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The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, September 12, 1904, Image 3

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Intend once more to. haul it down? Do
they object' to " the .' part we played in ;
China? Do they not know that;the voice |
of the United States would r now .' count
for nothing- in the far" East if we had
abandoned the Philippines-and refused-to.'
do what was:. done in China? Do i they
object to the fact that .this- government;
secured .a peaceful settlement.-. of. l the
troubles in Venezuela' ; two years ago? Do;
they object to the presence" of the ship-of
•war off Colon .when the = revolution broke
out in Panama, and when only; the pres
ence of this ship t saved 'the lives *. of.'
American' citizens and prevented insult to
the flag?- . . . .- ■■--."■."
Do they object to the fact that Amer
ican warships appeared promptly^ at- the
port of Beirut when an effort had been
made. to ■ assassinates an ■ ■ American 1, offi
cial, and in the port of Tangier when an
American citizen had been. abducted? 'and'
that in each case the-wrong complained
of was righted • and expiated? and that 1
"within the. last few. days the visit of an
American squadron to Smyrna was follow
ed by 'the long-delayed-, concession*, -of,'
their just rights' to those 'Americans con
cerned in educational work in * Turkey?
Do they object to the trade treaty with'
China, so full of advantage for the Ameri
can people in the future? ; . Do they object
to the fact that ships ::carrying the na
tional flag now have a higher. : standard
than ever " before •in marksmanship and'
in seamanship, as individual, units •'; and
as component ■ parts -of squadrons- and:
fleets? If they object to any. or all of
these things, we join issue; with them.
■.Our foreign policy has not -only'-.been.
highly advantageous to the.United States,
but hardly less- advantageous; ■„ to the
world as a whole. Peace and:, good will
have followed in its footsteps?.-. The gov
ernment has shown itself no less anxious
to respect the rights of others than. in
sistent that the rights of Americans be
respected in return. As for the navy, it
has ■ been - and is now • the; most ; \ potent
guarantee of peace, and it-is such chiefly
because it is formidable, and ready for
use. .'-.". ■.- ' '..- ■ „-•/-. .'
When our opponents speak "of "en
■ croachments'' by the executive -upon \ the
authority of congress- or the- judiciary,
apparently the act they ordinarily have in
view.is Pension Order. No." 78. issued un
der the authority .of existing.-law. This
order directed that hereafter any veteran
of the Civil war who had reached the age
of sixty-two should be presumptively en
titled to the pension of $6 a month, given
under the dependent pension' law to : those :
whose ■ capacity- to earn their livelihood,
by manual; labor has ■ been-, decreased 50..
per cent, and that ;by the time the age ,
of seventy was reached : the presumption
should be that the.".physical disability
was' complete; the. 7 age being treated las
an evidential fact in each -case. This or- :
der was made in the performance.of a: duty
imposed upon the president by an act of
congress, which requires the e executive to
make regulations to govern -the" subordi
nates of the pension office.in. determining
who are entitled to pensions. - President
Cleveland had already exercised this pow
er by a regulation which declared that'■
seventy-five should be set as the age at j
which total disability should be: con- :
clusively presumed. Similarly .-.President;
McKinjey established sixty-live as the age
at which half disability should be con- ;
clusively presumed.. - The regulation now
in question, and in the exercise of the
same power, supplemented these regula
tions made under Presidents Cleveland
and MeKiniey. .".-. .. ■ ■' .
The men who fought for union and for
liberty in the years from 1861: to. 1565
not only saved this nation from ,ruin, but
rendered an inestimable service -to all
mankind. We of the United States owe
the fact that today, we-have a country, to
what.they.did; and the nation has decreed
by law that no one of them, if disabled
from earning his own living.' shall lack,
the pension to which be is entitled,'" not
only as a matter of-gratitude but' as 'a
matter of justice. It is the policy of. the
Republican party, steadily..-.-.: continued
through many years, to treat the veterans,
of the Civil war in a spirit of | broad lib
erality. The order in question carried:out'
this policy, and is justified not merely- on
legal grounds, but also on grounds of pub
lic morality. . ■-;- -\ '
It is a" matter' of common knowledge
that when the average, man who depends
for his wages upon bodily labor has
reached the ago of sixty-two his -• earning
ability is in all probability less by half
than it was when he was"in his prime; and
that by the time.he has reached the age
of seventy he has probably lost all earn
ing ability. If there is doubt upon, this
point let the'doubter examine the;em
ployes doing manual labor in any great
manufactory or on any great railroad,
and find out how large,,is the proportion
of men. between lh e ages of sixty-twol
ana-seventy, and"whether these men- are
still - employed-- at the highly paid • tasks* 1
v/hich they did in their.primer As a mat
ter of fact,. many railroads pension -their
employes when they have reached those
ages, and in nations where old age pea-'
sions prevail they always" begin some- i
where between the two limits ilius ; f-et. >
It is easy to test our opponents' -fcineer-:
ity in .this matter. The or^er in quo:;i:on
Is revocable at the pleasure of the execu
tive.. If our opponents come into ■ pow
er they can revoke this order and ar-'
nour.ee that they .will treat ti.» veterans.
Of sixty-two to ' seventy as - presumably
In full bodily vigor, and not < ntiilo-3 to
pensions. .Will they now authoritatively
state that they intend to (jo this? Ii .fio.-i;
we accept the issue. If not. then we have:
the right to ask- why they rais> ah fcsue'
which, when raised,- they do not venture
to meet. . • I. ."•-..-; ■ ; L-X^sc.is--±;:::^~l
In addition to -those avis of the ad
ministration which they, venture to assail
only after misrepresenting them; therefore?
others which they dare not overtly or of
ficially attack, and yet: which* they
covertly bring forward as reasons for the
overthrow of the party. In certain gj cat'
centers and with, certain groat interests
our opponents make every effort to-rshow:
that' the settlement of . l!ie anthracite
coal i strike by the individual act! of-the
president, and the successful suit'against?
the .Northern Securities cbmp. pJny~;|he:
merger suit—undertaken' by the " apart
ment of justice,' were acts because of
which the present admlalst.rp.tion gh-:ula ;
be thrown from power. •. let they <laic
not openly condemn either act. They t'aro'
not in any authoritative or formal man
ner say thai -in: either case wrong was
done '■ or error committed; in the method
of action, or In the choice of "instruments,
for putting -that action Into effect ' Slut
, what they dare not manfully " assert in •
open day.- they seek to use; furtively "and
through special agents. It i<? hups
natural that: an attack —no conducted
should be made sometimes on"the ground
that,too: much,. sometimes on thc'-trr.'-und*
.thatr too little, has been don?. So.u-.t?:6t.
our opponents complain -.because under the
anti-trust and interstate, commerce laws
suits were undertaken ;which: have been
successful; others, because suits: wore. not ;
, undertaken wliiclv would Jin re been : un
, successful. The Democratic ' slate >c< n
ventlon in New York dealt with th« ar
lliracite coal strike by demanding in d"
liberate and formal - fashion that the -Mo
tional, government should take, posse-; <j on
of the coal fields; v yet champions of tbat
convention's cause now.condemnr the fact
that j there was 1 ny action, by the. ptesi-i
dent at though they must know that
It • was only this action by the president
■which prevented the -i movement for ■ na- 1.
tional ownership of the coal fields from■
gaining what might well ' have been an
irresistible impetus. Such «mutually de- r
structive criticisms' furnish an V? adequate j
measure of the chance for coherent ac
tion "it or constructive legislation : if - our
opponents should be given power. -j
much for what "our-opponents openly,
or covertly advance in the .way of 'an at-:
: tack on the acts of • the : administration -
Whoa we come to consider the policies for
•which they profess .to stand we are met :'
with: : the difficulty always -arising ; when'
statements, of : policy - a re* so v made (hat
they can be Interpreted In different'ways.
. On some of the vital questions that have
confronted the .-American people In s the :
last decade I our opponents" take : the posi
tion-.ihat Bilencf> is the best possible, way '
to " convey ; their .- viinvs.-r.Tliey';: contend
that .their ".lukewarm^attitudejof * partial
aequtcsco!!-e in what' other? ftav« accom
- plishju ' entities ihem to b* ; made; Hie. ciis
"; ■-"".-'■ '.:.'- -■ ■- " ~"""- '■' '",'.- ~";"'-'-Ji.-X.?:?
