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The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, June 07, 1893, Image 1

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Ignatius Donnelly
The Representative
/ SI.OO Iye a ar[ in ADVANCE. ST. PAUL, MINN., WEDNESDAY, JUNE 7, 1893. VOL. 1. NO 6
Why Rhodes was Not Indicted.—
A Lovely State of Things.
• —————
The whole state was thunder-struck
when it was announced that the
jury of Ramsey county had refused to
indict John J. Rhodes for perjury, or
any of the members of the coal com
bine for an unlawful conspiracy.
Rhodes swore, point-blank, before the
committee of investigation, that he
had no letter-book containing letters
in reference to a coal combination to
fix prices, and we produce before the
Grand Jury Rhodes’ letter-book, con
taining copies of hundreds of Rhodes’
letters to members of the combine,
in which he not only fixes prices, but
gives the retail dealers clearly to un
derstand that if they don’t keep up
their prices to the notch marked,
they would get no coal. We also pro*
duced witnesses who were hired by
Rhodes to act as spies to go from
dealer to dealer and see that the mem
bers of the combine did not under
sell each other. And yet, in the face
of it all, the grand jury let Rhodes and
Saunders and all the rest go scot-free.
What was the excuse? The Pioneer
Press, glorious, instinctive, congeni
tal defender of all shams and ring
robberies, says that the combine did
not raise the price of coal!!! And
the St. Paul Globe, laboring, hard,
under the leadership of a fellow nam
ed Smalley, to rival the Pioneer Press,
in its own peculiar fragrant field, says
the committee had no right to admin
ister oaths; although chapter 58 vol.
ii, Kelly's statutes of Minnesota, p.
hi, section 4278, distinctly authorizes
“all committees of the legislature
to administer oaths,” “in any mat
ter coming before them.”
How then did the grand jury come
to refuse to indict Rhodes and the
The answer is found in the follow
ing list of the names of the Grand
Jury, with their pursuits, as furnish
ed us by one who knows whereof he
James King, foreman—livery sta
J no G. Elmquist, merchant.
Patrick Keiglien, contractor.
F. W. Luley, a butcher.
Michael Lux, contractor.
Geo. S. Heron, real estate.
Hy Q. Haas, dealer in meats.
Crawford Livingston, capitalist;
president of St. Paul Globe and Gas
Obed P. Lanpher, wholesale dealer;
Lanpher, Finch & Skinner.
Jas. P. Gribben, wholesale lumber.
Patrick M. Hennessy, contractor.
Edgar C. Long, supplies lumber to
railroads; wealthy.
F. P. Luther, real estate man.
Chas. S. Fee, passenger agent N. P.
Ry. Co.; a friend of Rhodes.
Thos. H. Lyles, a colored barber.
Alfred Dufrense, an officer of the
P. H. Kelly Mercantile Co.
Thos. Fitzpatrick, wealthy contrac
Richard Gorden, of Gordon & Fer
guson; wholesale jobbers,
It is, of course, impossible to say
how these men voted—they are all
sworn not to tell. There are rumors
that Mr. King, the foreman, wanted
the combine indicted; and we are in
clined to think that, if the truth were
known, it would appear that the two
butchers and the barber favored the
prosecution of the criminals. But
look at the remainder of that goodly
Crawford Livingston, president of
the St. Paul Globe,—(that accounts
for the milk in the cocoa nut;) and of
the St. Paul Gas Works—another
ring, plundering the people of St.
Paul! And Patrick M. Hennessy,
whose brother is secretary of the
whiskey combine of the United States
with head-quarters at Peoria, Illinois!
And J. P. Gribben, a member of the
lumber trust, which was lately before
the United States court to answer a
prosecution under the national anti
trust law! And look at the rest:—
dealers in lumber, wholesale mer
chants, contractors, railroad em
ployes, (the railroads being banded
together in the most gigantic trust
of all) and last, but not least, real
estate agents.
And how did it happen that such a
bunch of combined asparagus was
ever tied together in one sweet-smell
ing bouquet of a grand jury?
Because the judges of Ramsey
county make it a rule to pick out rich
men for the grand juries, with an oc
casional barber or butcher thrown in
to flavor the mess, like a pinch of
celery seed in the soup. They do this
on the theory that poor men cannot,
because of their poverty, be trusted
to enforce the laws against the liquor
dealers —and the houses of prostitu
tion.. More of the rotteness of an
age! As if a poor man was necessari
ly a knave and a rich man necessarily
honest! Of course there are poor men
who are scoundrels, and rich men
who are honorable men: but I would
rather take my chances of fair deal
ing with the poor than with the rich;
for honesty has kept many a man
poor, while rascality has made many
a man rich; especially in these latter
days, when to steal is to thrive.
