
the election for state president and com
mandant general.
4. This government will always be pre
pared to take into consideration such
friendly suggestions regarding the de
tails of the franchise law as her maj
esty's government, through the British
agent, may wish to convey to it.
In putting forward the above proposals
the government of the South African re
public assumes;
(a) That her majesty's government will
agree that the present intervention shall
not form a precedent for future similar
action and that in the future no inter
ference in the Internal affairs of the re«
public will take place.
(b) That her majesty's government will
not further insist on the assertion of the
suzerainty, the controversy on this sub
ject being- allowed tacitly to drop.
(c) That arbitration (from which for
eign clement, other than Orange Free
State, is to be excluded) will be conceded
as soon as the franchise scheme has be
come law.
6. Immediately on her British majes
ty's government accepting this proposal
for a settlement the government will ask
the volksraad to adjourn for the purpose
of consulting the people about it, and
the whole scheme might become law say
within a few weeks.
7. In the meantime the form and scope of
the proposed tribunal are also to be dis
cussed and provisionally agreed upon
while the franchise scheme is being re
ferred to the ueople, so that no time may
be lost in putting an end to the present
state of affairs.
The government trusts that her majes
ty's government will clgarly understand
that in the opinion of this government
the existing- law of this republic is both
fair and liberal to the new population,
and that the consideration that induces
them to go further, 83 they do in the
above proposals, is their strong desire to
get the controversies between the two
governments settled, and further, to put
an end to the present strained relations
between the two governments, and the In
calculable harm and loss it has already
occasioned in South Africa, and to pre
vent a racial war from the effects of
which South Africa may not recover for
many generations, perhaps never at all,
and therefore this government having re
gard for all these circumstances would
highly appreciate it If her majesty's gov
ernment, seeing the necessity of prevent
ing the present crisis from developing
still further and of an early termination
of the present state of affairs, would ex
pedite the acceptance or refusal of the
settlement here offered. I have the honor
to be, sir, —F. W. Reltz,
State Secretary.
The Hon. W. Conyngham Greene, C. 8.,
British Agent. Pretoria.
"Mr. Chamberlain rejected these rea
sonable proposals," says Mr. Smit, "and,
instead of coming to a fair understanding,
he increased his demands. The Boers
were disheartened and grieved. Conse
quently the South African republic with
drew its proposals and asked her majes
ty's government to stand by the original
ones. Mr. Chamberlain replied by break
ing off negotiations In the form of an ulti
matum, saying:
" The imperial government are now com
pelled to consider the situation afresh
and formulate, proposals for a final set
tlement of the issues which have been
created in South Africa by the policy con
stantly followod 'or majiv years by the
government of the South African republic.
They will communicate the result of their
deliberations in a later dispatch.'
"It was then Sept. 22. The promised
proposals were not forthcoming. The ef
forts of Mr. Greene, the consular agent
in Pretoria, who seemed to have recom
mended the acceptance of the republic's
proposals, were In vain. In the mean
time, and previous to these negotiations,
war preparations were going on, and a cry
for war was heard in the British parlia
ment. To grain time was the scheme for the
present until the British government had
a sufficient army landed, so as to dictate
to the Boers Its own terms. The gov
ernment at Pretoria waited for Mr. Cham
berlain's 'new proposals' until Oct. 9, after
which they demanded a withdrawal of
the troops from the borders of both re
publics, and that the dispatch of troops
to South Africa, pending the negotiations,
should stop. Again the government of
the South Afrlean; republic offered arbitra
tion and was ready to name the govern
ment of the United States or the repub
lic of Switzerland as the arbitrator, but
it was ignored. Does it not convince ev
ery impartial person of the justice of the
cause of the Boers, that they were willing
to arbitrate and let others decide the
question who was in the wrong? Would
that not have been the honest way out of
the difficulties?"
Pro-British Answer.
Why is England at war with the Boers?
Because when England gave back the
Transvaal to President Kruger it was
upon two conditions:
First—That the British should be treat
ed on equal terms with the Boers.
