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The St. Paul Globe • •'' • . ~~\ ' '.. I■; ——■— ' "*-'■"**'. :. ■■_' -." p\_ ' • THE GLOBE \ CO.. PUBLISHERS Official "<-. 'rf-fC^rsly*»^-oum&l^ •"-■•' City of,: ":-; Pafeb -;* - \™2g^L^*g£!£!%iJ : ;;6t. PAULp AUL " . Entered "5V Postofflce'at \ St. Paul. Minn.. . .. : ,; -as Second-Class Matter. ■- -;;'', •■'"-V•- ■,:>■} TELEPHONE CALLS '7 Northwestern —Business, / 1065 •- Main. Editorial. 78 Main. -- . - :-t*. -■.•;,_::•. ;'r^: Twin City—Business, 1065; Editorial, -78.; :' : . GITY,SUBSCRIPTIONS ":f*^ _:■-■ By Carrier. ' | 1 mo. |6 mos. |12 mos. Daily only :..... .^.4o^ $2.25 $4-00 = Daily and Sunday .. ,:-J\*o> - 2.76 5.00 •Sunaay--r.--..:.-.:r.. :: 20 : 1.10 800 COUNTRY SUBSCRIPTIONS ;-..f •' - *By Matt. -■■' -"■ I 1 mo. 16 mos. |12 mog. Daily only .25 $1.60 $3.00 Daily and Sunday .. .36 2.00 4.00 Sunday .20 1.10 2.00 EASTERN ■REPRESENTATIVE -P~" W. J. MORTON, - • ' 460 Nassau St.. New York City. 87 Washington St.. Chicago. THE ST.PAUL DAILY GLOBE'S circulation now exceeds that of eny other morning newspaper In the Twin Cities except only the Minneapolis Tribune. THE St. Paul Sunday Globe Is now acknowledged to be the best Sunday Paper In the North west and has the largest circu lation. ADVERTISERS get 100 per *■ cent more in results for, the money they spend on advertising In The Globe than from any other paper. THE Globe circulation is ex ' elusive, because It is the only Democratic Newspaper of gen eral circulation In the Northwest. ADVERTISERS In The Globe reach this great and dally Increasing constituency, and It cannot be reached in any other way. RESULTS COUNT— THE GLOBE GIVES THEM. SUNDAY, JULY 31, 1904. INTELLIGENT COMMENT We publish on another part of this page this morning three comments upon the political situation which will well repay reading. This is because they combine the two qualities of hon esty and intelligence, which so rarely hunt -in couples during a political campaign. We do not see why the average newspaper or the average po litical speaker should play the average voter for a sucker. Of course there is an element, not entirely to be ignored, whose highest desire it is to "get onto the band wagon." There are some voters whose indecision as between parties will b<s determined by their belief as to who is going to win. Their anxiety to be wige after the event, and to be able to-.:clasß themselves among supporters of trie successful ones overcomes every other motive. These, however, are in the minority. The vast mass of American voters want to know just how a situation stands. They desire facts. Whether Republicans or Democrats, they do not relish being fed with foolish partisan Inventions, and they detect very quick ly the party lie. Although constituting the great bulk of our people, they cer- tainly get very little satisfaction from the platform or the press. The Globe, for its part, sympathizes with these readers entirely; and, while naturally desiring to give its own party every advantage, will not mis represent for the sake of creating a foolish confidence leading up to disap pointment. The Glooe Is happy to say that Its position, taken some weeks ago in view of the facts as they appeared, is exactly that which is reproduced by the editorial utterances of three pub lications as different in character and sympathy and patronage as Harper's "Weekly, Puck and the New York Sun. All these agree with us that this cam paign is not to be a walkover; that It is simply beating the air for either side to pretend that it has any assur ance of victory; that, unlike previous campaigns, a multitude of voters have not yet detern.ined what they will do; that a very large percentage, will be turned in one direction or the other by events yet to mature and by prin ciples to be announced and methods to be followed- during the campaign; and that, as far as human intelligence can pierce, the result of the election In November is as entirely in doubt as was that of any presidential campaign ever conducted in this country. We call particular attention to the - estimated vote as set forth in the arti cle from Harper's Weekly. This re views a table published by the Even- Ing Sun, with corrections which seem to us entirely valid. Harper's reduces the table of safe Republican electoral votes to 169. It classes Maryland, West Virginia and Nevada, as The Globe has done, among sure Democratic states. It does not consider even Montana as doubtful. Adding the votes of Maryland, West Virginia and Nevada to the certain Democratic states of tne" South, we nave again a total of IW, showing an absolute equality of the two parties as to the states that campaign managers can count upon' confidently in advance. The rest are all doubtful, and in them the battle ls-to be lost or won. Our readers will, we think, study with special iijtefest and care these three utterances from publications every one of" which is independent in its present political attitude and scorns