Iftodians of the financial honor and com
! ■ mercial interests .7". which they have S but
I : recently sought to ruin. Being unable to;
agree a among S themselves 3as tt» -whether
•: the • gold standard is "a, curse jor a>. bless
: ing,' and -as to :. whether we-.-ought:. or ought
not to ' have £ free and unlimited }. coinage ;
;of ;; silver. they > have ? apparently;- thought j
i, it :"expedient Js to avoid i any -commital7 on
..these, subjects.' r1 arid individually each<.'to;
follow his particular bent. Their nearest ■
. approach to a majority judgment seems'to ':
be ; ■ that :•': it -. is' now 4 inexpedient <to " assert;
their • convictions :/ one ' way or the' other,
and £ that the » establishment of -• the gold
standard by the Republican party should
not be disturbed unless s there is !an alter- -
ation -in " the relative ■' quantity/of -• produc- j
: tion of ';■. silver., and; gold. .*^ Men g who hokl :
; sincere - convictions 'on ; vital questions • can
respect V equally sincere men -■ with whose
views they radically s differ; and men may :
confess •a' change *off faith -■ without com
promising g their honor -or their self-re
; spect. -;■ But .: it 'is -difficult to J respect an
• attitude of .'■ mind ~ such; as - has .■ been * fairly
described < above;; and ; where. there :is no i
respect '; there can be *no ;■■ trust. A policy
■ with so slender. a basis of principle: would
not 'stand" the strain" of a single r year "of
• business :adversity.2 ~\ ' '"". '. --•:•;; -.. -cj :; ■~:.-v
'.. We, on ; the" contrary, believe •in the gold ■
standard as 'fixed by .the usage and ver
• diet of the business world, and in si sound
monetary system as : matters of principle; [
as ■ matters ■■ not of monetary political : ex
pediency, but ; of permanent 5: organic". pol
icy. ': In 1896 and again in 1900 far-sighted
men. without:regard : to their: party fealty
in: the past. 1;" joined to work against what
they regarded;as a , debased monetary " sys
; tem. The policies which M they cham
pioned . have; been" steadfastly:l adhered 5 to :
by: the administration; and by the act of
March 14. 1900. congress \ established '-. the |
single -. gold standard *: as • the measure | of ;
our monetary "value.*;? This act received
the support of every Republican in the
. house, and '; of ." every, \ Republican ■;' ;. except";
one ' in i the " senate.. Of : - our ; opponents,;
eleven - supported -'it" in r the ; house i and two :
in : the - senate;;, and 150 'opposed -it- in the
• house j and . twenty-eight W- in > the | senate. I
The record jof the last seven : years j proves |
■ that . the - party ~. now in - power, can•'- be '<■
trusted to take the additional action nec
• essary to . improve ,; and strengthen our;
monetary system, and that our opponents
cannot be Iso trusted. ? The fundamental
fact is that in a popular,- government such"
as ours no policy is irrevocably settled Iby
law unless the : :. people - keep in:
; control.; of the government men who be
lieve -in ;: that policy as v matter of c deep-;
rooted ■ conviction.: Laws can always be
revoked; ' it : is the spirit:. and the purpose :
iof i those responsible for S their enactment
and - administration which must be fixed:
and unchangeable, :«' It :is . idle to say that
" the -i- monetary standard of .the nation Jis
. irrevocably "; fixed, so - long as ; ', the ". party
; which at the t last " election ': cast: approxi- '.
mately '46. per cent of the total vote re
fuses to put in its platform any statement
that the .: question is settled. < A deter
mination to remain siienj^'sannot ■ be. ac- :
. cepted \ as. •equivalent to. a -Vrecantation^
I Until our opponents as. a ..party " explicitly ,"
adopt -the views ; which we hold ; and upon
which we have -acted and are,-acting- in
I the matter of a sound; currency, I the only .;
• real way to keep -. the question from be
: coming unsettled is to keep the Republic
an ; party in power. . -.:'."■>. . "\ \. i. ;:"■ :~> • V
As to what our opponents say in ref
erence : to' capital and. labor, j individual or i
'corporate,: here again all we need; by way
of answer is' t6 point to what we -have;
:actually' done,, and to say that if con
tinued in power we shall cdhtiriue to car
ry out the policy ■we have been 1 pursuing.;
and -to : execute the ;; laws" as : resolutely as
we have executed them «iri':-the..past.' In :
my speech of acceptance I said:.. '!;;'-. -.
- "We recognize the organization of capi^
: tali and' the ;organization \ of. labor ■ as ■. nat
ural outcomes t- of our ' Industrial i system: '
Each >■ kind;. of organization iis : to "be fa
ivored so long ; as it acts in i a spirit of ; jus
tice and of regard for the rights of others.
Each lisj to be . granted , the 'i full protection I
of the law, ■ and • each in turn is to •be held "!
•to a ' strict i obedience to • the law; : for '■• no ■
I man •is I above •it and «o man is below I it. i
The -humblest individual .is. to have his
rights - safeguarded ~as 'scrupulously --. as i
fthose of ~ the '-■ strongest . organization, for
: each is to re&etVe justice, no more and no
.less. 'X The problems 'With' which- we have',
to deal; in our "• modern industrial and so
■ cial J life are-manifold; but > the spirit in
; which it >is "-necessary • to approach their :
solution^ is simply the spirit' of honesty, of.:
; cou rage and •of common - sense." * - ■■-.'. .^. . „
The action of the attorney-general in ;;
enforcing i. the , t anti-trust; ; and interstate
I commerce . laws, and:, the action of the last [
congress in enlarging the scope of the :
interstate, commerce'law, arid- in creating
the department of • commerce and labor,
with a - bureau r of' corporations, have:; for
-the first time, opened a chance, for the
national government to deal j intelligently
and adequately, with - the-questions, affect
: ing society, * whether,-' for ■ good: or for evil, ;
because' of ; the accumulation •of capital in;
' great ... corporations":'' and ' because of 5 the i
new relations. caused there-by. These lawsl
| are • now being administered 1 with entire ■
| : efficiency;-and ■ as. in thoh^working, need
( is- shown .-for-amendment, or r addition to
them—whether.JieUie*-to-s--.'eure the proper.|
. publicity .Vor,. better to : - guarantee - - the
rights-of ■ shippers., or in any other direc
tion —this need will be met. It is now as
■' serted r '• that ■; the. \ common " law, as devel
oped- affords a "complete' legal i 1 remedy;
against monopolies." ■• But there is no
.common law of the United : Stales.; - Its
.rulesf can be enforced only by the state"
courts. v officers.".:No ; federal court or
; officer, could take ,: any ; f action", whatever
under thorn. It was "this fact, coupled
with the : inability of the I states; to control
trusts and monopolies, which led to the
passage.: of the federal | statutes -known- as '
the Sherman ■anti-trust act and inter-;
state commerce act: and 'J. itw.- is '■■ only i
through the exercise of the powers con
ferred by these acts,, and by tlie .'statutes^
of the last ; congress supplementing them,
; that the 5 national*-governmentTracquires'
any jurisdiction over the subject. To say •
that action against trusts and monopolies
should be limited to the application of the.
j common law jis equivalent; to "saying' that
i • thGS.national-govefiJipiejitbshculd'vtake? no
action . whatever to regulate them.* ■- I' %::Ki
■r Undoubtedly; ,i.;^the unsultipJlcation^ef-!
trustsf and their increase •in power ' has:
been r largely., due to;- the "failure of ■: of-;
ficials charged -with' the duty of enforcing'
the law to take -the necessary "procedure.' 1 :
Such: stricture-.,upon the,? failure oi v the;
officials ;of the national government to
: do their duty in this matter, is .'certainly;
not wholly undeserved-.as'; far ;an : the ■. ad
, ministration preceding r:President McKin- ;
ley's is "concerned;•-.hut • it-has'no i appli
j cation at all •' to Republican ■administra-"'
--i tion. It . is. also . undoubtedly true r-. that
I what is most: needed: is 4 "officials - having
i ■ both the ; disposition and the ■ courage I to:
• : enforce ..'existing. law.",. This <is % precisely
1 the need that has been: met by the coi*.
j'sistent • and->steadily • continued"^ action of =:
] the department of justice •"■'-: under -the'
I present administration. ,..-
':3o far as the rights of the idividual
j-Wiige worker and : .the .individual capital- i
j ist are concerned. T>ofh as- one an- :
j other, as regards the public, 'and 5- as re
, gards t. organized capital and labor, r the
position, of the administration hag been
clear thai there is no excuse for mis
representing it, and no ground for op
! posing it; iin!c?s misrepresented. Within
• the ■: limits ■ defined by . the > national consti
tution the national RdxnijU6tration has
sought to secure to each man the full
enjoyment of his - right vto i live -: his life
and sdispose' of hisi property ? and :his labor
as; he : deems" bestr^sq^long as he J wrongs]
no. one ejse.. It has shewn in effective
fashion that in endeavoring to make good
this ; guarantee;; it treats all men, rich or
pool', whatever • their? creed, their * color or
their birthplace, as standing alike before
the law. A Undor ■:. our form of government
• .the^sphere> in which the nation as dis
tinguished • from { (he -: slate j can act •is nar-
rowly circumscribed; 1 but ' within that
sphere all £ that, could be done has c been
done. All thinking"men are aware -fbf?