Second—That England should be the
suzerain or paramount power.
Yet, notwithstanding these promises and
the conventions of 1881 and ISS4, our fellow
subjects, to whose industry, skill and
capital the Transvaal owes Its prosperity,
and who pay most of the taxes, have been
treated by President Kruger and his gov
ernment with every indignity, and refused
equal civic rights.
Because the Boers have declared their
intention of ousting England from that
position, as paramount power, In favor of
themselves.
Because President Kruger has addressed
an insolent ultimatum to England, prac
tically ordering her out of South Africa.
Sooner or later there will be a federa
tion of South African states, and the
happiness and prosperity of the country
depend on the Briton, and not on the
Boer, being the ruling power.
England is at war to protect our fellow
subjects from ignominious oppression; to
maintain the authority of her queen and
country; to insure to all equal political
and civil rights, and to lay the foundation
of a lasting peace.
What is England going to fight about?
This is the question that Sir H. Camp
bell-Bannerman put in his speech at Maid
stone, on Friday, the 6th of October,
It is a question that might fairly be
asked the Boer government, that .has
forced on war, but not the British govern
ment.
What the British government have done
Is to ask, as it was their duty to ask (in
terms so moderate that they have even
met with the approval of such men as
Mr. Morley), for redress for grave in
fringements of the convention of 1884, and
for wrongs inflicted on their subjects ever
since the Transvaal was made a semi
independent state by Mr. Gladstone in
ISBI.
The record of unredressed grievances
is by no means a short one.
The following outline of the history of
the Boers in Soutii Africa shows how
their complete inability to govern Justly,
which has brought about the present
crisis, has been the cause of almost con
stant trouble ever since England's appear
ance at the Cape.
So serious was their mlsgovernment of
the Transvaal that England's fellow sub
jects in that country were living, as Sir
Alfred Milner has-said, in the position of
helots or serfs.
1814. Cape Colony ceded to Great Brit
ain.
1815. First rising of the Boers, owing
to the determination of the British gov
ernment not to allow them to ill-treat the
natives.
1833. Act for the abolition of slavery;
35,000 slaves liberated in Uape Colony; re
sentment of the Boers, who were the
chief slave owners.
1835. The Great Trek. Dissatisfied with
"vexatious laws" in the interests of the
natives, the Boers leave Cape Colony,
and trek north to Natal.
1843. Annexation of Natal rendered nec
essary "for the peace, protection and sal
utary control of all classes of man." The
Boers had so incensed the natives in a
few years that the peace of the whole of
South Africa was menaced.
1852. The Sand River convention re
nounces, on the part of Great Britain, all
rights in the Transvaal. A special article
of the treaty binds the Boers not to prac
tice slavery.
1860. Revolt of natives and collapse of
government in the Transvaal, owing to
faction fights and slave-raiding.
1877. Annexation of Transvaal to save
Boers from Zulus. Weakened by a severe
defeat by the Bechuanas, the Transvaal
was in danger of being overrun by the
Zulus. To avert a general rising on the
part of the natives, and to save the
Transvaal, Great Britain stepped in and,
with the consent of the Boers, annexed
the country.
1379. The Boers, free from pressing
danger, demand independence once more,
which is refused by the Conservative gov
ernment.
1880. Mr. Gladstone comes into ofticfi,
and decides that "under no circumstances
can the queen's authority in the Trans
vaal bo relinquished."
1881. Mr. Gladstone determines to "vin
dicate the authority of the crown" and
sends out an expedition.
British defeats at Bronker's Spruit,
Laing's Nek, Ingogo and Majuba Hill.
Convention of Pretoria signed by the
Liberal government, granting the Boers
"complete self-government under British
suzerainty." During the negotiations,
Mr. Kruger declared that the Transvaal
government would "make no difference,
so far as burgher rights are concerned,"
betwer-n British subjects and Boers.
There were to be equal rights for a!l
white men.