misrepresentation. They will rise from their study of the political battlefield with a new conviction that [ it is going to be the greatest fight for many a year. Applauding, as it does, the fairness and tolerance of the state ments that it reproduces, The Globe hereby repeats its own belief, offered from a study of tendencies and pos sibilities in the doubtful states, t'*at Judge Parker will In all probability be our next president. MUST BE ABANDONED We took note a few days ago of a public utterance by onje of the most prominent labor leaders in the coun try declaring the sympathetic strike to be a mistake. We do not see how. an intelligent and ardent union man can look at the practical facts in any case and "hot- see that this is true. Looked at superficially, the idea that you can call out tens of thousands of | men and cripple an industry attacked in all its departments is very taking. j Looked at in the light of actual results I on either side, it has seemed, to put it J in the mildest way, a grievous blunder i in tactics. The sympathetic strike works j against the success of the real strikers lin three or four different ways. It tends to alienate that public sympa thy which is the great force behind every, successful strike. Rough com mon sense and common justice average up about the same everywhere. The j man who feels that a strike of a I given organization for better wages or i shorter hours is justified does not have j the slightest sympathy with a lot of j other men who have no grievance of j their own and no demands to make, but who quit work simply because their fellows have done so. In the sec ond place, the sympathetic strike is the greatest possible obstacle to that reasonable agreement between enri ! ployer and employfi, by which alone : any strike can ever be settled. Each side has to yield something. An agreement, whether reached by arbi tration or otherwise, is almost univer saJly a compromise. Something has to be conceded in each direction. Now the sympathetic strike is the enemy and the destroyer of all con cession. The workingman who is ready to believe that it would be worth his while to yield a little here and there in order to gain certain other advantages and go to work again is stiffened into entire unreason- ableness when other unions go out by the idea that this will enable him to win every point The employer across the way, who has realized that the particular union in question had some thing to complain of and has about made up his mind to -concede more or less, is aroused to furious rage and determination not to give way by a hair's breadth when he finds that these other unions, who have no com plaint, have gone out on a sympathetic strike. The natural consequence of it is to lessen the hope of agreement, to make both parties angry and unrea sonable and to complicate a simple is sue until adjustment is almost impos sible. It is the honest fact, as the labor leader whom we quoted not long ago perceived, that the sympathetic strike is far more injurious to labor than to capital. It loses ten Btrikes where it wins one. It invariably costs the striking men a large share of public sympathy. It throws upon the whole cause of unionism a discredit which it would otherwise not acquire. Intelli gent unionism now repudiates utterly the issue of violence and abandons the boycott. None but the crudest organ izations resort to these barbaric weap ons. The sympathetic strike should be laid on the shelf along with them, be cause from labor's own point of view it is always a loser. THE GAME LAW UPHELD The decision of the supreme court upholding the constitutionality of the state game law will be received with very general satisfaction throughout Minnesota. No problem has proved more difficult of legislative attack than the protection of the game animals, birds and fish of the state. The prob lem is, indeed, two-sided; and to guard in both directions is next door to the impossible. The pot hunter is a man every where and always to be despised. He who goes out into the woods or upon the waters either to slay right and left for money, or just to glut an ap petite that is a survival of the brute element i n man, needs the severest re straint of law. No punishment is too heavy for him. Unless he Is dealt with sharply the beautiful children of na ture that people our plains and forests and lakes wm disappear i n a few years as completely as the bison has vanished. On the other hand, there are sportsmen, who have in mind chiefly their own delight, who would punish the farmer for killing deer or catching fish for his own table if they could, and who insist upon arbitrary, unusual and unnecessary penalties. The present game law is very drastic. It does not seem, however, to have been too severe for the occa sion, for it has not stopped the offenso complained of. We think it just as well that these severe provisions should be enforced flatly for a period of years, until the game killers from other