Read the pine-land-investigating
committee’s report if you doubt this!
The poor man may not consider it
a great crime to sell a glass of beer in
violation of law; but men of the Craw
ford Livingston stripe will not indict
a wealthy rogue for stealing millions
from rich and poor alike. Why Liv
ingston actually stopped me when I
was giving my testimony before the
grand jury, so anxious was he to
shield the rogues!
And the same grand jury that re
fused to indict Rhodes and the rest
of the combine, actually brought in a
lot of indictments against poor, little
petty criminals. They
“Compounded for sins they were inclined
By damning those they had no mind to.”
A fellow perpetrated a petty swin
dle of a few hundred dollars, and they
put him through with two true bills;
but they said to Rhodes and Saunders,
“You stripped the people of millions!
Come home and take dinner with me.
The carriage will be here in a few
Pah! It is enough to make a man
cast up his dinner and deny his hu
man nature!
And the St. Paul newspapers are
silent as clams. They live by the
poor, but they dare not open their
mouths against the rich. And two
lovely old political parties say,—
Amen. 1. D.
The Fox that Lost His Tail.
iEsop has a fable of a fox that lost
his tale in a trap. At first he was
very much ashamed of himself. But
he was a crafty cuss—his first name
was “Everett W.,” —and so he sent
out word for all the foxes in the for
est to meet in joint convention —that
he wanted to address them. They
came. E. W. Fox arose. He showed
them the stump of his tail—yet raw
and bleeding.
“Gentlemen,” he said, “I cut that
off myself. Devoted to the cause of
God and Foxanity I thought I could
work more effectively—more like
‘the ten thousand soldiers on the
battle-field,’ —if I stripped myself of
this useless encumbrance. You
know the vast sums I have invested
for the rest of you; and the tremen
dous sacrifices I have made; and now,
gentlemen, I propose that for the
sake of the great cause of reform,
you let me cut all your tails off close
up to the rump. I will do it charm
ingly (here he leered at them
blandly) for fifty cents a head—or
rather a tail—and you will look so
beautiful and 'run so light that you
will thank me forever after.” And
he grinned a sinister grin as he sat
But the foxes set up a great ha! ha!
and the leader of them replied:
“You dratted old cuss, you lost
your tail in a trap and now you want
the rest of us to be mutilated in the
same fashion. Get out!”
And they went for him; and the
stump-tailed old fraud fled the scene
with the whole pack in hot pursuit.
Moral. When E. W. Fishis ruined,
blackened, disgraced, convicted of
corruption, he says to S. M. Owen
and Ignatius Donnelly: “Come, let
us all leave the state and the reform
work together. lam ready to start
now—in fact I have been ready ever
since last fall; but I can’t leave you
behind me. Let us all go together.
‘Come, oh come with me,
The moon is beaming—’
Let us travel.”
And Owen and Donnelly reply:
“Not much, you exploded old fraud.
Go! Get out! Yamose! Absquatu
late! Skedaddle!”
It is amusing to see the way the
old-party papers present the news of
the financial situation to their read
ers. On the first page, display type
an inch long, double leaded, is an ac
count of a fist fight or a church festi
val; on an inside page, down in one
corner, in the smallest type the pa
per owns, is a list of suspended banks
and smashed enterprises. It occu
pies a finger length of space;—set
forth as the fist fight was it would
take up a column. Oh, these old-line
papers are masters of the art of sup
pression,—the glorious art of tying a
clout over the eyes of “the most in
telligent people in the world.” Long
live humbug! Vive la Plutocracyl
I. D.
Give the people government banks
of issue and financial crashes will be
impossible and usury will die.
The Question of Harmony or
One would think that the proposi
tion that “all who think alike should
work together,” is so plain that not
one word could be needed to explain
or lefend it. Suppose the Plutocrats
should like me, for a given sum of
money, to destroy, head off, break up,
the peoples party, what would be the
first instruction they would give me?
It would be this:
“Divide the party into factions;
encourage them to fight each other;
use the alliance newspaper to attack
every prominent man in the move
ment; club them over the head;
smash them until there is not one
left alive, and then —the party is
dead. Even wild horses, buffaloes,
wolves, wild geese, insects, must have
leaders; armies must have generals;
kill the generals and demoralize the
forces. It may be necessary to cham
pion some one man for a time; but
you can turn upon him and slay him
after you have finished the- rest.