Encouraged by their success, the Boers
began to agitate for absolute independ
ence, free of all control, external as well
as internal. Thess demands are rejected,
1884. New convention signed by the Lib
eral government. Though the word "su
zerainty" does not occur, the Boers agree
by article 4 to enter Into no engagement
with any foreign state or tribe, without
the consent of the British government.
By article 14, complete liberty Is given to
aliens to live and trade in the country,
and they are placed on exactly the same
footing as the Boers in respect of taxa-
In spite of the conventions, since 1884,
the position of British subjects in the
Transvaal had gone from bad to worse.
Far from having equal rights with the
burghors, as promised by Mr. Kruger in
1881, they were treated as a subject, al
most as a conquered, race. While the
Dutchmen at the Cape may, and at this
moment actually do, govern a British
colony, the British in the Transvaal had
no voice of any kind in public affairs.
Their trade was hampered, justice was
refused them, they were openly insulted,
and their persons and property were no
longer secure. In spite of the protests of
the British government they could get no
redress and they appealed to the mother
country for that protection and justice
which they could not obtain from the
rulers of the country in which they re-
Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman himself
sums them up as follows: "
"The Uitlanders have not the municipal
government, the police protection, the or
ganized maintenance of-order, the even,
handed administration of Justice, which
In all civilized communities are regarded
as the very elements of civil right and
civil freedom."— Dally News, Oct. 4,
1899. This would seem enough answer
to Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman's question
a few days later and to justify tha Brit
ish government in going to war. But it
is not all. , , , , ...
Mr Gladstone stated in his letters to
the '"Loyalists"—the Uitlanders of that
date—that what was contemplated by the
conventions of 1881 and 1884 was "to se
cure to the settlers, of whatever origin,
the full enjoyment of their property and
of civil rights."
What Mr Kruger said ho contemplated
is reported'in the following conversation,
which took place between Sir H. Robin
son (president). Sir E. Wood, Mr. Kroger
and others, just before the convention or
1&81 *
President—Before annexation, had Brit
ish subjects complete freedom of trade
throughout the Transvaal? Were they on
the same footing as the citizens of the
Tr3.HSV3.3-l ?
Mr Kruger—They were on the same
footing as the burghers; there was not
the slightest difference in accordance with
thp Sand River convention.
President—l presume you will not object
will be equal
protection for everybody.
Sir E Wood-And equal privileges?
Mr Kruger—We make no difference so
far as burgher rights are concerned. There
may perhaps, become slight difference
in the case of a ybung person who has
just come into the country.
How has this equality of treatment been
dealt with? :-; ■ , ..
A small minority of Boers la In the ex
clusive possession of political rights.
The majorlty^-the Uitlanders—pay In
taxation $125 a'heard.
The minority^tbe Boers—pay less than
$20 per head. ' A
The minority aloito have political power.
The majority have no votes, may carry
no arms and have no means of constitu
tional redress.
That is to say, that although Great Brit
ain is in a position of "suzerainty," or
whatever it should be called, toward the
Transvaal, the settlers in that state—of
British origin—are not only not In a posi
tion of equality with the Dutch settlers,
but are stamped with political Inferiority,
or, as Sir A. Milner puts it, are treated
as helots. This is how Mr. Kruger kept
his pledge, that "we make no difference
so far as burgher rights are concerned!"
That these grievances are very real may
be Judged from the fact that what the
Boers deny to the British, the British
grant to the Boera in Natal and the Cape,
in which latter British colony the govern
ment of the day is mainly composed of
Boers.
They are no new rights that we de
mand; we had them before the conven
tions. They were secured to us, accord
ing to Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Kruger.
And to those "Little Englanders"—friends
to every one but to their fellow subjects
—who ask the question, "What would
England do if a demand was made to en
franchise all the foreigners in it?" the
reply is—The rights of the English in
Natal are the rights of the Boers; the
rights of the English in Cape Colony are
the rights of the Boers; and the rights,
too, of the English in Canada are the
rights of the French.
But there is still much more:
After the fourth standard the English
language is denied to the school children,
although the Uitlanders pay practically
all the expense of the educational sys
tem in the Transvaal.
Public meetings are interfered with.
