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The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, May 10, 1893, Image 3

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brought forward in the interest of
the whole nation.
If the history of the “press” for
the last thirty years was written it
would out-rival the “father of lies.”
If alliance men are “calamity howl
ers,” the newspapers have been the
tools of the “calamity makers.”
Previous to 1860 there was neither
tramps, calamities nor millionaires.
If you will allow me to make a sug
gestion it will be this, that you de
vote a part of your paper to exposing
the lies, garbled news, political plate
advertising, and all the snide rub
bish that fill our country newspapers,
which has placed them on the same
level as the patent medicine almanac.
A good name for this department of
your paper would be “The Antidote.”
To show the necessity of this I en
close a few clippings from the papers
of a few “newspaper jackals,” not a
few because they are scarce, for they
are as plentiful as office seekers.
“National defence is looked upon
as a necessity by all Americans re
gardless of party.”— Martin County
This looks very plausible on the
face of it, but when we consider the
length of our coast line, the idea of
defending it by fixed fortifications
only shows the imbecility of its ad
vocates, if they are sincere, which
they are not. The quotation is noth
ing but a “plate advertisement;” it
will appear in all the “organs” in the
country in one shape or another.
Its object is to make the people be
lieve that fortifications and national
defence are one and the same thing.
The real object of the paragraph is
this: The decendents of the “Right
Hon. Tite Barnacle” have become
so numerous that there has got to be
some plan devised to get them suck
ing room on Uncle Sam’s body politic.
And what a fat job this would be!
Think of it; dude architects, vora
cious contractors; and then when the
forts were manned, what a chance
for our American “shoddyites” to
unload their rakish dudeish male off
springs. There’s millions in it; and
as the farmer pays for all. for he is
at the bottom of the heap, he would
have the pleasure of footing the bills.
Of course we want national defence,
but the “stone fort” is as far behind
the “iron clad ship” as the common
needle is behind the sewing machine.
But how about internal defence,
for here our greatest danger lies?
Neither dude soldiers nor stone forts,
nor iron clad vessels even, —plate ad
vertisements will avail here.
“Set thy house in order,” thou
political bummer, for thy days are
Here is another beautiful extract:
“Three things every farmer should
bear in mind: “Avoid debt,” “Pay
off old ones;” contract no new ones.”
Mi rror and Fanner.
What a mirror! What a farmer!
Say, Mr. Hayseed, with your wife
and children, don’t you see where you
missed it? You ought to keep out of
debt with wheat 50 cents per bushel,
the thermometer 20 degrees below
zero, coal $lO per ton, shoddy over
coats sl6 each, and with “army
blankefc-cloaks” for your wife and
girls, only sl2 each.
And here is even another for this
“If the farmers would stop the
leaks on their farms they would never
think of antagonizing the railroads.”
This is from a snide agricultural
paper, that is used as a ••clubber” by
the country “organs” in Minnesota.
If the editor had been writing to a
“hen” he would have said, “Lay all
the eggs you can; don’t mind where
they go to; you are all right as long
as you have a chalk nest-egg.”
And still farmers will subscribe for
such “papers.”
Perhaps they measure the farmer
right after all; maybe they have less
sense than a hen, for it will change
its nest if you rob it too often.
Setii Bottomley.
Martin Co., Minn.
The Industrial Legion,
We expect that Gen. Paul Van Der
voort, commander-in-chief of the Na-
tional Industrial Legion of the U. S.,
will be in Minnesota soon. Hon.
Thomas J. Meighen, chairman of the
state executive committee of the
people's party, writes me :
“I have concluded to have Gen.
Paul Van Dervoort come to the state
for a dozen meetings, more or less,
beginning about the 25th of May. I
know he will not hurt the alliance,
and he ought to do the people’s party
great good. My notion would be to
place him in fair-sized towns, espec
ially where there are no labor organ
izations, and thus make us strength
among populations that the alliance
or the K. of L. do not reach. Some
one should accompany Gen. Van Der
voort in the interest of the Repre
We have also received.'the following
letter from Gen. Van Dervoort him
self :
Hon. Ignatius Donnelly, Hast
ings, Minn. —My Dear Sir: I con
gratulate you on the great work you
have done during the past winter,
and I hope now, that the legislative
session is over, that you will send me
a list of the recruiting officers for the
Industrial Legion in your state. We
act in harmony with the party lead
ers and state committees. Mr.