states and the agents of market men learn that it is not safe to come into Minnesota for game with an eye to business. When we have to deal only with our own people and our own THE ST. PAUL GLOBE, SUNDAY, JULY 31, 1904 markets, the matter will be easy. For the sake of excluding the depredators from abroad, who want to make the game in Minnesota furnish a delight for the foreign table, we are glad to see the game law upheld, and hope that it will be rigidly applied. A SYSTEMATIC WRITER Irving Bacheller passed through this city the other day and left a recipe for writing a novel which should be easily followed by. the would be novelist. Mr. Bacheller emphasizes the passing of the attic genius typo. Many misguided folk have thought that writing, like painting, came of in spiration and was the result of an inner fire direct from the gods, but not so. Mr. Bacheller —and is he not one of our best novelists —says he does his work systematically. He shuts himself away from his family and the distractions of the household at 7 o'clock every morning, and thus he remains until 4 in the aft ernoon, presumably creating master pieces. Lest we should think that the inner man was not refreshed during so j Jong a period, Mr. Bacheller hastened to add that he had some luncheon sent to him at 12:30. In the interest of lit erature we are glad to know that Mr. Bacheller does not go all day without food. He further enlightens us about hiß system when he says that the success ful writer is the one who masters his ; subject before beginning; ergo, Mr. I Uacheller makes a thorough study of the times and the people among whom he intends to place the scenes of his stories. He says that when he pre pared to write his last book he read more than a hundred volumes on the subject he had in mind, and jotted down in a neat little book—something tells us it was neat —all the important points needed, and that process over, states he was completely master of his subject. Mr. Bacheller does not say explicitly that he is a successful novelist, but there is so much of self-satisfaction in his words that it is certain he regards himself as a literary man of the first order. And who shall say that he is not? Indeed, we are indebted to him for explaining his system; for assured ly anyone who yearns to write, and at the same time can read, ought to be able, aided by this system, to turn. out something, especially if he does not omit the 12:30 luncheon. Per haps not a masterpiece like "Eben Holden" would he achieve the first time, but by strict seclusion from 7 to 4 and keeping at it the neophyte could surely send his name down to pos terity. * This up-to-date novelist with a sys tem remarks in closing that he believes a time of great men is close at hand. Mr. Bacheller is modest. ALUMNA 111. A New Hampshire woman has col lected some statistics in regard to "the occupations, careers and matrimonial conditions" of the graduates of Vassar college and the result of her findings Is published in the current Popular Science Monthly. She has divided the time from 1567 to 1896 into three dec ades and considers separately, and then contrasts the graduates of the three periods. It must be admitted that so far as the truth of the charge of race suicide is concerned, she makes out a very bad case against Alumna in. Alumna I. was, according to these statistics, very well disposed toward matrimony. The first ten classes of the first decade contained three hundred and thirty two members and over half of these married. Alumna 11. would not have won the full approval of Mr. Roosevelt, but she did not always refuse to listen to the sweetest story ever told. In the second decade there were three hun dred and seventy-eight graduates and one hundred and ninety-one brides. The compiler of the statistics is apparently ashamed, however, of Alumna 111. There are six hundred and one gradu ates in the last decade and only one hundred and sixty-nine marriages. But she admits that she may be judg ing Alumna 111. too hastily, since most of the graduates of the last decade were under thirty when the census was taken. Another excuse for the conduct of Alumna 111., and her critic cites it as such, is the attitude of Alumnus 111. toward matrimony. The particular Alumnus 111. whose case the compiler has inquired into belongs to Harvard. To quote the language of one of Miss Wilkins' heroines, he appears to be "dreadfully set against matrimony." In fact considerably less than three fourths of Harvard college men mar ry; and if the Harvard college man represents the average college man, it's difficult to see how Alumna 111. can be blamed for her spinsterhood. The compiler of the statistics shows that in lieu of matrimony she has take n to teaching, to nursing, to preaching and even to writing a paper on "Dinophilus Gardineri." But naturally none of those things can be quoted against her until the conduct of Alumnus 111. Is explained. Figures lie when they are presented in the form of