The judges are no longer an independent
body; a resolution of the first raad may
upset their judgments.
British subjects are tried without juries.
They are subjected to ull kinds of in
dignities.
Colored British subjects are openly mal
treated.
Millions of the money grasped from
the Uitlanders are spent in bribery and
corruption.
In one word—The British subject In the
Transvaal is placed in a condition of po
litical, educational and social inferiority
to the Boers, while their lives and prop
erty are endangered.
And yet Sir "R. Campbell-Bannerman
asks 'What Is England going to war
about?"
There Is much more to say on the sub
ject, but surely what has been said is
enough.
No other nation would have stood what
the British nation has stood; no other
nation would have demanded as little.
Indeed, It is largely the long patience of
the British nation, its chivalrous desire
to be gentle with a small semi-inde
pendent and semi-civilized state, which
has been misunderstood, and which has
led that state to believe in its superiority
and determined it to throw off, if pos
sible all control and to become inde
pendent.
The Transvaal has been for the last
fifteen years a standing menace to the
peace of the whole of South Africa.
The realization of the schemes of the
Boers would mean the loss of England's
South African empire.
Such a result Lord Salisbury's govern
ment is determined to prevent, even at
the cost of war.
MUSIC AND THE STAGE.
METROPOLITAN.
It was a large and appreciative audi
ence that witnessed the opening: of "The
Liars" at the Metropolitan last even
ing, and it was an appreciation worthily
bestowed on merit.
One year ago this month the play was
first presented in New York with John
Drew and Isabel Irving; reading- the lines
of the leading roles. It is but fair to
cay, in full justice to what might be
called an innovation in the Western cir
cuit, that Otis Skinner and Miss Nanette
Comstotk are surrounded by a company
equally a.g strong as that which graced
the first American production of a really
brilliant comedy, "The Liars." That
the play has achieved a pronounced suc
cess in the United States is a tribute to
the literary skill of the author, Henry
Arthur Jones. And for this reason. It is
a society play, but It does not deal with
society as understood on Fifth avenue,
or, indeed, in any city In this country.
As Otis Skinner, in the manly character
of Cbl. Sir Christopher Deering, has in
his lines, "English society may not be
the best in the world, but we English
men try to make it appear so." Shall
we confess It? The marriage tie.
is not quite so flrm and choking
in our country aa it is in English so
ciety, and the volatile atmosphere of our
divorce courts has slowly, yet sure
ly, imparted a debonair air to the
altogether too numerous clients. It is
this elasticity of domestic relations in
American society which would, under or
dinary conditions,cause an American play
combining the same plot and detail as
"The Liars" to fall flat, stale and unprof
itable on an American audience. Yet the
art of Otis Skinner and Miss Comstock
really raises the comedy of "The Liars"
at times into the regions of classicism. It
is not all's well that ends well, like the
stereotyped comedy, for the curtain falls
on virtue triumphant, but destined to live
on and on in the shadow of regret. And
the entire audience is compelled to sym
pathize with a wayward love. Thig is
not pure morality. Oh, no; It is simply
human nature.
The story of "The Liars" is most read
ily condensed into easy reading. Col.
Sir Christopher Deering, a young Brit
ish officer, on the eve of leaving for war
wiung Africa, while happy in the satis
factory trend of his own love affairs, fuc
cceds, after long, patient and earnest ef
fort, in preventing the disgrace of a beau
tiful woman and the degradation of a
brilliant leader in the English army. And
after four acts of rippling, electric wit,
repartee, sparkling dialogue and pure
comedy situations, the play closes in i
pathos—the antithesis of "all for love j
and the world well lost."
Otis Skinner has been seen in St. Paul
for several years and in most varied
repertoire. Ho numbers warm and en
thusiastic friends of his Shakespearian
presentations. But It is honestly be
lieved that last evening he gained many
new ones by the excellence of his clean
cut, thoroughly artistic work.