I the restrictions upon the power .of -action
i of the national goveinnioht in' such mat-
Being ourselves mindful of them,
I wei have been scrupulously careful on |the-
hand to be moderate in our promises,
. and on the other hand to keep
f these promises 2in -t"-:letter^ and sg?-in!
I spirit. Our opponents have been
: i ; hampered by no such <sfi]^id^raUq»s> They '
i have t promised, and % many of tiiera *s now
t3 promise,"* action which they could by §ho'
possibility take in the exercise.of consti
tutional power, and which, if attempted,
would bring business to a standstill; they,
have used, and often now use, language
of . wild invective and. appeal to all. the
baser passions which tend to excite one
set of Americans against their fellow-
Americans^- and- yet whenever they have
had power they have fittingly * supple
mented this.'extravagance of promise by
absolute nullity in performance. ■
' This government is based upon the
fundamental idea that each man, no mat
ter what his occupation, his race, or his
religious belief, is entitled to be treated
on his worth as a man, and neither fav
oced nor discriminated against because
of any accident in his position. Even
here at home there is painful difficulty
in the effort to realize this ideal; and the
attempt to secure from .other nations ac
knowledgment of it sometimes encoun
ters obstacles that are well nigh insuper
able; for there are many nations which in
the slow procession of the ages have not
yet reached that point where the prin
ciples which Americans regard as axio
matic obtain any recognition whatever.
One of the chief difficulties arises in. con
nection with certain American citizens of
foreign birth, or of particular creed, who
desire to travel abroad. Russia, for in
stance, refuses to admit and protect Jews.
Turkey refuses to admit and protect cer
tain sects of Christians. This govern
ment has consistently demanded equal
protection abroad for all American citi
zens, whether native or naturalized. On
March. 27, 1899, Secretary Hay sent a i
letter of instructions to all the diplo- I
matic and consular officers of the United !
States, in which he said: "This depart
ment does not discriminate between na- I
tive-born and naturalized citizens "in ac
cording-them protection while they are!
abroad, equality of treatment being re
quired by the laws of the United States."
These orders to our agents abroad have
been repeated- again and again, and are
treated as the fundamental lule of con
duct laid down for them, proceeding upon !
the theory "that all naturalized citizens
of the United States while in foreign
countries, are entitled to and shall re
ceive from this government the same pro
tection of perso-ns and property which is
accorded to native-born citizens."
In issuing passports the state depart
ment never discriminates or alludes to any
man's religion; and in granting to every
American citizen, native or naturalized,
Christian or Jew, the same passport, so
far as it has power it insists that all for
eign governments shall accept the pass
port as prima facie proof that the person
therein desciibed is a citizen of the
United States and entitled to protection as
such. It is a standing order to every
American diplomatic and consular officer
to protect every American citizen, of
whatever faith, from unjust molestation;
and our officers abroad have been, strin
gently required to comply with' this or
Under such circumstances, the demand
of our opponents that negotiations be be-"
gun to secure equal treatment of all
Americans from those governments which
do not now accord it. shows either ignor
ance of the facts or insincerity. No
change of policy in the method or man-
ncr of negotiation would add effective
ness to what the state department has
done and is doing. The steady pressure
which the department has been keeping
up In the past will be continued in the
future. This administration has on all
proper occasions given clear expression to •
the belief of the American people that
discrimination and oppression because of
religion, wherever practiced, are acts of
injustice before God and man; and in
making evident to the world the depth of
American convictions in this regard we
hate gone to the very limit of diplomatic
It is a striking evidence of our oppon
ents' insincerity in this matter that with
their demand for radical action by the
state department they couple a demand
for a reduction in our small military es
tablishment. Yet they must know that
the heed paid to our protests against ill
treatment of our citizens will be exactly
proportionate to the belief in our ability
to make these protests effective should the
need arise.
Our opponents have now declared them
selves in favor of the civil service law,
the repeal of which they demanded in
1? 00,i lnd ln 1896- If consistent, they
should have gone one step further and
congratulated the country upon the way
m which the civil service law is now ad
ministered, and the way in which the
classified service has been extended. The
exceptions from examinations are fewer
by far than ever before, and are confined
to individual cases, .where the applica
tion of the rules would be impracticable,
unwise, unjust or unnecessary. The ad
ministration of the great body of the
classified civil service Is free from poli
tics, and appointments and removals have
been put upon a business basis. Sta
tistics show that there is little difference
between the tenure of the federal classf-'
fled employes and that of the employes
of private business corporations. Less
than one per cent of the classified em
ployes are over seventy years of age, and
in the main the service rendered is vig
orous and efficient. Where the merit sys
tem was of course most needed was in
the Philippine islands; and a civil service
law of very advanced type has there been
put into operation and scrupulously ob
served. Without one exception every ap
pointment in the Philippines has been
made in accordance with the strictest
Standard of fitness, and without heed to
any other consideration.
Finally, we come to certain matters
upon which our opponents do in their
platform of principles definitely take
issue with us, and where, if they are
sincere, their triumph would mean dis
aster to the country. But exactly as it
is impossible to call attention to the
present promises and past record of our
opponents without seeming offensive, so
it is impossible to compare their plat
form with their other and later official
utterances and not create doubt as to
then sincerity. In their private or un
official utterances many of them frankly
advance this insincerity as a merit, tak
ing the position that as regards the
points on which I am about to speak they
have no intention of keeping their
lu-oinises or of departing from the poli
cies now established, and that there
fore they can be trusted not to abuse the
power they seek.
When we take up the great question
of the tariff we are at once confronted
by the doubt as to whether our oppo
nents do or do not mean what they say.
I hey say that "protection is robbery!"
and promise to carry themselves ac
j cordmgly if they are given power. Yet
j prominent persons among them assert'
that they do not really mean this and that
if they come into power they will adopt
our policy as regards the tariff; while
others seem anxious to prove that it Is
safe, to give them partial power, be
cause the power would be only partial
and therefore they would not be able to
do mischief.- The last is certainly a cu
rious plea to advance on behalf of a
party seeking to obtain control of the
At the outset it is worth while to say
| a word as to the attempt to identify the
question of tariff revision or tariff re
> duct ion with-a solution of the trust ques
tion. This is always a sign of desire
to avoid any real effort to deal adequate
ly with the trust .question. In speaking
on this point at Minneapolis, on ADril
4, 1903, I said: ' yn p
"The question of tariff revision, speak
ing broadly, stands wholly apart from the
question of dealing with* the trusts. No
change in tariff duties can have any sub
stantial effect in solving the so-called
trust problem. Certain great trusts or
great corporations are wholly unaffected
by the tariff. Almost all the others that
are of any importance have as a matter
of fact numbers of smaller American •
competitois: and of course a change in
the tariff which would work injury to the
large corporation would work not merely
i injury but destruction to. its smaller
j competitors; and equally of course such a
i change would mean disaster to all the
, wage workers connected with either the
large or the small corporations. From
the standpoint of. those interested in the
solution of the trust problem such a
change would therefore merely mean that
I the trust was relieved of the competition
i of its weaker American competitors and
thrown only into competition with for
eign competitors; and that the first effort
| to -meet this new competition would be
made by cutting down wages, and would
therefore be primarily at the cost of
labor. In the case of some of our great
est trusts such a change might confer
upon them a positive benefit. Speaking
broadly, it is evident that the changes
in the tariff will affect the trusts for
weal or for woe simply as they affect the
whole country. The tariff affects trusts
only as it affect g all other interests. It
shakes all those interests, large or small,
profitable; and its benefits can be taken
/rom the large only under penalty of tak
ing them from the small also."