statistics. Until Alum na 111. Tierself has spoken, and spoken honestly, no one can say positively that higher education unfits a woman for matrimony. Just why in all the discussion on this subject Alumnus 111. should have heretofore been overlook ed it is difficult to say, but at any rate he should now be pushed into the Does higher education unfit \ the college man for matrimony? This is really the important question, an honest answer to which will explain everything. BUREAUORACY OR ANARCHY The evil that men do lives after them and its influence is apt to be especially far reaching if the men have paid the penalty of the evil with their lives. It is difficult, therefore, to fig ure out how any good can result to unhappy Russia by the untimely tak ing off of Yon Plehve, the minister of the interior. Every act- of violence, every assassination makes the cl^s whose members have been attacked all the more determined to crush the force that threaens them. This is especially true in the case of Russia, which has never chosen to regard the assassina tion of one of her rulers as a warning to better her conduct. Every violent death of some man in power has meant a step backward for the na tion. In Russia every progressive step must first be taken by the class that rules; not because the members alone have the power to take such a step, but because no other class has the in- telligence. Were the bureaucracy de stroyed in Russia today, there would be only anarchy to take its place. There is no similarity, as many seem to find, between the condition of Rus sia today and the condition of France in the beginning of the eighteenth century. In France even at the period of the revolution were to be found the germs of a safe and sane national de velopment which had been planted there by a literature that had been widely read and that had preached something more than revolution. If-a man should rise up to take the place of Yon Plehve who bad the far sightedness to see that it is necessary for Russia to build up a class of sane, self-respecting, intelligent and chaos fearing citizens, the assassination of the minister of the interior will not have been in vain. But there is no in dication just now that* such a man is to be found in Russia. Nicolas may rise to the occasion, but it is extremely doubtful if the czar possesses the strength of mind necessary to meet any extraordinary emergency. It is more likely that the assassination will have the effect of turning him against , the people who are so greatly in need of his aid. It is more than likely that the ministers will devise sterner meas ures than ever and that the czar will approve of every one. He will be made to believe that it Is either the bu reaucracy or anarchy, and it is not necessary to state for which he will declare himself. A SILLY AFFECTATION As a rule, editors are great imitators, but the new fangled way of spelling words by sound will never become popular with the Republican. It may be a good thing, and a lot of flrst-class newspapers are pushing it along, but to see the words "through" spelled t-h-r-u, and "brought" b-r-o-t, and "bought" b-o-t, looks like "hello" with the last letter cut off, and the wings of good old Noah Webster would singe with anguish if he only knew about it.—Lake City Republican. As a rule the editors of 'newspapers are very little given to silly affecta tions. They cannot afford to indulge weaknesses which disgust the people, and which they promptly punish. The offense noted above, however, is so venal that the reader tolerates it with no other reprisal than a sigh of dis gust. We cannot understand how any man who deals daily with public intelli gence can be so supremely absurd as to order into and retain in a public print these methods of misspelling particular words which seem to owe their origin solely to the dictation of individual caprice and concentrated idiocy. A strong argument can be made for spelling reform. Theoret ically, it is both desirable and neces sary; practically, It has been found impossible thus far to make a single step toward its realization. The only reform of our orthography that has ever been accomplished or ever will be has been brought about gradually by a sort of common consent; such as the omission of the letter "v" in words like honor and the like, and the dropping of the final "k" from words formerly end ing in "ck." These minor changes have been made imperceptibly, without any flourish of trumpets and without anybody's leadership. So will all the others be. The preliminary and thus far im practicable condition of spelling re form is some sort of agreement among the would be reformers. If this had been easy, -of course we should have had it, together with material changes in our language, long ago. It is not easy. Whenever a man attempts to suggest systematic alterations in spelling he becomes the prey of the fantastic. Two minds do not think alike, two pairs of ears do not hear alike, and the translation of