It might be said that Miss Comstock
plays a dual' role In "The Liars." There
is a sharp transition from the sparkling,
Lady Teazle style of the Lady Jessica of
the first three acts, and the saddened,
stricken woman of the last scene, re
called to duty and triumphant In her sor
row. To say that Miss Comstock fulfills
all exactions of this double role is high,
yet not undeserved, praise. She reveals
Charles Reade's conception of Peg Wof
fington in this play more fully than any
other actress who has ever appeared in
St. Paul.
Frank L. Sylvester, as Edward Falk
ner, in his rapid fluctuations between
love and duty, presented a human, man
ly man most satisfactorily. The first im
pression that he was to develop as the
villain of the play is soon dispelled. The
lines and "business" of H. Rees Davies aa
Archibald Coke, in the third act. are as
delightful a bit of pure comedy as one
couM desire.
There are fifteen characters in the cast
of "The Liars," and it is evident that
each one has been carefully selected for
the work—md most excellent work It is—
that is required of each. It is a play
of which St. Paul is entitled to at least
a week instead of the four performances
for which it is billed. Following the
second act Mr. Skinner responded to an
enthusiastic curtain call, and in a brisk,
little speech thanked the audience in
behalf of the company for the apprecia
tive demonstration. He admitted that it
was fully as great a pleasure to play for
such kindly auditors as it was, prob
aWy, for them to witness the perform
ance.
"The Liars" will be seen tonight and
Saturday evening, with a Saturday mat
free. -R- F. S.
Philipp's "The New York Brewer" will
open an engagement of four nights and
Wednesday matinee at the Metropolitan
opera house Sunday evening. These per
formances will be given entirely in Ger
man.
GRAND.
"Why Smith Left Home" fulfills all of
the intentions of the author by provid
ing almost two hours of continuous
laughter at the Grand this week. Frank
Tannehill Jr., Rose Hubbard, Lizzie May
Ui-mer and other capable artists inter
pret the various characters in a most
satisfactory manner. Tomorrow at 2:30
the only remaining matinee of the en
gagement will be given.
Edward Rose's dramatization of Stan
ley Weyman's novel, "Under the Red
Robe" comes to the Grand next week.
Gil de Berault is played by Paul Caze
neuvs-
LI HIS OWN WARDROBE
JOHN LIND'S POLITICAL MANTLE
DOBS NOT SEEM TO BE]
lOVKN LOANED
WARNER WAITS PATIENTLY
KM Is Living in Hope That the Sur
veyor Generalship Plum "Will
Fall Into Hl* Hands, Although
Senator Nelson Hu Not Dared to
Send It Into the Senate Yet—Jot
tinga of the Politicians.
John Lind's position on the governor
ship was generally understood yesterday.
The Republicans said that he would run
as he had before, if the party was united
in his favor, although they predicted that
his personal popularity would be weak
ened by the previous rumors, however
unauthorized, that his withdrawal would
be unqualified and irrevocable.
The Democrats insisted that he had de
clared himself plainly willing to continue
in the fight, he had formally forsworn all
allegiance to the Republican party, of
which he was in bygone days an honored
member, and in this new and freer politi
cal etate he would be more popular than
ever.
Local dissensions, the latter said, must
die away in the face of such demonstra
tions of popular enthusiasm, as marked
the assemblage In Minneapolis Wednes
day, and all would be merry when elec
tion time came.
The governor was busy at hfs office all
day and had nothing to say with respect
to the address of the night before in sup
plement or correction. The stenographic
reports of the speech were eminently full,
and the governor insisted that, In his
judgment, he had spoken with absolute
plainness. Some of the comißents made
by the newspapers on his utterances were
not justified by anything he said, but he
did not particularize as to which of the
Republican sheets had erred in this re
spect.
• • •
Incidentally, It may be stated confiden
tially that no political mantles, thread
bare or otherwise, were roUed up at tho
state house yesterday for shipment to
ambitious politicians.
Mayor Gray, of Minneapolis, however,
in general gossip, seems to be the most
persistently spoken of, In the event that
the governor shall net b<» renomlnated.