Neglect the great principles at stake
and select some one proposition, and
make a shibboleth of this, and if any
man will not bow down to it, slaugh
ter him. Make a Procrustean bed of
one measure, and cut off the legs of
the fellows who are too long for it,
and dislocate the limbs of those who
are too short for it. In this way you
will substitute a single issue for the
whole movement; you get your men
wrangling and fighting among them
selves over details; you drive them
out of your camp; you strengthen
yoifr enemies; you destroy your party
and your ‘thirty pieces of
si] [vpvy'
yNs not this true—every word of it?
Now we have a valued friend, Mr.
George Mennie, of Hendricks, Lin
coln county, Minnesota, a true, faith
ful, peoples party man, who has befen
so poisoned by the teachings of a per
nicious and corrupt villain, that he
thinks, or appears to think, that this
advice of Plutocracy is all right, and
that the leaders and organs of the
peoples party should follow it. He
writes me, under date of May 14th:
“In the January meeting we read
that you have appointed your old
enemies on the most important com
mittees, and slighted those that have
been your friend from the begin
What does this refer to? Simply
the appointment of Mr. R. J. Hall on
the committee on resolutions. Nine
tenths of the rest of the committee
were men who were not supporters
of Mr. Hall; and Mr. Hall was ap
pointed at the request of members of
the convention, because the Minneso
ta grain growers association desired
some resolutions passed, in reference
to the state elevator and the investi
gation of the wheat rings. Mr. Hall,
—I do not say it in any unkind ness—
did the cause great harm, in the
campaign of 1890, by refusing to ap
point upon the campaign committee
any prominent members of the ele
ment which had opposed the nomina
tion of Mr. S. M. Owen for governor.
It was a short-sighted policy, which
probably cost the defeat of Mr. Owen
and"all our ticket. Mr. Hall did what
Mr. Mennie would now consider right.
Having the power he ignored those
who did not think as he did. It
was an error of judgment, for I have
no evidence that Mr. Hall is a dis
honest man, and I do not believe he
is. Now if I had followed
example should I have done right? .1
had just been re-elected president of
the state alliance, unanimously.
There was an «element, a small mi
nority, in the convention opposed to
me, but they acquiesced cordially in
the decision, of the majority, and
everything was peace and harmony.
If I had been a small-minded politi
cian, simply looking out for myself, I
should have used my little power to
stamp every one of those who were
not earnestly my friends, into the
dirt. But I said to myself,—“No;
the cause is greater than any one
man; we must try to harmonize and
solidify our forces; we must be toler
ant of everything but corruption;
Mr. Hall is an able and useful man;
if I restore him to prominence he
may, it is true, stab me in the back,
but he may be able to do the move
ment some valuable service; I have
no ambitions to subserve; all person
al hopes are dead in my heart; but
these poor, plundered farmers need
relief; the great cause of humanity is
at stake; we must not divide but
unify; every man who can carry a
musket must go to the front.”
And so I put Mr. Hall on the com
mittee on resolutions. My course
was satisfactory to the convention —
it met with great applause; and the
delegates from the seventh congres-
sional district elected Mr. Hall
president of the state alliance fo»
that district, and he has since doim
good work, around the legislature,
and in visits to Stillwater, with uie
rest of the committee, to look after
securingcheap twine. And no man in
the state would ever have denounced
me for that wise and magnanimous
act, but a miserable Judas, who sold
us out for money, and then feared to
face the men he had betrayed; and
fled away and was not preseut at the
state convention which he so grossly
misrepresented. This was the wretch
who having torn us to pieces and re
duced, by his lies, our vote one half,
attacked me for trying to patch the
broken fragments together, so that
the party might live and not die. We
read that the devil drove Adam and
Eve out of Paradise, but it is no
where recorded that he pursued them j
beyond the walls of the garden, and
incited them to batter and beat and
mutilate each other, The devil was
simply a snake; he was not a Fish.
And then Mr. Mennie says:
“There is a good deal of comment
made on the appointment of Eric Ol
son as deputy state lecturer.”
With this I had nothing to do: —
the executive committee recom
mended his appointment to Mr.
Long, and he of course appointed
him. But I will say for Eric Olson,
that no man in the state is more
cordially hated by the corporations
than he. I have never known him
do anything dishonest, and he has
done a vast amount of hard work for
Reform for which he was never paid
one cent.
He has attacked and denounced
me a hundred times, but that makes
no difference: he doubtless thought
he was right and that I was wrong; j
and he had a right to his opinion;
this is a free country, and a man
may be a useful laborer in the re
form vineyard without believing in
me. Eric has been financially strap
ped a great many times, and in the
eyes of some people there is no more
dreadful spectacle than a poor devil
who stands up for those as
poor as himself. Nothing is par
doned to poverty:—it is, in itself, one
unforgiveable sin. Every tool of
monopoly in the state has jumped on
Eric, and the Great West more
savagely than any of the others.