' • -■"*"•* a-i :.* - ... —
There is i little, for me to. add to this. It
jis but ten years s since the >t last s attempt
vrsts <) made^Tby means Of\loweHng •= the;'
: tariff, to ; prevent somfr. pefljge $ ffblh"pros
pering too much. Tfie attempt was en-,
tirely successful. i^TKej;tatiff j law "of that
• year 5 was '; among the catrses which in 5
[ that I year and for ji some; time - afterwards'
f effectually prevented <to"tfrom pros-:
■ pering too" niprfh. I and JFrorn Afros-
, peringr at all. " Undoubted^ iS (.woulds be
; possible"at: the I present rfife "to prevent'
j any of the I trusts E from remaining .» pros-!
perous by the ! simple; expedient jof making
< such 1. a sweeping £ change |in the I tariff las i
to t paralyze J the industries lof | the country.
The trusts ?. would a cease *; to i prosper • but
; their smaller competitors would be : ruined,
■• and the wage workers woipg-sgtarye, while
sit would not pay the faniier "haul - his!
: produce- to ? manket. Thre' ftetffe ■ connected *
with the trusts can be •rtoitjlHfl only by v !
rational : effort, step ?byi; fEepifj along the
lines .taken by cotigress anay»e execu
tive during the'past three years. If a
> tariff- law* is passed under which tfte coun
i try prospers, jas $ the country 3 has Jpr os -*'
pered: under .the present tariff th«n
I all v classes ■ will share'^n i the prosperity.
If .-; a .>, tariff law is passed aimed •♦ at pre*
venting the prosperity of some of our
people, it is as certain: as-Anything can-i
! be. that J this aim will achieved i only by ■;
cutting down the prosperity iof.aU of our
people. ■; w^.- v - -^ j; =. .v£;;;' r . £ ; .-;.;. .-.-> v.^. : --;
;.-v; Of ;: course, .. if our opponents -are not -
sincere in ; their *" proposal *.to:fabolish ~ the 5
: system of ia i -protective tariff, there ~ is!
no use in arguing -the; matter at all, save
by pointing out again that if 0a,..0ne great
issue they do ? not: mean what they v say,
•it=3 is * hardly safe £tojgtrust;££h£i»i oi> any.
: other issue. But if tjigy are - sincere in ■
this matter, their..their .advent io'-PQwer
' would mean- domestic."-misfortune arid mis- ■
cry *as widespread & ajid faif-ieacjiing as;
that which.we saw teh'ye^r* ago. When
they speak of 'protection*'" as "robbery"
they Of course musViftean; that it is im
i moral to—enact- a tariW designed (as is
the present is protective tariff) -■ to secure
to the American wage-worker the bene
fit of."the high standard living which
v we desire to see ♦ kept ,up in this country.
or- to I speak of -i the tariff i n this I sense
|as "robbery," thereby; giving, it a moral'
relation, is not merely rhetorical- -" it is
on its face false. The - question of : what'
j tariff. is - best for our ; people :is ; primarily i
one of expediency, be . determined not
•:on :_. abstract ?.academic;: grounds, - but <= in'
the lightr-of;r experience. -/It\ is a patter l
.of.; business; for fundamentally d&ts is
a business people—manufacturers W .mer
| chants, g farmers, <-. wage-earners, profes
sional men, all j alike. r Our experience as
a people in the past has certainly not .
■ shown us ~ that rwe could afford ' in this
matter to ' follow ' those professional coun
sellors who : have confined themselves to
: study, in the | closet; = for the actual- work- ■
s ing of the i tariff '^as emphatically con
tradicted their theories. From time to
; time schedules must i undoubtedly i be" ar-:
ranged l and ;readjudsted;to meet the shift
; ing; needs >of \ the : country* • bat this • can
vwith safety be ■ done . only by those who are!
committed ito the : cause of tfe» protective;
system. ,v To ■ uproot ; and destroy that sys
: tem would be to i insure_the,prpstration of
; business, the closing iof factories i the • Im
; poverishment s of -. the : farmer,'^he ; ruin * of •:
I the I capitalist, arid j the starvation ,; of the ''■■
wage worker. Yet, if protection is- indeed "
•robbery, :- and ', if our opponents „ really
believe ■ what ;•• they say,, tjien.it -? is pre
, cisely = to :. the , destruction : and uprooting
of the tariff.-rand therefore dToiJr business'
.and industry that they are pledged. When;
our opponents last obtained it"'was"
;on a : platform | declaring a; protective tar-■:
: iff ' "unconstitutional;" . and •= the effort <ilo°
p."!Lth)s 'de(ration into practice was one
of the causes of the general national pros-'
tration J lasting - from 1893 ' to" 3 897. •■■ If a;
protective- tariff is either"uhc'6nstitution^
;Si'ir?- rr« obbery-" then it is -Just as un
. constitutional, ■ just ; as, much robbery %to
revise -it; down, still leaving it protective,
as it V would - be. :to : enact .• it. In t other
words :; our opponents have, committed;
themselves to the desruction of the pro-"
tective i principle in the tariff, using words •
which ;if t honestly used • forbid them I from!
permitting this principle to obtain in
even the smallest degree.
takes up matter
■^riM il of reciprocity'
'■■■'■■; Our opponents assert that they; believe \
In reciprocity. -;. Their ■ action on the = most"
important -. reciprocity 'treaty, recently ne
gotiated— that> Cuba—does Sot bear=
out z this i assertion. : Moreover, -. there - can
be , no i reciprocity unless -there iis la~ sub-:
stantial ; tariff; free "> trade and reciprocity
are not compatible. We are on record
as i favoring arrangements ■ for Z reciprocal 1
trade relations with: other countries, these:
arrangements -to be on an , equitable basisi
of f benefit ", to 'i both the contracting ; par
ties. The Republican party stands
pledged- St© every wise: 'l and ' consistent
method -of increasing!:' the .• foreign "V com
merce of ; the country. That :it has kept
its pledge 'i-i 5" prpyen.;j^by; the :? act i that •;
while' the domestic trade of this country
exceeds *in '. volume the . entire ■ export and
import trade of- all the nations of the'
world, the United States i has in addi
tion , secured more ; than, an I eighth of the 5
export „ trade j of >> the world, 'j standing \ first
among the" nations :in this L respect.- *>-, The;
United -States 5 has 'i- exported during the
last' seven years *' nearly 1" ten billions of"
dollars .-- worth of I goods—on an average
half as ; much ; again j annually Jas during j
the previous I four \ years, when many of
our people I were consuming - nothing but!
necessaries, ; and , some 'of. them a 'scanty
supply even of these. . . y/- ,: -'
Two years ago. ■ in : speaking at togahs
port, Ind.,T Iv said: ;■•-->'- •' !:*>."~':h- -?±-*^-$
"The :<oner consideration i which !r? must;
never ;be omitted |in ■ a tariff change is the I
imperative -need lof : preserving the Amer
ican standard of living for '-- the American
workingman. ■ The tariff rate must riSVeT'
fall below -that which protect the
American? workingman bj^lfefwihg" for
the difference -between the ■ general < labor
cost j here i and \ abroad, so.as jat least «to
equalize - the t conditions arising from the
difference ■: in the • standard «of labor - here I
and abroad—a difference JiSlMhVit'ahould^
be our aim to foster inTo far as it
represents 1 the i needs of better ! educated,
better paid, better fed, J aritf Better clothed:
workingmen of a higher type: than any to I
be ? found ?ini ay foreign ■ country. At all
hazards, y and \no V matter what else is
sought for or accomplished, by? .changes of
the ; . tariff, the -J-' American workingman
must Ibe "x protected -~ in his standard ". of
wages, that: is, uin : his I standard of - living,
and must ibe secured the-- fullest oppor
tunity of-employment. Our- iaws should
in no "\ event ; afford -■ advantage, '■-, to i foreign
industries over American. 1 industries.