Against the argument thr.t he Is a new
figure in the political flel/ N It Is urged by
his friends that he is a figure
in the public eye at this lime, and that,
with the prestige of a business-like ad
ministration of muniolpal affairs in Min
neapolis, the popularity that came out
of his prominence in the movement for
the bringing home of the soldiers of the
Thirteenth Minnesota, and the fact that
he has been since boyhood a Minnesotan,
he will surprise the Republicans by his
strength.
As one Democrat put it yesterday: "Jim
Gray has passed the point where he has
to go around and get acquainted; the
other people have to come up and get
acquainted with him. They oujfat to
know where the mayor's office in Minne
apolis is.
• • •
Philip B. Winston has been mentioned
In this connection as a gubernatorial pos
sibility." Mr. Winston has, in the past,
cherished such an ambition, there being
but one or two political offices in the gift
of the people of the state the especial
honor of which might be esteemed to
warrant him in taking the time from his
private business to make the race there
for. With a Republican senate the Unit
ed States senatorship is out of the ques
tion, and the prospect of Democratic vic
tory in Hennepln county on congrasslonai
lines has In it chiefly hope, and little of
encouragement in history.
But Mr. Winston has declared himself
with all the emphasis possible out of
the race. Had there been any sus
picion earlier in the term of Gov. Lind
that he was undeslrous of a renomlna
tion, Mr. Winston's friends say, they
could have secured his consent to press
him for the nomination. But at the
present time, they say, he has not the
slightest inclination to mako the trial,
with the now shortened time for cam
paigning.
• » •
Those of Mr. Winston's friends who
had proposed him early in the year as
the nominee of the next Democratic leg
islative caucus for the-United States sen
ate may find that they will have a great
many more votes than they thought they
were going to. Nelson and Davis are
in a clash, and the fight may be carried
Into Africa to defeat Nelson for re
election. Knute's fixed determination
to make Eli Warner surveyor general
for the district of Minnesota Is the
bone of contention. It has been ex
pected for two or three days that the
nomination would be sent to the senate
at any minute, and some Republicans
who profess to be on the inside say
that it has been, but if so It has eluded
the vigilance of the Washington cor
respondents, who merely aver that the
two Minnesota senators have agreed
upon Eli. Eli's friends say that he was
not a candidate, but that when his na,me
was mentioned there seemed to be so
much spleen in some of the opposition to
him that he was forced to protect him
self and will accept the place If ten
dered him.
That Senator Nelson will send in his
nomination, however, without getting a
guaranty from Senator Davis that the
appointment is acceptable, is not sup
posable, however, for the Alexandrian is
too wary to take any chances on the St.
Paul senator making a fight at this
time. Meanwhile Warner and the rest
of the candidates are waiting in sus
pense.
• * *
Not a bit daunted by Van Sant's pre
sumptive victory, the Spring Valley Vl
dette says:
As the time draws nearer for naming
men for places on the state ticket, the
general feeling over the state indicates
that Sam Langum Is the strongest man
mentioned for secretary of state. Mr.
Langum was before the last convention
as the most prominent man from the
southern part of the state, and claims no
credit for being loyal in defeat. This dis
trict will stand as a man for Mr. Langum,
and now that Capt. Van Sant's case is
disposed of let the loyal Republicans of
this section rally to the support of Broth
er Langum. A presidential year is crowd
ed with political activity, and the time is
on when preferences should be stated
clearly. Ma" Mr. Langum receive the
support from his friends which he so well
merits.
The Altkin Age enthusiastically in
dorses Jacobson, of Lac qul Parle, for the
nomination for railroad and warehouse
commissioner.
L P. Hunt pats George W. Somevville
on the back. The Mankato Free Press
says:
Somerville has written a letter to Julius
A, Schmahl, chairman of the Republican
county committee of Redwood county,
stating positively that he will not be a
candidate for the Republican nomination
for representative in congress from this
In this Mr. Somerville exercises the
wisdom and good Judgment with which
he has always been credited, and is to
be complimented for the stand he has
taken, and when he has served out the
term which he now holds there is no
doubt but that if the way is open, his
constituents will advance him to higher
and wider fields of action, and all the
more willingly because of hi 3 adherence
to duties for which they had first selected
him.