Eric, however, is willing to go on
foot from house to house, preaching
the gospel of reform, without money
and without price; and we told him
to go ahead, and God speed him.
Watch him, bretlieren. If lie stands
up to the rack praise him—defend
him. If he sells us out,—like Fish,—
expose him, disgrace him. If you
are willing to “give the devil his
due,” let Eric Olson have a fair
show. Let us utilize every man who
is willing to work honestly for the
cause. Henry Gratton, the great
Irish orator and patriot of a century
ago used to say: “Let us tolerate
each other; if we don’t we will have
to tolerate the common enemy.”
Mr. Mennie further says;
“The way the democrats endorsed
our electors cost us two-thirds of our al
liance votes in this township. ’
There it is! That shows the extent
of the injury Fish’s villainy did us.
We would have carried the state but
for him. And Mr. Mennie appears to
think, because the democrats did not
take the first four names on our elec
toral ticket, but selected the men
they endorsed, that it looked suspi
cious to old republicans. This grows
out of Fish’s charge that the men
so selected were all old democrats,
and that “toe must take our medicine .”
But the charge was false as to Mr.
Meighen—he had never been a demo
crat; and I do not know that any of
the others had been, except Mr.
James Dillion of St. Paul, who is one
of the truest and noblest men in the
But the democrats were afraid that
they might elect four electors who,
instead of voting for Weaver, would
be bought ftp by the republicans to
vote for Harrison, in case their votes
would decide the presidential con
test. And so, very properly, they
selected men that some of them
knew and had confidence in. That
was all there was of it.
But Mr. Mennie’s letter illustrates
the power for evil which one vicious
creature can possess, for a time. But
the old saying is, — “if any man fools
me once it is his fault;—if he fools
me the second time it is my fault.”
Fish’s poison fangs,—thank God, —
are forever drawn in Minnesota.
I. D.
President Cleveland will call a
special session of congress to meet
Sept. 15th, to repeal the Sherman act
and place our finances on a gold
Combines Take Possession of the
Anti-Trust Convention.
And Held Another Convention.
Anti-Trust the Battle Ground
for 1896.
Special to 'the Representative:
Chicago, June 6. —My prophecy,
given weeks ago to a reporter of the
St. Paul Dispatch, that nothing of
benefit to the people would come out
of the Chicago anti-trust convention
is verified to-day. The convention,
as I anticipated, was taken posses
sion of by the combines and every
thing radical and earnest that would
break the combines and shield the
people from their rapacity, was voted
down in that body, and a lot of
harmless, perfunctory, milk-and-wa
ter resolutions was adopted. The
convention was a humbug, and the
combines will get behind it and grin
at the impotent efforts of their vic
tims to escape their clutches.
Thirty-eight delegates represent
ing thirteen states organized another
convention to-night and immediately
adopted the same resolutions that
were defeated in the other conven
tion. These resolutions demand that
the government take possession of
the anthracite coal lands of Pennsyl
| vania by right of eminent domain,
paying a reasonable compensation to
owners; the enactment of laws to
confiscate the real and personal prop
erty of all trusts and combinations,
and the withdrawal of the protec
tion of the courts for the collection
of their claims.
The convention called upon Gen
eral Weaver to convene a national
industrial and anti-trust convention
at Washington at the opening of
congress in September. A perma
nent organization was affected, a na
tional committee was appointed and
a campaign opened for a tremendous
It now looks as if the anti-trust
question -would be the battle ground
in 1894 and 1896, and parties formed
on new lines.
Ignatius Donnelly.
The Reason of it.
The Pioneer-Press said the othm
day: yr
“Recently there has been a lynch
ing in Minnesota, two have occurred
in Indiana, one in Illinois and an
other in Ohio. The White Cap out
rages, quite common in Indiana, Mis
souri and some other sections are but
a minor form of lynching. There is
some reason for this state of things
which the philanthropic should lose
no time in ascertaining and for
which a remedy should be sought.
No doubt these hideous instances
of lawlessness are in large part due
to the lax enforcement of law.
The ease with which culprits are
able to escape from punishment pro
duces a seething indignation which
engenders barbarism and culmin
ates in atrocity. There is needed a
more faithful and vigilant execu
tion of existing laws to protect so
ciety against crime and criminals.
At its best unregenerate humanity
is weak as well as passionate. But
there is something radically wrong
that among those who possess great
advantages and enjoy broad oppor
tunities there is insufficient self-con
trol to produce respect and obedi
ence to law, and such communities
are guilty of cruelties and savage
ness that exceed the shame of the
most brutal tribes.”