Meighen has accepted an appoint
ment as state recruiting officer, and
has recommended A. R. Holston, of
Crookston, Minn., who has been ap
pointed for that district. I have also
had a letter from C. S. Bond, of
,7 '
Worthington, Minn., who wants to
work for the Legion. There have
been other letters, but I do not re
call them now. We want a full list
in your state; the best men we can
get; live, energetic men. that will be
loyal to the people’s party under all
circumstances. The best way is to
give them two or three counties
apiece. You will , notice that nearly
all of the national executive commit
tee are connected with the Legion.
It is the political club of the people’s
party. Its money and the distribu
tion of it is in the hands of the na
tional committee. We want to or
ganize in the cities and towns this
year, and everywhere next year, to
get ready for ’94 and ’96. I want
your hearty support and co-operation,
and I can assure you that I will give
the same loyal service to this organ
ization that I gave to the Grand
Army and the Woman’s Relief Corps
for so many years. I have agreed to
fill appointments in Minnesota from
May 25th until June 15th, and hope I
shall have the pleasure of meeting
you and talking it all over. I en
close you copies of letters I have writ
ten, explaining the Legion more
fully. It is being received with en
thusiasm. The correspondence of
myself and Turner is immense, and
the work is growing every day. We
have appointed over 300 recruiting
officers. Your friend,
Paul Van Dervoort.
I know Gen. Van Dervoort well,
and have the highest respect for his
ability and confidence in his integ
rity. He is doing a great work. I
have no fear that the Industrial Le
gion will hurt the alliance. It will
help it. The Legion will flourish in
the towns; the alliance in the coun
try, and they will all pull together
for reform. Mr. Meighen, Mr. Ilols
ton and Mr. Bond are excellent men
to lead off: but they cannot begin to
cover the whole field. Let all who
desire to help correspond with
Mr. Meighen. chairman. (Forestville,
Minn.,) at once, and suggest places
for the meetings. We will publish a
list of the appointments as soon as
they reach us. Let local committees
be formed to start the work, and call
on the Representative to help.
Don't wait for others to move, but
move at once yourselves. This is
your business. Remember that this
paper was started to help along just
such w r ork, so correspond with us
freely and use our columns.
Who will volunteer to go with Gen.
Van Dervoort, to report the meet
ings, help in the speaking, and can
vass for the Representative?
Write to Mr. Eckford. A good living
can be made and expenses, besides
helping in a great work.
We shall publish, this week or next,
the constitution of the League and
other matters of interest connected
with it.
Let us push the work. Let us not
lie down and die to please any man.
Let all honest men pull together and
let the scoundrels go to Tophet.
Who will act as recruiting agents
for the League? Send your names
to Mr. Meighen.
Ignatius Donnelly
Ex-Congressman Macdonald Dis
cusses Finance in tiie Col
umns of the Daily
In your paper (St. Paul Globe) of
yesterday (April 28th) appeared two
editorials upon the present financial
situation, entitled “Insolent Arro
gance” and “Home to Roost,” which
contain some very remarkable state
ments, and which ought not to be
unchallenged. As lam one of those
who are designated “silver fanatics,”
I presume to do so. I have endea
vored to keep myself informed upon
the silver question and the financial
situation, and, as a result, I believe
you to be radically wrong, and so be
lieving, I ask to be heard in defense
of the “silver fanatics.”
Your denunciation of the “insolent
arrogance” of the “gold bugs” of
Wall street, I heartily endorse, and
is is only your statement of the
causes which produced the present
condition of financial affairs, and
makes the nation dependent on those
bankers and the proposed remedy,
that I demur to. In giving your rea
sons for this, you say the first false
step taken was when, in 1878, the re
tiring of the legal tender notes
(greenbacks) was stopped and com
pelling their reissue, and that “then
came the silver fanatics, following
with logical step, and obliging the
treasury to buy the bullion and issue
certificates and notes for it, redeem
able in gold also—redeemable in fact,
if not in theory. Then the owners of
gold w r ere allowed to make the gov
ernment the bailee of their bullion,
or coin, it issuing certificates of de
posit for it.” Not satisfied with this,
you follow it up with the following:
“If the present tendency continues
the financial chickens which the
farmers of the West have been rais
ing will come home to them to roost.
It is they who are largely responsible
for the present shaky condition.