• • *
D. M. Gunn, of Grand Rapids, was in
the city yesterday, and with his visit is I
renewed the talk of his possible candi- j
dacy for state railroad and warehouse
commissioner. A. N. Dare has been
mentioned, but the argument is made
that Mr. Dare has been surfeited with
honors at the hands of the Republican
party. In the last instance in particu
lar considerable criticism has been in
dulged in around the Sixth district be-
cause he accepted the census supervloor
ahip.
* * *
J. Adam Bede continues to stir things
up in the Morris camp. The "office-hold
ers' trust," as the editor of the Budget
characterizes the Duluth and St. Cloud
land office officials, Is "fernlnst" J. Adam,
but he is said to be developing a great
deal of strength In the outlying districts,
and Morris, right In his own county.
Is said to have a fight on his hands.
* • • >
State Senator J. M. Lawson, of North
Dakota, is In the city, visiting his cousin.
Judge Orr, of the municipal court. Mr.
Lawson lives in Brown county. North
Dakota, which district he represented
several terms in the state legislature,
where he served the last term as speak
er. He was afterward elected to the state
senate.
DEATHS OF A DAY.
DENVER, Col., Jan. 11.—Thomas Lin
ton, one of the most prominent Masons
in the United States, died today. He was
born In England in 1828.
MARYVILLE, Mo.. Jan. 11.—Mrs. Mar
tina Moorehouse, aged sixty-two years,
widow of Albert P. Moorehouse, ex-gov
ernor of Missouri, is dead here after a
long Illness. Gov. Moorehouse committed
suicide at his home here in 1891.
BOSTON, Jan. 11.—Alexander Wilson,
bookseller and publisher, died at his home
here today, aged eighty-one years. Mr.
Williams was for many years proprietor
of the old corner bookstore.
BOSTON, Jan. 11.—Dr. Elizabeth J.
French, of Philadelphia, one of the best
known women physicians in the country,
filed at her daughter's home here this aft
ernoon.
ML'SCATINE, 10., Jan. 11.—Dr. A. ;.
Coling, for thirty years a practicing physi
cian at Wilton Junction, 10., died at 4
o'clock this morning of jmeumonla after
an Illness of ten days.
DAY'S NEwT IN BRIEF.
Topeka, Kan.—The Kansas supreme
court today declared unconstitutional the
law of 1597, taxing Judgments.
Philadelphia—Robert Brown, a negro,
was hanged today in Moyamensing prison
for the murder of his wife in the latter
part of 1898.
New York—The New York and Staten
Island Land company made an assign
ment today. Liabilities, $225,000.
Cincinnati, O.—Dudley Ferguson, who a
short time ago shot and killed Prlvata
Detective Meehan, was today declared in
sane.
Brussels—The Northern, express from
St. Petersburg to Ostend was derailed
this morning near the railroad station at
this city. Several persons were injured.
Spencer, Neb.—M. Jacoby shot and in
stantly killed Milton Nelson at the home
of the latter today and then killed him
self. The men were friends, and it Is sup
posed that Jacoby suddenly became in
sane.
Boston—By a unanimous vote the execu
tive council today commuted the sentence
of Edward Ray Snow, the nineteen-year
old murderer, from death by electricity to
life imprisonment.
Washington—Senator Baker today intro
duced a bill creating a preserve for
American bison In New Mexico.
Michigan Rate Test Case.
LANSING, Mich., Jan. 11.—The supreme
court has granted a writ of certlorari
bringing to the court foT review the Wa
bash passenger rate case, which was re~
cently decided by the Detroit circuit
court in the company's favor. The Wa
bash has been ordered by the state rail
road commissioner to reduce fare 3 from
3c to 2^o per mile on the ground that its
report for the previous year's busuness
showed its passenger earnings to have
reached the figure under which the lesser
rate was required. The company's claim,
which was upheld by the lower court, is
that its express and mall matter should
not be considered part of its passenger
earnings.