sound into written symbols emphasizes and es tablishes these discrepancies. It is evident, for instance, that "thoro" is a monstrous abortion. If we grant that it Is absurd to retain the ancient and complicated spelling "thorough," we should certainly hope to retain that rather than to skip over to "thoro;" which Is not phonetic or anything else but absurd, and has no history, sound or sense behind it. Here is the. pitfall. The instant any body attempts a practical essay in spelling reform he makes confusion worse confounded. The idea of a gen eral agreement among so-called spell ing reformers was given up long ago. The hope of a general effort along common lines was seen to be as base less as the dream of the author of Volapuk that his invention would be come a universal language. Slowly, a word at a time, through the years, we begin to make our language a little less complicated orthographically, a little easier to learn and t o write, a trifle closer approach to the phonetic standard. This is done cautiously and without anybody being able to say who originally suggested or who prin cipally promoted the accepted altera tions. The process will go on in the same way. But those publishers who adopt certain crankisms in spelling and try to force them upon the public succeed only in making a holy show of themselves. FOR RECREATION AND REST MERELY A unique club has been formed in New York. Its prime mover is a woman of wealth and (the organiza tion itself proves this) of common sense. The club's object is to provide rest and recreation for its members, and with this object in view a club house has been furnished. The mem bers, all young women, who meet there are not asked to join a Browning club or to study French. Self-improve ment is not mentioned and no one is besought to keep abreast of the times and up to date on all topics. The girl ,who is ignorant of Kuropatkin's whereabouts is not sent to Coventry, nor is she who cannot talk intelligent ly on the campaign issues snubbed. Girls pretty or homely, bright or dull, short or tall, plump or thin, are wel comed alike, but culture is urged upon none of them. The club' sounds well and it will probably prove to be even better than it sounds. For it fills a long felt want. Too much is required of the modern young woman nowadays. To meet all -requirements she must be up and do ing every minute of the day, and she dare not cease her labors until far into the night. Ignorance in these strenuous times is decidedly not bliss; on the contrary, it is regarded as the greatest folly. The burning question of the hour is, "What are you doing to improve your mind?" The gentle art of relaxation, both mental and physi cal, is a lost art and large talk has been substituted for small talk. But it is the modern young man who will have most reason to feel grateful to the club. It is he who has suffered most from the self-improvement fad, for it has made him conscious of his mental deficiencies. Fortunately or unfortunately (it depends upon the point of view), he is so constituted that he cannot devote half an hour to Dante before breakfast, learn by heart the entire conjugation of an irregular French verb at luncheon time, leave business an hour earlier in the after noon to consider with his kind th<» perfection of the old Roman roads in Britain and then be ready to discuss his subliminal consciousness and his higher aspirations with the girl on whom he calls in the evening. The modern young woman can do this, hence the position of superiority she has assumed. A club for rest and recreation mere ly will give the young man a chance. It will, or should, promote matrimony. If its kind should multiply it is not too much to expect that it will avert race suicide. And for the present it may be accepted as an encouraging sign of the approach of a less strenu ous period. THE LIFE LITERARY Miss Marie Corelli declares that the life of the successful author is the happiest of lives. Of course by this Miss Corelli means the life of the suc cessful authoress. For the male writer, the author of "The Sorrows of Satan" has so frequently expressed her contempt that it Is not probable that she has considered him in this most recent generalization of hers. In deed, it Is shrewdly suspected that for Miss CorelH- there exists but one writer, and the name begins with a C. The lady gives many reasons for her preference for the life literary and for her firm belief that it brings happiness to the person who follows it. She says, and the remark has the true Corellian ring, that the firm faith and the noble ideals which the pufsuit of literature encourages give one a contented spirit and great tranquillity of mind. From this we may conclude that Miss Co relli has forgotten, or else never expe rienced, those vicissitudes which so frequently embitter the lives of young and struggling writers. From the very beginning it must have been plain sailing for Miss Corelli's literary craft. There is a suggestion of