They have been the noisy stool
pigeons of the scheming silver min
ers, and have shouted for free coin
That is certainly most remarkable
language to be used by a Democratic
paper, in view of the fact that all of
the “noisy stool-pigeons of the schem
ing silver miners” in congress when
the laws referred to were enacted
were prominent Democrats, and that
the Democratic state conventions of
twenty-nine states have declared in
favor of free coinage. I cannot but
think that we have fallen upon
strange times, when the leading
Democratic papers of the country
join the Republicans in waging war
upon silver money—that money which
has always been the honest, debt-pay
ing money of the country—the friend'
of the farmer and wage-earner. You
must have forgotten the history of
our silver legislation, when you at
tempt to hold the friends of free
coinage responsible for the act of
1878, or the Sherman law of 1890, and
say that “the Sherman law was an
unadvised concession to them and
their demands for cheap money.
With a blindness that is inconceiva
ble, the very men of all others who
should want and demand the very
best money attainable for their hard
earned produce insist on being given
something poorer than the best.”
This you say, in the face of the fact,
that the farmers of the West, and
their friends, have all that time been
laboring to prevent the precise condi
tion of things which you now deplofe
and attempt to hold them responsible
for. So much for your reflection
upon the "silver fanatics.”
I deny with emphasis that the pres
ent condition of affairs has been
brought about by the friends of free
coinage of silver, and challenge the
proof of the contrary. I go further,
and declare, without fear of success
ful contradiction, that the “Sherman
law ,v is not responsible for the recent
and pending large export of gold, and
that its repeal last year or before
would not have prevented and would
not now r prevent it. It is used by the
“gold trust” as a “blind,” and it has
been repeated so often by those who
have no other reason to give that
they believe it. The cause for this
steady outgoing stream of gold is
tw’ofold. and anyone who wishes to
investigate this subject will find I
am correct.
First —For the past two years great
powers of Europe—France, Germany,
Russia and Austria—have been en
gaged in accumulating a large
amount of gold in their respective
treasuries, realizing that in case of
war the longest purse is the most
likely to win. They are “in time of
peace preparing for war.” France
alone, in the past two years, has
added nearly $200,000,000 to her store
of gold, and Germany, Russia and
Austria have kept pace with her.
To secure this supply of gold, these
governments have issued bonds to
purchase it, and have employed the
leading bankers of Paris, Berlin,
Vienna. London and New York to
secure it for them: and these bankers
have been for some time organized
(as a “gold trust”) to accomplish
their purpose. Now, it is well known
to many of your readers, that after
the close of the war for the Union,
and when railroad and other corpora
tions were striving to find purchasers
for their bonds, they, as an induce
ment to purchasers, made them pay
able, principle and interest, in gold.
Many of such securities have been
and are held in Europe, and have
been properly regarded as t lie best of
securities. You can easily see that
the “gold trust” would try to get
hold of all such “payable in gold” se
curities: but as they were regarded
as "gilt-edged." something had to be
done to weaken European confidence
in the securities of this country, and
the “silver question” is made the
pretext for this. Where they succeed
in securing such bonds they are
brought to this country and the gold
demanded and secured. That is one
way. Another way by which these
“gold bugs” drain our treasury of
gold is one which our treasury de
partment is criminally responsible
for, viz.: The payment of “silver
notes” in gold. These notes were is
sued, under the act of 1890, in pay
ment of silver bullion, and to be used
as a substitute for the silver dollars.
It was supposed when that act was
enacted, that these payments of this
bullion in these silver notes were
authorized because they would be
more convenient to use than the
coined silver dollars would be. While
they were made payable in silver or
gold at the treasury, it was not sup
posed that, in the present condition
of our finances, that official would
think of such a thing as paying them
in gold. We can now realize, when
too late, that this is but another
step in the financial conspiracy, and
we can understand what was Sena
tor Sherman’s object in so framing
the act of 1890. The act of 1873.
which demonetized silver, was passed
and signed by President Grant with
out its being supposed to do so: and
this act of 1890 is but a repetition of
the same legislative legerdemain.
But. will you tell me why, if our
silver dollars are now a legal tender,
our government should not pay its
obligations in silver as well as in
gold, especially if the latter is scarce?
All these obligations, except gold
certificates are payable “in coin,”
and not in gold.
Again, and secondly, An equally
potent cause for this large export of
gold is that the balance of trade is
against us, and that as a nation w?
are buying more than we are selling.
There has been a serious falling off
in our exports of breadstuffs tbs
year. For the nine months ending
March 31, 1893. our exports of bread
stuffs were $145,032,000; while for the
corresponding months of tbp previ
ous year they were $233,159,000. Here
is a billing off in nine months of $89.-
127/100. The decrease in dairy and
hog products during the same period
was $6,683,000; a total decrease in on
ly nine months of nearly $100,000,000.