They should -in-.no '* event 4'do'-:'less-tbn.iv
equalize the difference ' Conditions -at
home and abroad." ' -1/ i?-v?7\> ,':^ .i -v
' It is a matter of regret'that the pro
tective -• tariff -; policy, > which.* during 2 the ■
last ? forty odd/ years, has bepome : part |of {
the very fiber ~of3 the . country, is ~ not:
how accepted 5 as definitely established.
Surely we | have -a-, right to : say that; it has ,r
passed beyond ; the domain of theory, and
a;" right '■■? t0 .% expect la that :^s not r?i only its i
original advocates, but thos# who :at r one
time i distrusted uit on :■. theoretic grounds, •
should 'i now acquiesce ?in the /results, that
have been proved 1^ over and over again
by S actual experience* ~- These - forty I; odd \
years '.' have s been '■$. the most prosperous
years this nation has ever seen; more
prosperous , years " than . any other nation!
has ever seen. -V Beyond .c question this:
prosperity V could not < have i come Sif :/. the:
American people had not; possessed the
necessary thrift, ;^ energy; and business | in
telligence to g turn -.- their ti vast material
resources to account. But it is >no less
true that 'iti is ! our economic j policy as i re
gards r- the % tariff ~+ and 7. finance which >- has ■
enabled us as a nation ,to ! make I such good i
use $of the i. individual capacities Ji of our
citizens, and the : natural resources of our I
country. ;; Every *; class iof -our % people' •, is *.
benefited Iby the j protective I tariff .2; During!
the last few years the merchant has seen
the export trade of this country grow
faster than ever in our « previous history.
The S manufacturer ;, could i* not F_- keep *■ his
factory ; running sif % it :,~ were £ not i for s the
protective tariff. The wage-worker would
do i well to remember that lif protection \
is "robbery," and is to be punished ac
cordingly, he i will %be the first *to j pay | the
penalty; jf for -: either he <i will be turned ■
adrift -entirely, or his i wages £ will be | cut ■
down '-tot the ' starvation point. -;. ' :. -
-' As '■■ conclusively shown by the bulletins
Of the t Bureau eof i Labor, the j purchasing
power iof ? the average wage | received «by
the > wage worker • has 9 grown, faster than;
the cost :of i living, and' this in spite of • the
continual shortening of 'working hours.
The % accumulated "savings ''of the work
ingmen of the j country,^af ; shown by the
\ deposits in the \ savings, banks, have in
creased by leaps ■ and bounds. .At no time
lin the | history of j this i ori'any/otheri counr
'■ try has there >■• been an era so productive
;of material'benefit alike " workingman
and ? employer, as \ during • tHe* seven \ years
that have \ just passed. 6fc«J^i^?^E'-g
The I farmer has benefited quite as much
as i the manufacturer, Merchant and
: the wage worker. The •■ most » welcome ' and
impressive r fact established« by th« ■ last
census is i the wide and even distribution of
wealth ? among i all classes lo£ our eoun&ar.
--i men. The H chief .a^enc^es' fn- producing 1
this % distribution are shown by the cen
'bus 4, to '4; be vv the development of manu-
factures, and the application of new in
ventions to universal use. The result has
a n increasing interdependence of
agriculture and manufactures. Agricul
ture-is now, as it^ always has been, the
basis of civilization. The ' six" million
farms of the United States, operated by
men who, as a class, are steadfast, sin
igjevnirided and industrious, form the
oasis of all the: other achievements of the
American people ariid are more fruitful
than all their other resources. The men
On -those six million farms receive from
the protective tariff what they most need,
and that i s the best of all possible mar
kets. All other classes depend upon the
farmer, but the farmer in turn depends
, upon the market they furnish him for his
.produce. The annual output of our a'gri
| cultural products is nearly -four billions
.of, dollars. Their increase in value has
been prodigious, although agriculture has
..languished in most other countries; and
the main factor in this increase is the
-corresponding increase of our manufac
turing industries. .American farmers have
-prospered because the growth of their
market has kept pace, with the growth of
.their farms. The additional market con
tinually furni3hed for agricultural prod
j-ucts by domestic manufacturers has been
far in excess of the outlet of other lands.
An export trade in farm products is neces
sary to dispose of our surplus; and the
-export trade of our farmers, both in ani
mal products and in plant products, has
-very largely increased:
Without the enlarged home market to.
•keep this surplus down, we should have
to 'reduce production or else feed the
-world, at Jess than the cost of production.
In the forty years ending in 1900 the total
,value of farm property increased twelve
and a half billions of dollars; the farmer
gaining even more during this period than
. the manufacturer. Long ago over-produc
tion would have checked the marvelous
development of our national agriculture,
"but for the steadily increasing demand of
American manufacturers for farm prod
ucts required as raw materials for stead
ily, expanding industries. The farmer has
become dependent upon the manufac
turer to utilize that, portion of his produce
which- does not go directly to food supply.
In 1900 52 per cent, or a little over half,
of the total value of the farm products
of the nation was consumed in manu
facturing industries as the raw materials
of the factories. Evidently the manu
facturer is the farmer's best and most di
rect customer.
Moreover, the American manufacturer
purchases his farm supplies almost ex
clusively in his own country. Nine-tenths
0/ *&1K the i raw materials of every kind
and description consumed in American
manufactories are of American produc
tion. The manufacturing tstablishments
tend steadily to migrate into the heart of
the great agricultural districts. The-cen
ter of the manufacturing industry of 1900
was near the middle of Ohio and it is
moving westward at the rate of about
thirty miles in every decade; and this
movement is invariably accompanied by
a. marked increase in the value of farm
lands. Local causes, notably the competi
tion between new farm lands and old
farm lands, tend here and there to ob
scure what is happening; but it is as cer
tain as the operation of any economic law,
that in the country as whole, farm val
ues -will <*)ntinue to increase as the part
nership between manufacturer and farm
er grows-- more intimate through further
advance of industrial science. The Amer
.ican manufacturer never could have placed
this nation at the head of the manufac
turing nations of the world if he had not
had behind him, securing him every va
riety of raw material, the exhaustless re
sources of the American farm, developed
by the skill and the enterprise of intel
ligent and educated American farmers.
On the other hand, the debt of the farm
ers to the manufacturers is equally heavy,
and the future of American agriculture
is bound up- in the future of American
manufactures. The two industries have
become, under the economic policy of our
government, so closely interwoven, so
mutually independent, that neither can
hope to maintain itself at the high-water
mark of progress without the other. What
ever makes to the advantage of one is
equally to the advantage of the other.
So it is as between the capitalist and
the wage-worker. Here and there there
may be an unequal sharing as between the
two in the benefits that have come by
protection; but benefits have come tb
both; and a reversal in policy would
mean damage to both; and while the dam
age would be heavy to all, it would be
heaviest, and it would fall soonest, upon
those who are paid in the form of wages
each week or each month for that week's
or that month's work.
Conditions change, and the laws must
be modified from time to time to fit new
exigencies. But the genuine underlying
principle of protection, as it has been em
bodied in all but one of the American
tariff laws for the last forty years, has
worked out results so beneficent, so even
ly' and' Widely spread, so advantageous
alike'ta farmers and capitalists and work
ingmen, to commerce and trade of every
kind, that the American people, if they
show their usual practical business sense,
will Insist that when these laws are modi
fied they will be modified with the utmost
care and conservatism, and by the friends
ajid not the enemies of the protective
system. They cannot afford to trust the
modification to those who treat protec
tion and robbery as synonymous terms.
In closing what I have to say about the
system of promoting American industry
let me add a word_ of cordial agreement
with the policy of in some way including
within its benefits, by appropriate legis
lation, the American merchant marine.
It is not creditable to us as a nation that
our great export and-import trade should
be well nigh exclusively in the hands of
It is difficult to know if our opponents
are really sincere in their demand for the
reduction of the army. If insincere, there
is no need for comment, and if sincere,
what shall we say in speaking to rational
persons of an appeal to reduce an army
of 60,000 men which is taking care of the
interests of over eighty million people?