bourgeois smugness about her confession, but nevertheless most people will experi ence a certain amount of pleasure in reading it The public can say, "Here, at least, is one person who ap pears to be satisfied with her profes sion." And in these days the public is a Diogenes traveling about with a lan tern In search of a satisfied individual. Hall Came and Marie Corelli both de serve credit for speaking well of their profession, If for nothing else. To be sure, both have made a good thing out of literature, or what to them and their followers represents literature; but it is usually the man most success ful In his profession who is first to complain of its disadvantages. Per haps it takes a certain kind of imagi nation to see the disadvantages after one hes made a success, and it is pos sible that neither Hall Came nor Marie Corelli possesses this special variety. But they are two satisfied individuals and the public obtains some pleasure from a contemplation of them. VIEWS ON THE CAMPAIGN OUTLOOK Three New York Papers of Independent Tendencies Predict a Close and Exciting Campaign Prom Harper's Weekly. The most interesting feature of the campaign up to date is ahat nobody seems to have decided definitely whom he will vote for. A Survey of ?our years or eight the years ago the av d itxi . r-, . erage man met on Political Field the street after the nominations were made answered promptly, "McKinley" or "Bryan." This year he hesitates, and either asks his interlocutor what fie is going to do, or he guesses one is about as good as the other, or he always has been a Republican, and cant see why," etc., or "it is a satis faction to know you can vote for a Democrat if you want to," and so on. .Positive commitments are rare. The average mam is waiting. The candi dates personally are unexceptionable. As for the platforms, he will see what they have to say in their letters of ac ceptance. In any case, he is well satis fied, and goes about his work with a feeling of security such as he has not experienced in recent years. This is good. It means that a revival in busi ness may not only be expected, but has already begun. Exports are in creasing, crops are flourishing, steef mills are working overtime, railroads are getting ready for the greatest traf nce next fall they have ever handled idle money is seeking investment, prices are hardening—in all ways are evidenced the beneficial effects of the return of sense to a great political party. The way is clear for the con duct of a campaign upon high lines— upon the relative merits of party or ganizations, party principles and party candidates—without serious apprehen sion of any kind. Meanwhile the aver age man waiting is wise. When there is no danger, there need be no haste. Particularities of the daily and Sun day and nightly lives of the candidates are now the most popular features of our active papers. No detail from this time on wjll escape the sometime friendly, sometime hostile, but ever argus eyes of the reporters. Already we know that the judge's favorite bathing suit is blue, neatly set off with narrow white stripes, and of propor tions shrewdly designed to afford a striking contrast to the garments worn by Secretary Taffs Igorrotes at the big fair. It is expected that this fact will be utilized with great effect by the Springfield Republican in its masterly elucidation of the true principles of anti-imperialism. On the other hand, the principal meal of the day at Rose mount is served at 7 o'clock instead of at noon—a custom wholly disconsonant with the traditions of the Grange—and the judge substitutes a dinner jacket for the blue overalls universally recog nized as the emblem of best form in our agricultural districts. Trust the Tribune to make the most of this in criminating evidence in the weekly edi tion founded by H. G. The colonel, be ing president, is enabled to draw a secret service cordon around his per sonal habits, but already sinister ru mors are being whispered to the effect that, on the eve of the battle of San Juan Hill, he laid himself to rest with in a suit of plutocratic pajamas. Suit able pictures thereof may be expected in due time to decorate the artistic pages of Mr. Hearst's colored supple ments. Thus the good work of ap pealing to the reason of a free people will continue unabated and unabashed. Of the many estimates of the prob able outcome of the coming presiden tial election, the calculation published on July 16 by the Evening Sun, though not entirely acceptable, deserves par ticular attention, because the writer is evidently well informed and disinter ested. Before marking what seem to us some weak points in his computa tion, we should remind the reader that there are now 476 presidential electors, and it follows that; to gain the presi dency, a nominee must secure 239, or more than half. Nobody will dispute the correctness of the assumption that the Democratic nominee is virtually certain to carry thirteen states, which, together, possesses 