Ohio Agricultural Society.
COLUMBUS, 0., Jan. 11.—At the annual
meeting of the Ohio Agricultural society
tonight, two new directors were elected—
T. E. Cromley, of Pickaway county, and
F. L. Calvert, of Clark county. S. H.
Ellis, of Warren, who was the candidato
for governor on the Union reform ticket
last fall, was defeated for re-election.
The directors organized by electing H.
S. Grimes, of Portsmouth, president; J.
S. Stuckey, of Vanwert, vice president; L.
G. Ely, of Fayette, treasurer; James W.
Fleming, Columbus, assistant secretary;
W. W. Miller, present secretary, holds
over.
Two Children Burned to Death.
CHICAGO, Jan. 11.—Augusta Stryezyn
sky, eleven years old, and her two-year
old sister Olga, were burned to death in
their home today. The children had been
left alone, and while playing with
matches overturned a can of benzine. In
the resulting explosion the clothing of
both children was set on flre, and they
died within a few minutes after being
rescued.
Civil Rule for Culm.
HAVANA, Jan. 11.—Tomorrow Gen.
Wood will issue an order defining the
relations between the civil and the mili
tary authorities. Except in a purely su
pervisory sense the military authorities
will not interfere in the conduct of civil
affairs, beyond matters of sanitation and
public undertakings of a sanitary char
acter.
•*»_ ,
Funeral of Father MeGlynii.
NEW YORK, Jan. 11.—At Father Mc-
Glynn's funeral the mass of requiem, ac
cording to the rules of the Roman Cath
olic faith, waa celebrated by the Rev.
Charles McCready. Right Rev. Monsignor
J. F. Mooney, vicar-general, delivered the
eulogy and the final absolution was given
by Archbishop Corrigan. The body was
taken to Cavalry cemetery in Brooklyn.
Remains of Gen. Laivton.
SAN FRANCISCO, Jan. 11.—Gen. Shaft
er received a telegram from Nagasaki to
day sent by MaJ. Hyde, quartermaster of
the Thomas, stating that the body of
H. W. Lawton is on the transport
which is due In San Francisco on the
29th of January. The body will be es
corted to Washington by Gen. Shafter,
accompanied by his aide, Lieut. Eugene
T. Wilson. Third artillery.
The series of five Sunday afternoon
concerts by the Danvs Symphony orches
tra wii'l begin at the Metropolitan Sun
day, Jan. 21.
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
The Penny Magazine Brain Test, No. B<
THE 10 LONGEST WORDS
Who Can Get Them Out?
Taking only that part of this ndverUse- j
ment that ii printed within the wavy linei, /
wbo can make up tho ten longest words, I
from the letters In tbe two senleucei within (!
cheso wavy lines? No letter can be lined j
oftener than it appears in tbe two senteucet. <'
Here is a half-hour's profitable educa
tional work. The first prize is $200, and
then there are one hundred one-dollar
prizes. The first prize will be paid to
the person who, using only the letters
that appear in the words within the wavy
lines above, makes up with these letters
the ten longest words. Only English
words, not proper namou, will be allowed.
The other one hundred prizes, of one
dollar each, will be awarded to the one
hundred people who come nearest to the
winner in length of words. The winner
will be the one whose ten words have the
greatest number of letters, all told. It
is hardly possible that more than one
person can win tho first prize; but, Of
course, if It proves that more than one
person does win it, then it will be divid
ed. In order to enter this contest every
body must send a year's subscription to
The PENNY MAGAZINE with their an
swer. THE PENNY MAGAZINE costs
but 25 cents a year, and for this .small
sum it is edited, illustrated, printed,
bound, and delivered every month for
twelve successive months. This contest
will close April 15th, but answers will be
accepted at once, and competitors can
send as many answers as they please,
provided they send a subscription with
each one. Certainly your chance ia good
for one of the 101 prizes. Including that
first prize of J2OO. Address Competitive
Editor,
THE PENNY MAGAZINE, 567 Depew Bldz
New York City.