The army is now relatively smaller than
It was in the days of Washington, when
on the peace establishment there were
3,600 soldiers, while there were a little
less than four millions of population;
smaller than it was in the peaceful days
-of Jefferson, when there were 5,100 sol
diers to 5,300,000 people. There is now
' One soldier to every 1,400 people in this
country—less than one-tenth of 1 per
cent. We cannot be asked seriously to
argue as to the amount of possible
tyranny contained in these figures. The
army as it is now is as small as it can
possibly be and serve its purpose as an
effective nucleus for the organization,
equipment and~supply of a volunteer army
in time of need. It is now used, as never
before, for aiding in the upbuilding of
the organized militia of the country. The
war department is engaged in- a sys
tematic effort to strengthen and develop
the national guard in the several states;
as witness, among many other instances,
the great field maneuvers at Manassas,
which have justr closed. If our opponents
should come into power they could not
reduce our army below its present size
without greatly impairing its efficiency ,
and abandoning part of the national duty. :
In short, in this matter, if our opponents
should come into power they would either
have to treat this particular promise of
the year 1904 as they now treat the prom
ises they made in 1896 and 1900, that is,
as possessing no binding force; or else i
they, would have to embark on a policy
which would be ludicrous at the moment,
and fraught with grave danger to the na
tional honor in the future.
Our opponents contend that the gov- !
eminent is now administered extrava- !
gantly. and that whereas there was "a i
surplus of $80,000,000 in 1900" there is "a
deficit of more than $40,000,000" in the
year that has just closed.
This deficit is imaginary, and is ob
tained by including in the ordinary cur
rent expenses the sum of fifty millions,
which was paid for the right-of-w%y of
the Panama canal out of the accumulated
surplus of the treasury. Comparing the
current or ordinary expenditures for the
two years, there was a. surplus of nearly •
eighty millions for the year 1900,, and of
only a little more than eight millions for
the year that has just closed. But this
diminution of the annual surplus was
"br<mght about designedly by the abolition
of the war taxes in the interval between
the two dates. The. acts of March 2, 1901.
and April 12, 1902, cut down the internal
revenue taxes to" an amount estimated
at one hundred and five millions a year.
In other words, the reduction of taxation
has been considerably greater than the re
duction in the annual surplus. Since the
close of the war with .Spain there has'
been no substantial change in the rate of
annual expenditures. As compared with
the fiscal year ending in June, 1901, for
example, the fiscal year that has just
closed showed a relatively small Increase
in expenditure, (excluding the canal pay
ment already referred to>« while the year
; previous ' showed v aixelatively Ji small % de
The expenditures "of the nation have
; t>een; manage^in a spirit of economy as ;
far , removed ■ from waste as ' from niggard-;
: liness; and | in;thei&*ture every: or 1 will '
= be: j continued to secure |an n economy as «
i strict -v as *is jpcujsißtaßt %*ftttl 2 Efficiency.-^
unce ;-more • our opponents -; have ( promised \
wnat $i they cannot Tory should a not -? per- :
form. .1 he.prime reason why the ex- :
penses 'of the. > government hare "Hicreaaed t
' of recent years is to be found in the
' 'act =:";A hat v:' the ,vpeople, - lifter '^nature «
thought, i; have deemed it wise to haye 1
. certain ; new forms of work for s the ' public '<■
undertaken by the public. The necessi^
; ties % such expenditures^ for instance, as ■
those for rural free delivery, or ,■ for the
inspection' of J meats under i the i department f
of i, agriculture, or y, for i» irrigation;- >v But \
T tnese new expenditures are necessary: no
one would $ seriously v propose ?to £ abandon 5
them ■ and \ yet it ; is,idle.to.*»oiaim against I
the l increased expense iof <• the government '
.unless 2it is i intended ;to ;♦ cut <, down V the I
very & expenditures which § cause z the in '-"f
crease. The pensions ito \ the ? veterans -of
; the Civil war are demanded by *5 every \
sentiment of > regard and S gratitude. ; The
rural : free - delivery is tof the : greatest - use
and ; convenience to! the 1 farmers;! a body of :
men V- who 1 live- under >,; conditions @ which!
make them ordinarily 1 receive little direct
return for what they pay -";toward '• the
support >1 of ,• the i. government. ;«%-. The H irri
gation policy in the arid and -'semi-arid'
regions- < of the West iis v! one -fraught with
.the i most beneficent ",- and -•-far-reaching;
good £to ■;<■. the v actual settlers, the home ;
makers, whose ;encouragement Jis <a- tra
ditional 2 feature %in America's *•-'- national ;
policy. Do our opponents - grudge -' the
•fifty - millions -paid" for the • Panama- canal?
Do they intend to cut down on the pen
sions to the veterans of the Civllv'var?*
Do they intend to put a stop to the irri
gation I policy? or :to the i permanent, cen
sus B bureau?< or to : immigration S inspec- 1
tion? r :>Doi they intend to '- abolish rural
free ;■ delivery? -■-- Do >; they.. intend sto S cut
down v the * navy? or the Alaska .telegraph s
system? Do they,: intend to dismantle our
coast s fortifications? -; If * there is to 3be i a
real and substantial down in
national expenditures it must be in such
matters?: as _•-, these. >^' The "department w of
agriculture \ has done ■ seryice of incalcula- ■■■
ble value ;, to the j farmers • of this I country
in many - different i lines. ■ Do, our oppo
nents wish to J cut down the ! money t for
s this service? They con do it * only by
destroying a the usefulness of! the 1s- rvice ■
itself.^.;. ':'->~';i ■-;.---■i,"--^'- =■->•...:: ■;. --ir'iK-W''.:;
:The v public : work lof . the United . States >
has 2 never been '$ conducted with ; a higher i
i degree ;of honesty and - efficiency f than i at.
the present, time; and a ; special r meed tof -
i j praise ,; belongs - to ( those . officials ■ resuonsi-'
--i ble for the Philippines and g. Porto Rico,
where v the T administrations j." have ;: been
models ;5 of * their kind. Of i course -. wrong .'
has occasionally, occurred, but it has 1
been relentlessly stamped out. We have
known no party in-dealing with offenders, |
and have hunted 7 down ; '; without mercv -i
every wrong-doer in the service of -the
nation whom it was possible hy the ut- :I
- most vigilance -to detect; . or the p'uH ici '
servant.; who." betrays "• his I trust and ,-: the I
private individual who. debauches 'him "|
stand as the worst of criminals, because-i
their crimes are - crimes,,'against -the -en- !
tire community, and not only against this
generation but ?: against '■'. ,the:- generations",
that are.- yet to be. ''■ . ' ' ■ •-'-'•--rx:^*-;
IK Our '-opponents - promise : independence to
the Philippine :<• islands. ~ : Here • again... we !
are g confronted El by ;-, the .. fact 9) that F their !
I Irreconcilable differences of ■ opinion among :
themselves, their proved inability to create
a constructive policy when in power, ' and •
: their ' readiness, \ for the sake -of momen
tary political expediency cto abandon ": the
principles upon which they have insisted
s as: : essential, conspire .-to i puzzle Us as to
whether they do -: or jdo not intend ,in good
; faith to ! carry n out this promise •If 1 they -
■ are I given control of .the | government. In f
their C platform --. they declare • for inde
pendence, apparently-^for Weir 'language* '
is a little obscure—without -qualification'
as to time; and indeed a qualification as
to. time is ;an ; absurd! ; for .we have t nei- r
ther right > nor s power to ? bind % our suc
j cessors - when £it is : impossible! to r foretell j
the " conditions; which * may confront ; them; {
while if i there is v any principle * involved
in :± the matter, it is just as f- wrong to !
deny independence for a few years as to
deny it for jan indefinite period. But -in ;
later and equally official utterances 'by
our opponents the term self-government r
was substituted .;< for independence; V-t"he'
words : used being so chosen »that: in their
natural: construction they described pre,
--1 cisely- the - policy - now • being i carried • on.' -
The language of '. the ■platform' indicated a 1
• radical change "of x, policy 9 the > later ut- :"
terances Indicated a continuance >of < the
: present ; policy. 'BuJnti^j-; caused trouble t
in their , own r ranks; and .in a t still < later,
although I less formal utterance, the self- v
government r promise was 9 recanted, and
■Independence at some o future time .-was?
• promised ? in; its ' place. -. * They - have : occu
pied three entirely different --positions 7
within ; fifty 'days.'., ; Which is " the promise
they really ; intend to 'keep?.-V-f;i-- - . \y::
7 They do not know their own minds; and
no one can ; tell \ how 1 long they would keep ,
jof the i same > mind, should - they by. any ■
- chance » come - to a a.', working & agreement ■
among themselves. If such ambiguity af
:fected : only, the American people lit would ;
: not so j greatly; matter; for, the American 1
people can take are of themselves:;"".: But
the ;< Filipinos are in no such condition.