151 electoral votes. Named in alphabetical order, these states are Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Missis sippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia. The ony state in this list about which any doubt has been tenable during the last quarter of a century is Kentucky, which in 1896 gave McKinley a plural ity of 281 popular votes, and twelve out of its thirteen electoral votes. It is also true that in 1899 Kentucky elected a Republican governor by a plurality of 2,283, but, in the following year, it returned to the Democratic column, where it has since remained. Of twenty states, which have 182 electoral votes, and which are set down as indisputably Republican, we regard' the inclusion of one Eastern and some Western commonwealths as open to controversy. Disregarding Kansas, which voted for Weaver in 1892, and for Bryan in 1896, but which, since 1898, has increased steadily the Repub lican pluralities—and also passing over Rhode Island, though, of late, this state has repeatedly chosen a Democratic governor—we would point out that the seven electoral votes of Connecticut are by no means assured to Mr. Roosevelt. It is true that the state was carried for McKinley in 1896 and 1900, and, dur ing the last eight years, has thrice elected a Republican governor; but the Republican plurality in 1902 was con siderably less than a third of the figure attained by McKinley six years before. The Democratic nominees for the presi dency carried Connecticut in 1876 1884 and 1892, and if in 1880 Garfield se cured in it a plurality of 2,656 it was because he also managed to carry the adjoining Empire commonwealth. Should New York give Judge Parker a large plurality, he is more likely to be successful in Connecticut than is his competitor. This state, therefore, should be removed from the table of "certain" Republican states. As to Idaho, North Dakota, South Dakota, Utah, Washington and Wyoming, Bry an carried every one of them in 1896, and retained Idaho in 1900. In the last named year, McKinley carried Utah by a plurality of only 2,133 popular votes, and Wyoming by only 4,318. If we withdraw as at least doubtful the three electoral votes of Utah and the three of Idaho as well as the seven of Connec ticut from the Evening' Sun's list, 1 the total of safe Republican electoral votes is reduced to 169. We come, finally, to twelve states having 143 Presidential electors, ac knowledged to be "doubtful." From these Mr. Roosevelt must add seventy electoral votes to the 169, with which we have credited him, in order to be elected. It is evident that some of the assumptions on which this list is based require revision. Why, for instance, should Maryland figure in it? Since the new franchise act became opera tive in that state, it can be reckoned upon by Judge Parker with "Ss much confidence as can Kansas be counted on by Roosevelt. Well informed per sons believe also that West Virginia has been secured for Judge Parker by the nomination of ex-Senator Davis of that state for the vice presidency. Why, again, should not Nevada, which has never given its three electoral votes %9 Repubhcan Slnce • and including 1892, be much more likely <t to • go •■ for rker this year.than is Idaho to go for Roosevelt? Neither are we able to un derstand why Montana should be de scribed as J "doubtful." Montana ;' has never given its electoral votes to a Re :S^ mn eXCept in 1892 ' and tnenby a Plurality Q f f only 1,270. It is true that 5,?°« yf ars &1° "-elected-a Republican justice vof the supreme court, but in that case political considerations were ■ Dy no means preponderant. The thirty nine votes of New York are also placed the Evening Sun in the doubtful • column, but when we compare the vote getting records ' of the ■ competitors we must admit that Judge Parker has a better r-Chanwl of gaining the Empire commonwealth than Mr. Roosevelt has of winning Idaho or Utah. Neither, with the political contests of the last twelve years in •; view, does Mr. Roose velt seem to have any prospect of car rying Colorado., Delaware we are in clined -to concede to the Republican candidate, in view of what has taken Poo^ e. ™ ■ that"state.• since and including 1894. We hold, moreover, that the nom ination of Senator Fairbanks for the yice presidency- ought to give Indiana to the.Republicans/ We think, on the other hand, that the Evening : Sun is justified in ranging Illinois, Nebraska New-Jersey and Wisconsin. in the list of doubtful states. It seems to us "" plain; therefore, that Sanator Fair banks acts , the part of wisdom when, in his Indianapolis newspaper, he urges his - coworkers to cease taking results - for granted and to be up and doing From Puck. Just a word of warning to you Judge Parker. Puck notes with much uneasiness that in many parts of the country you are be- Uood Counsel ing acclaimed as a f or hero. Busy hands Both Candidates b^ldin^^pedestals for you to stand on; niches are being prepared for you in temples