If the Pioneer Press would con
sider that grand jury of Ramsey
county, which refused to indict John
Rhodes, or any other member of the
Coal Combine, it would find a solu
tion for the problem which troubles
it. The people are losing all respect
for law and government. They
find there are plenty of statutes and
penalties for the poor and powerless,
but none whatever for the rich and
great. They observe that the whole
machinery of government is a fraud
and a mockery; and that no law can
be passed which the rings and cor
porations do not want. They find
that courts are not tribunals to en
force justice between man and man,
but simply cunning instrumentali
ties to tie up the people in a net
work of technicalities, thwart liber
ty and enthrone aristocracy. What
can the multitude do? They have
but two alternatives:—to submit and
perish; or to break forth with b-utal
violence and execute rude but effi
cient justice. Civilization is an ar
tificial restraint imposed on man; —at
heart he is a savage; and as soon as
you completely convince the whole
people that goverment and order are
their enejnies, and that they ha*e
nothing to expect from either, they
will rise up and smash the whole ar
rangement. Look at Cincinnati!
Some years since the courts became
so corrupt and the lawyers so devil
ishly cunning that no man who had
money, could be convicted of the
most flagrant offences: and so one
bright morning the mob rose up in its
wrath and destroyed millions of
dollars worth of property and killed a
lot of the rascals, while the rest
scattered like barn rats before a
fire. It purified the atmosphere for
a time and taught the scoundrels
caution; but it was a heroic remedy
for a terrible disease, and is to be
deplored, however effective.
W hat are these outbreaks which
the Pioneer Press refers to? Simply
the tremblings of the earth before
the earthquake;—the moanings of
the wind before the cyclone. There
is a tribunal into which the corrup
tionists cannot enter—that is the
hearts of the great honest multi
tude. That congress is now in per
petual session and a tremendous de
bate is going on in it. And woe un
to the villains of the lobby, and the
press, and the legislature, and the
courts, when that congress declares
war! Better would it have been for
them that they had never been born.
What is to prevent the' earthquake
and the cyclone? The aroused in
tellect of the American people, de
termined to use the peaceful instru
mentalities of the ballot-box to
make self-government effective, and
save the world from both anarchy
and despotism. Are you,—reader,—
willing to help in this mighty work?
Will you do your part? Look your
children in the face and answer that
question. I. d.
Getting on to Him.
A few days ago a prominent alli
ance man came into the office of the
Representative and took the edi
tor severely to task for saying any
thing against E. W. Fish, and ex
pressed his unbounded confidence in
that gentleman’s honesty. We have
just received from this same man a
letter, dated May 30th, in which he
“I have been perusing your paper
thoroughly and I like it very much.
I don’t see how Fish can be honest
and stand these charges, unless he is
guilty. I do not understand much
about law, but your charges are very
phun, and so direct that it seems im
possible for him to clear himself ex
jcpt by going into court, and he re
mises to do so. I am confident that
he is not an honest man.”
We get similar communications
from all over the state. Howling
and lying amount to nothing. No
one is under obligations to defend
himself from the statments of a
notoriouly corrupt knave. Fish must
clear himself of the positive charge
of taking money from the republi
cans, during the campaigns of 1890
and 1892, or he must leave the state.
I offered to give him a list of $25,000
worth of property, owned by me, and
that would be liable for damages;
and the law of the state defines
criminal libel to be,—“a malicious
publication which exposes any per
son to hatred, contempt, ridicule or
obloquy; or which causes or tends to
cause any person to be shunned or
avoided; or to injure any person in
his business.” But in spite of all
this Fish refuses to defend his good
name. There is but one explanation.
He is guilty. He talks about the
prosecuting attorney of Ramsey
county being a relative of mine. It
is not true. Mr. Pierce Butler is not
related to me except through Father
Adam. He is a worthy gentleman,
nevertheless. But if he was a rela
tive of mine what has that to do
with it? He has, as prosecuting at
torney, no connection with civil
actions for damages; and an action
for criminal libel could be prosecuted
in any county in the state, into
which a copy of this paper is sent,
and it is sent to every county, and
nearly every post office in Minnesota.
No, no, E. W. Fish. You may howl
and roar like a Gorilla, and spit and
scrarch like a wild-cat; you may
“Distort the truth, accumulate the lie,
And pile the pyramid of calumny;”
you may send out 25,000 copies a week
of your blatherskite yawp of a news
paper, (paid by God knows who!) but
it will avail you nothing. The re
formers of Minnesota have found you
out; they have got on to you; you are
busted, exposed, doomed, damned!
Get up and get! ’Scat! I. D.

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