Confidence " is :;with' them a plant' of -slow:
growth. They have-been, taught to trust
■ the word 'of this I government because this ■
'• government has promised,nothing which !it '■
; did -. not t perform. If : promised '.-. indepen- ,
■ dence, they will expect- independence; not
:in f the "5 remote -'- future, for , their ' descend
: ants, but immediately, for themsleves. If
the promise thus made is not immediately I
fulfilled ;< they will; regard it *as a broken,
and will not ~ again trust to American
faith; and it " would be indeed a wicked
thing to deceive them in such fashion. ■
Moreover, even ;if • the - promise were : made !
, to ; take " effect / only ' in r the ; distant ' future,
! the • Filipinos \ would 3be =s thrown into t con- .
. fusion r thereby. Instead of continuing i to'
I endeavor to \ fit \ themselves 5 for ;- moral • and:
•■material advancement. in the present, they
would abandon all effort at progress and;
1 begin ;: factional : intrigues for future power.
x To promise to give them independence)
: when •: it -is "prudent" -to• do so. or -. when ■
they 'iare "fit" for ' It. of; course fclmplies ■
that they are not fit for it now. and that
it would be i imprudent to give it to them: 1
now. But: as rwe j must r ourselves ?be the" i
judges as to when they ■ become "fit" and j
when it would-be; "prudent" to keep such; I
r a promise ,i if i'ilt's were made, it necessar- !
: ily follows that: to: make : such: a . promise" I
now would i amount to . a deception upon
; the Filipinos. "-•--'■ ■'-:.■''r; ■'- ■-"■. ■ .-.-^
' It may well be that our opponents have
no: real • intention of - putting - their ■ promise
into effect. If this is the case, if, in'other !
•words, f they are * insincere ;in the * promise j
i they i make, it ?. is "' only necessary ;;. to ? say: '
I again t that it ?is ■ unwise 'i to trust men who \ •
are false in one thing to deal with any-- |
;thing.•'piThe ( mere | consciousness Jof broken - ;
| faith 7. would hamper 5 in ,-. continuing i our I
: policy; in- the ; islands; and 'I only by contin-r]
uing • unchanged '. this; pol icy < can -, the honor • j
:of i the 'country; be ; maintained, or the '■ in- '•'
i terest -*of 4 the *i islands i subserved. r If, on \
> the Sother. 1 hand, our opponents[ came into ;
; power and :? attempted to;: carry ' out their ■
. promises to :> the Filipinos-, by giving them
[ Independence, •• and withdrawing American i
I • control ; from the islands,» the result would I |
be i a frightful calamity to ■: the ' Filipinos ; j
themselves, and :in its larger aspect-would-;
: amount *to; an - international % crime. An- i '
; archy ?, would i follow .and > the < most vio- -. j
lent ~ anarchic % forces would ebe >;• directed t j
partly against the : civil ,government,-: part- I
:ly against ? all forms of a religious . and l ed- j ■
. ucational % civilization. ;^I- Bloody.-^^conflicts; ■
would Inevitably ensue in ; the :archipelago. o? I
and just "as I inevitably the -islands ; would I I
•become i the prey of the : first : power: which !
,in I its 8 own selfish interest V took up i: the V
: task :.-we "<. have 'i cravenly abandoned. Of j
course the practical difficulty in adopting^
any such J course ;of 1 action— a "policy
of = scuttle," las President McKinli y called ;
I it—would be ! found well nigh insuperable.
ilf it is > morally 2 Indefensible >to 3 hold i - the I
; archipelago as a■; whole i urid : out ? tutelage I <
:in * the -- interest :, of | its i own | people, then it $ !
;is ~ morally indefensible to 2 hold taiiy4 part |
of sitk in such i? case what right have we ]
to ? keep 3 a coaling station? ->» What >: right ;
ito keep ;, control over Moro \ peoples ?.<-Wha \ ]
right to prptecf the • Igorrotes from th.eir j
v oppressors? ' What-right to protect ilie
.law-abiding,: friends of ■. America', in the isl- ? I
ands g from ■« treachery. cob bea-y.-v and mur- !
der? Yet. to abandon ? the* islands "com
pletely, without even retiming a coaling
i station, would i mean to abandon * the po« j
of the Orient which we liave acquired ]
: during six years; ?,nd what is
far more important, it r: would mean irfe
'parable-? darfinge* to •? tbosu t/*.vhb s have "be
:come : the wards :of the i»nticrn-.ipi^c- -s>ti'v;
To abandon ail^seotrol .over the Moros
would amount to releasing.-! thej=e Moj-os
•to prey upon the-* Christian j Filipinos^ civ-
: / :tv;*^- -V '-'■""•■v^- v.^. -T-~-':i
--: Jized or semi-civilized, as well as upon
: . the s commerce sof f other peoples. The &'';
Moros are In large part still in the stage <■
, .of culture where * the .* occupations >" of the '■ :4
r bandit and the pirate are -those c?mostr-A
! - highly regarded: ; and it i has not been found ?/{
i practical to give them self-government in ':
' 5£ c s^?Setthati we have f been giving: it-to ;
: l the f Christian ?- inhabitants. To v abandon X■ -
; the \ M&ro ? country, as our opponents < pro- : &
pose in their platform, would be pre
« cisely a s if twenty-five years ago we had
; withdrawn the army and the civil agents
from within and around the Indian reser- s
: vations in the West, at a time when the
• 1 Sioux and the : Apache were still ' the s ter
. : ror of . our settlers. It would be a criminal -;,'
; j absurdity; ana 't y,et our opponents < have :
■ pledged theniselves thereto. If successful:
i in the coming election they would either.
--! na-ve"'to s break faith, ;: or ' else £dou an - act : •
! i which would leave an indelible stain t upon .- -:
] our national reputationl for courage, and ;
f for good sense. During the last five years U*
t ; more has been done J for the : material i and -'7'
moral well-being of the Filipinos than ' •
; v. ever before since 5' the * islands first • came
i within the ken of 4 civilized man. We have
; opened before them a vista of orderly de- '
; in their own interest, and not
i a policy of exploitation. Every '"effort is -
: being made to fit the islanders for self- '
j : government, and .-. theyg have ~- already •=in -7
large measure received it. while: for the ■':
ji : first time in their history their personal
; rights : and civil - liberties have -been! guar- "?i
, anteed. They are being .» educated; they
nave been given schools; they have been :'
; given libraries; roads are being built for ;" '
their use; their health is being cared for; ■'•,
they " have been given ::■ court s.' in r: which -"■,
-. they .. receive - justice ?• as absolute -. as ?it' is :
in our power to guarantee. -i; :; : ■" ' -'
;. Their individual rights to life, liberty •
and the pursuit of 'are*now by .'• -
act ;of congress jealously safeguarded "■■■;
• under the American flag; and if the pro- ■""'
.- tection .• of the \ flag were " withdrawn "• their Tr'i-.
rights would be lost and the islands-would i,
be plunged back wi under some^-forrn- of •
:. vicious i tyranny. We ■•" have 0 given> them ":
,more self-government than they-have ever -•
before had; we are taking steps ,; to iin-'. ■■-'
crease lit f still i, further ,by providing them —"
with an elected legislative assembly and ■
surely we : had, better > await the results 1 of ' --
this , experiment—for it is 'a - wholly new V .;
. experiment«in S-Asia—before -■. we ' make
promises which as a nation we might be ■
-forced to break, or : which they mißlit in- ---.
terpret one way and we.: in another. It.^
.may be asserted without fear, of successful •'.
contradiction that nowhere - else •" in recent:;
years has .there; been as fine an example - ■*.
of constructive statemanship and wise and ■
upright ; administration as ;has' be'eri given ■ -:
by ■ the civil * authorities.vi aided "~ by the :•• '
. army, in < the Philippine • islands; We" have :• 1
t administered : them in the : interest' of , their
: own people; and the .Filipinos "-. themselves ---
have profited. most by our presence in the-•'■■%.
islands; : but they have also been of very- "V
' great advantage to us as a nation. .' •*•- ' V
->■■■ So far , from having "sapped the founda
tions" of '" free popular : government at '
home by the cour§« taken Jin; the. Philip
• pines."::--,we have '■:$.. been spreading ,y-; }ts - ; -
I. knowledge, and teaching Its practice, -
I among peoples to whom it had never be- *
fore been'more than an empty name. Our ■ ■''
j action I represents ~. a .': great «stride - forward. -
In spreading the principles of orderly ; lib- V
erty throughout the world. * "Our flag has "
not lost its gift of benediction in its 1
world-wide journey; to their shores." We ;.-:
have treated the: power we have gained as .:.
a solemn ? obligation, and have 'used*' it -in
the interest of mankind: and the peoples .