of fame on all sides of us from Oyster Bay to Oakland, Cal.; you are in imminent danger of be coming an idol. The fact that you are too good a man to be called a hero or to be set upon a pedestal or sequester ed in a niche with absolute justice does not alter the situation in the slightest degree. Men, women and editors—particularly the women and editors — everywhere are thrusting these things upo n you. and you should seriously consider the consequences. Bryan was an idol, your honor, and at this writing is the idlest idol that Fortune ever set her face against. Mr. Hobson was a hero and he couldn't even kiss his way into congress, as the politicians say, after he had stood out i n the sunlight of public enthusi asm for a few hours. Even Admiral Dewey, >vho once drove down Fifth avenue t tween two opposing rows of over a million shouting people each, can now walk up that same aristo cratic thoroughfare without being pointed out by the barkers on the sightseeing coaches. The short cut to oblivion is heroism and it is up to you to act accordingly. Get out of that class as quickly as you can and tell the American people that because you were frank and honest and brave and politically sagacious at a critical moment you claim not their adulation, their hero worship or any "other such nonsense, but merely the respect which is due to any one of the frank, honest, brave and sagacious men o£ this country who may be counted by the millions. The ease with which you have temporarily eclipsed the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt in the public eye should be a lesson to you. There is no telling but that even Dr. Swallo\v_ by some sudden sensational act may in turn remove you from the center of the stage If it may be permitted, a small word of caution to you also, Mr. President Roosevelt. There is a popular impres sion that on your side of the political fence you are the whole thing. The platform upon which you stand is your platform. The campaign you are now fighting is as much your campaign as that historic smile of yours is your smile. You are lock, stock and barrel the Republican party in this year of grace, 1904, and what is said and done by your apologists or your eulo> gists is said and done by yourself. Therefore, it is beholden upon you to have a care as to the doings and say ings of your mouthpieces, and you will do well to consider the effect upon your own political fortunes of those who are trying to besmirch the honor of your Democratic rival by intimating that this famous stroke of his, that has carried dismay into your ranks, was the result of a conspiracy, the outcome of a bit of low political trick ery of which no man of integrity would be guilty. Imputations of this nature upo n the character of your op» ponent are bound to react upon your self. The American people love a good, square, honest fight, and whether they are on his side or not, they will cheer a good, square, honest fighter; but the blow beneath the belt, the foul jab, the feints of the trickster they not only do not admire but hold in actual abhorrence. Some of your edi torial friends and cartoon supporters are doing you an ill. service by their malign attacks upon the candor and personal uprightness of the simple gentleman who opposes you, and if you have, as has been ascribed to you, a real desire to go. back to Washing ton some day as the real choice of the people for the presidential office, you must fight fair, and make your hench men do the same. You, of all men, can never disclaim responsibility for the acts of your supporters. You have whipped them too soundly into sub mission to be able convincingly to prove an alibi when they and their sins are haled before the judgment seat. From New York Sun. The Hon. Thomas Taggart is a rare optimist. "We are going to win this year," he says, "there are no quarrels and no factions." Arcadian inno- Common Sense cence, the harmo- rf ny of the Golden anu Age. Ciaim-Alls The Hon. Patrick Henry McCarren is more definite. He "can tell you something about New York," and he does: "This state is going Democratic by 50,000 plurality. Remember that pre diction. I am sure of it. We shall give Judge Parker 50,000 plurality and elect a Democratic governor." Every political pilgrim of the first, second or third class who carries his wisdom to Sagamore Hill is just as bold in his pubnshed remarks. He puts on magnifying glasses and elects Roosevelt, just as the Democratic man agers put on their magnifying glasses and elect Parker. All these Democratic and Republican talkers know they are talking idiocy. Everybody in the country knows it. The fight is going to be hot and close. There are divisions in both camps. At present, at least, nobody has any means' of knowing what the end will be. Why, then, must the political augurs keep up their old foolish patter and "claim everything?" Is there any good reason, other than habit*, why politi cians shouldn't condescend to common sense even in public?