But I fear you will complain of the
length of this, and I will conclude
with the reminder that the present
democratic senate, since the re-elec
tion of President Cleveland, has re
fused to repeal the Sherman law. bad
as it is, and I predict they will not
until something better and nearer
free coinage is proposed as a substi
tute. Permit me to quote from your
self, and say, “Tote fair.”
J. L. Macdonald.
St. Paul, April 27,1893.
D. D. MERRILL' 00.» Publishers.
A Mllionaire Railroader
Government Control
Railway Rates:
The General Counsel
One of Our
Railway Systems
Of it as Follows
Public Opinion
June 27, JIB9B
Mr. Charles B. Spahr
Railroad Mismanagement
an Able Review'
President Stickney’s Book
To every young man and woman sending us thirty subscribers to “The Literary Northwest” at 00 w,
annum, accompained by the cash therefor, we will send a certificate entitling the recipient to a six months’rlJiiv
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by the cash therefor, at *2.00 each per annum, we will give the choice of taking either a six months’ course of in
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Subscription price, *2.00 per year, single copies 20c. Send 10c for sample copT S ' Pau1 ’ Minn<
D« D. MERRILL CO., Publishers,
NEU/ YORK. ...
President A. B. Stickney for over twenty years has been actively en
gaged in every branch of railroad work and is now the controlling spirit
of the Chicago, St. Paul & Kansas City Railway, a triangular railway sys
tem extending from each to the other two cities named in its title, and
consequently running through the states that has been the most radical
in enacting granger railway laws. Careful study of the many and intricate
problems involved in railroad management has convinced President Stick
ney that the interests not only of the general public but of railway stock
holders as well demand that government shall establish and maintain the
rates to be charged for railway service.
Startling as this sounds from the mouth of a wealthy and active
railroad manager there is perhaps no railroader from whom it would
rather be expected. While President Sticknsy’s ability and shrewdness
have never been doubted, he has long been credited with doing his own
thinking and with relying on his own sagacity rather than the pet maxims
current in railway circles. That his judgment is good, his uniform suc
cess proves. While quite a young man his “railway sense” was prophet
ically noted by the most successful railway manager the west has every
From lus own vast experience President Stickney has drawn the most
crusial analysis of existing railway methods that has vet been written.
In terse and vigorous English he points out the glaring and the hidden
in railway mismanagement, and with inexorable logic from incontrover
tible premises shows the true remedy for the ills suffered by the public and
stockholders. Carefully prepared diagrams illustrate his statements and
enforce his arguments which should be read by everyone interested in
railway property or railway transportation, and who is not?
Mr. Stickney’s qualifications for writing such a book as the very re
markable one from his pen now before us are beyond question. A well
trained lawyer in Minnesota from 1861 to 1871 he began at the latter date
to engage in railway work. From the time of beginning he has been con
stantly adding to his experience and his present position at the head of
the “Stickney System”—a system lying between Chicago and St. Paul and
Chicago and Kansas City—it is sufficient guaranty that he understands
the business. The complaints that have been made by certain railway
managers that Mr. Stickney has no business to write a book on railways
because he has been as deeply as anybody in the wicked ways of the pro
fession do not seem to be well made. The more experience a man has in
any given calling the better he should be able to write about it. If Mr.
Stickney has been the wickedest railway manager in America, as a few of
his critics insist, what better qualification could he have for writing on
railway wickedness? Indeed, it is one of the charms of this book that
some of it is in the nature-of confession—which is always good for the
The reason why Mr. Stickney’s book may properly be called great is
the reason which accounts for the worth of all important books; the au
thor knows all about the subject which he is treating. His railroad career
has been a remarkable one and he has always been credited by his contem
poraries in railroad management with being behind nobody in knowing all
the “tricks of the trade,” legitimate or otherwise.
No book upon the railroad question has appeared in years that so
richly merits the attention of the American people as ex-President
Stickney’s “Railway Problem.” With a disinterestedness which is more
than judicial, this railway manager states the case of the people against
the railroads as it has not been stated before. There is an impassioned
justice in his condemnation of the rapacity with which railway managers
plundered the people during the period of railway construction, and the
unscrupulous manupulations by which they have since resisted all mea
sures aimed at popular control. The policy which the author recom
mends for the future is, of course, not the policy which the
more radical anti-monopolists would urge, but as regards the evils of the
past and the evils of the present, nothing stronger could be said by the
most earnest advocate of the public ownership of the railroads.
As Americans we are gratified that an American railway man
ager should have had the greatness of spirit as well as the greatness of
brain requisite for the preparation of this volume.
ft SuperD Otter to Young Men and Women.
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