•of the world and especially ;• the weaker ?"■
--peoples ; of I the world, h are '.i better:, off \ be- M
"cause"ofi the position we have assumed. >
To retrace " our: steps would be sto - give =. .
proof of an infirm and • unstable national
purpose. 1; :T-i'—v*:n~--~:—-p-r—r--r>"",;-"-.-. : •—■-■'■. •■"
Four years ago, 2: in ■ his speech of: ac
ceptance President r AicKinley said. t.."^-;
.. "We have been moving In > untried ■■',
paths. but our steps have been guided by.-"■•
' honor and duty. There will be ■no turning -
. aside, no wavering, :no ; retreat. No blow ..
; has; been struck except :f or liberty and hu
: manity, and • none will ■ be. We , will v per
form without fear every national and in
ternational :< obligation. :.-..; The J Republican Z\,
party was dedicated |to freedom E forty- -^
- four years • ago. -} It = has; been ■ the \ party; of V..
liberty and -"emancipation! from \ that- hour;,-,•-"'
:'not '• of profession,' but of. performance.'-It' ':
broke the shackles- of •: four- million slaves,
and made them fiee. and to the party of ..;
j Lincoln. has come another supreme" oppor- ■-:'":
--; tunity which ,• it . has - bravely met in '„ the - -
liberation of ten millions of the :l human:T''
family from the yoke of imperialism. In '
its solution of : great problems, in its per
!formance of high duties, , it'has '• had >■ the '■''':
support of members of ail parlies in 1 the
past, ; and it confidently invokes: their co- -
, operation lin the future." ;: ; . ■ ::;
the Filipinos.
CANNOT PUT TH2 v : /': :$m
"1'«- This '.'is:, as "true now as four years ago. •
We did ': not take the 'Philippines' at will, - •':
and ,we■) carnot sput them .aside at will. : ..-->;
Any abandonment of the policy which *yZ
; we . have 'i steadily sued', in'v the inlands
would be fratight'-with' dishonor*and <1 is- .'.
aster; and to r such; dishonor ••' and " disaster "-'."
". I do not i believe that: the American peo- -:-:
; ple will ctn£erit;v.f>rr;..::.o ,■;-,..- ..?_•.. ■ ;■• ■-■
Alarm has been professed - lest j the Fili
pinos should not", receive 1 all : the. benefits ;
guaranteed to our..people at home■ by . the - "
fourteenth 5 amendment "of:: the constitu- .
tion. r- As a matter, of fact, the Filipinos -
. have already jr secured i: the J substance.- of
', these. benefits. * This ' government", has ■ been 7? ■
\ true :■: to " the X spirit S.« of - - the '.• fourteenth v"
amendment iin the ■=. Philippines. Can 3 our
opponents-. deuy that here ,; at home the-'-;,
principles' of the fourteenth and. fifteenth -v 7
'■■ amendments •'■ have i.: been;-: in ;> effect 1:1? 1 li- ."
. lied? ;'• In . this. 1: as ; in many ■ other matters,
we at home can well profit by exam- :
I pie "of 5 those - responsible for - tli's - actual::""i
■ management of j affairs in the Philip? •""
pines. In our several 'yl contujonwealths *;-'
here •in the United 'States; we as .a.,people:^.^_
■ now face the complex problem ;of secur
s ing fair treatment to each man -.regard-'- .
less Jof * race -. or color. ?^ We' 'can ■• do -: so :-; ;.
only if we ■ approach -'_ the; problem v hi •' the ■•>
spirit-- of ■ courage'. ':■> common'i;sense,'-<. andL=V.'
high-minded devotion to the right, which
has enabled Gov. Taft, Gov. Wright, and
their ■ associates.^ to do ' so; noble a - work .'
in giving to A the Philippine f people ■ the
benefit of the true principles -of Amer- C .
ican liberty. s-.:-"'..'■ ' ' ;. ;-~'.'.' •.'-.-.•■•;.' ~;.v'-;
Vc: Our i appeal Is : made to all good citi- v.;i
zens : who hold the honor and Interest -;'•
of the nation close, to their hearts. :; The '■\'~
j ■ great issues which • are '■>;■ at stake, ■' and
j upon which I have touched, are •>. more
> than mere partisan issues, for they in-: v
| volye much that comes homo to the in- '
I dividual pride and. individual Well-being ";
jof ' our people. Under j conditions ■ asT they •
actually are, good Americans :should- re- „ '
fuse, ; for the sake of • the-welfare i of" the
■ nation. to change the national r policy. ..:>,
-We, who; are-responsible for the adminis- ..'.
'. tration and legislation ■■* under whi.-h this -.'
country, during the'last: seven years, has
grown •' so ■ greatly *in '.well-being; at i home J;> ,- r
and -in honorable repute among the na
, tions iof the earth • abroad, do not. stand
inertly upon this:. record, do not/ use""thisr.".^
! I record • as/" an excuse for failure -of \ effort .
'to meet new conditions. =;■'. On .' the.- con
j • trary,- we treat the i: record of < whu t we
: ■ have 5 done in ;' the * past>'as > incitement :.% to ::
I do even better in the future. We, believe.' .
: 'that r the progress that wo havo made may '
I .be s taken as • a > measure -of the i progress :-■
'we shall continue to make if the picple -"■-
I again entrust- the i government of »the na- 7.'
- to our hands. >•:: .~';-v-.v.f.-^ - .->: ~^i~/.;"45-
--: We -do • not stand; still. :. We press ; stead- i.v.'
ily forward toward the goal of r moral 1 and :
|fmaterial; well-being for.our own people, of
I: just and: fearless j dealings | toward! all - other S
! peoples, in the interest not merely of this"_,.:.
I 1 country, but of : mankind. There is not ; a t-:J
• : policy ;t foreign or domestic, which <we i are ~ *
now ; carrying out, which it woulds not be -.
; '■'. disastrous to .? reverse or J abandon. If \ our.s"-^i.'
! opponents should come in and should ;npt^/-'
j \ "reverse-" 1' our 'policies,^ then they would Jbe^^,
1 \ branded with the -brand! of broken faith, of
( I false promise, of insincerity in -' word * and 'i'—i.
j deed; and no man can work to the ad- . '
! «vantage of the nation with such. a brand
i:■ clinging: to him. If. on the other hand,
- they should come in and ; reverse any or ' :. :
all of our policies, by just so much would', '.
the nation as a whole be damaged. Alike
as b lawmakers and as administrators < of -/j:.
" the law we have endeavored to do our
I duty iin the J. interest of 2 the i people r as!" a *--\ .
«whole. We s make J our appeal«. to !no * class \„ -:
; • and to* no section, but to all good etti.- .'
i zens. in whatever part of the laud they
i • dwell, and whatever. 1? may be i theh\ voccu -;."v.
! pation or ;? worldly condition. We have .-•
! : striven both 5 for civic ? righteousness 5 and c^S
I J for national; greatness; \ and we have ; faith u'Vi
I to believe that our hands will be upheld: .-
I• by ail who : fool | love fof country aud : trust "SvJ
| in '* the a uplifting *of mankind. We stand ;'"j.--i
'if os?": enforcement of /J the tow and '% for
obedience to the law; our government is
j' a .government of orderly liberty equally ;',,
• alien ' to" tyranrty and %to i anarchy; { and - its v^
! foundation stone Is the observance of the -
> Jaw, alike by the people and fay the public
i servants. We Isold ever before us as the
all important tad of policy and adminis
: tration the reign of peace j at v; homeland, ;';
~e throughout the -? world: Of .s;peafteT-»w,nicli r* „
comes, only by justice. Faithfully
a»jurs.::.-;.. ;■:■:-'.•:• gs^sss?^ \ -^Z^&fei
—Ttteodoi'i Roosevelt,

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