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The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, June 28, 1893, Image 1

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The Representative.
i :
Let the Common People Fight the Repeal of
the Sherman Act.
Wall Street is Up and Doing! Let us not be
We have received the following let- i
ter. It shows how the people are ;
studying the financial questions: (
Minnesota, June 5,’93.
Hon. Ignatius Donnelly:
Dear Sir:— l enclose you a copy of ■
a letter that I have written to Mr.
H. E. Taubeneck, chairman national j
committee of the peoples party on
the financial question. It is simply
my views on the matter. Would like
to hear from you:
Minnesota, June 5, ’93.
Hon. H. E. Taubeneck:
Dear Sir:—As you are the chair
man of the national committee of
the peoples party I beg leave to pres
ent to you my views on the financial
question and see if the peoples party
can not take some advantage of the
present condition of affairs. Some of
the banks are refusing to loan money
to the government without the issu
ing of bonds, while many others are
closing their doors and defrauding
the laboring classes. Now I would
suggest that the national committee
of the peoples party cause to have
printed a national petition, to be
presented at the special meeting of
congress, praying that body to pass a
law establishing postal saving banks
in every state.
I think the banks could be self-sup
porting by paying 3 per cent on de
posits and loaning at 3£ percent, the
half per cent going to pay office hire.
But 1 think no one should draw in
terest on his deposit until it had
been loaned out of the bank. In that
way there would be no expense to the
government at any time. I think
there would be plenty of gold in the
banks in a short time, and the gov
ernment could borrow that and pay
interest in paper or silver and not be
beholden to Wall Street or any other
bank. I think the petition should
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
The undersigned citizens of county, in the state of
respectfully petition your honorable body, not to repeal
the “Sherman act,” unless a bill is first passed, by both houses and signed
by the President, to fully remonetize silver.
Wherever the holder of silver bullion can exchange it, at the United
States mints, for legal tender dollars, worth, by law, one hundred cents, the
amount of silver in that dollar will be worth one hundred cents; for no man
will sell it for less than he can exchange it for; and hence no man can buy
it for less; and the price in the United States will therefore fix the price
over the whole world. And thus, at one blow, silver and gold will be re
restored to the place they held under the national constitution for eighty
years; and until the capitalists of the old world corrupted the legislators of
the new, and brought the American people, by secret villainy, to the verge
of universal bankruptcy and ruin.
We also demand that congress shall at once establish postal savings
banks, as has been done in other countries; paying three per cent per an
num on deposits, and lending out the money so received, on good real estate
security, upon terms and conditions that will insure safety, and fair deal
ing; and at a rate not to exceed three and a half per cent per annum. Such
a measure would be a great boon to the producing classes relieving them
from the danger of loss by failure of swindling banking corporations; while
it would afford abundant means to relieve those in debt, and now perishing
at the hands of the usurers. It would place the government beyond the
reach of the hellish influences of Wall Street, always inimical to liberty
and human progress. A billion and a half dollars are now in the savings
banks of this country, and twice as much more are in the hands of the pro
ducing classes; and every dollar of this vast sum, three times the amount
of our national debt, would, at once, be at the command of the national
government: while the same postal machinery which now takes the money
of depositors, and issues money-orders therefor, payable at special post of
fices; could then receive the savings of the people and issue deposit certifi
cates, bearing three per cent interest, and payable at any first or second
class post office in the United States. These certificates would pass from
hand to hand, and constitute a species of currency in themselves, which
would relieve the financial stringency and redeem the nation from the
domination of the money-changers.
We, as a part of a long-suffering, much-enduring people, put up our
payer to you, our servants, for this relief; and we beg you not to listen to
the voices of the seducers who have taken possession of nearly all the
avenues of public opinion, and are driving the peaceful people of the United
States into conditions dangerous to law and order, and the perpetuity of
our free institutions.
7 And we shall ever pray, etc.
/The Pine Land Investigation.
Senator Donnelly may be a brilliant
legislator, in his mind, but he evi
dently doesn’t know enough to make
a |5,000 appropriation so that the
money may be drawn from the state
treasury as intended. The sessions
of the pine land commission at $5 per
day have consequently come to a pre
mature close for want of funds. —
Hastings Gazette.
, That fs about as near the truth as
the Hastings Gazette ever got. The*
include the free coinage of silver. I
am quite sure that seven-tenths of
the voters of the republican and
democratic parties through the coun
try would sign the petition, and all
the alliance and all other labor or
ganizations. I have spoken to a num
ber and every one seems to be in fa
vor of the matter. Each state could
get a copy of the petition and print
what it required and send one of
them to every secretary in the state,
requesting him and his alliance to
get ail the signers they could in their
I think that congress would not
dare to ignore such a petition. If
they did, it would be to the best pol
itcal club to use in ’96 that we could
get. Yours truly,
David T. Allen.
These suggestions are excellent.
Wall Street will bring a great pres
sure to bear on congress to carry out
its villainous schemes. At such a
time the people should not be silent.
We call for a concerted movement,
all over the United States; and to
help it along we print below a form
of petition and we ask every sub
scriber to set to work to get as many
signatures to it as possible, and for
ward it to some populist member or
senator, as soon as congress convenes
in extra session in September. We
hope other reform newspapers will
do the same thing, and thus set the
ball rolling all over the country. All
you have to do, good reader, is to cut
out the following and paste it at the
head of a sheet of paper, and append
the signatures below it. Even if you
get but two, three or half-a-dozen
signatures, send it on. Every little
will help; but ‘the more the merrier.’
Attorney General, (all honor to him
for it,) made a second decision in
which he held that you could appro
priate money by joint-resolution; and
Senator Dedon has been elected ser
geant at arms and “cruiser’’ of the
committee; and the investigation
will go on, without extravagant ex
penditures or flourish of trumpets,
and will, we believe, do good work be
fore the next session of the legisla
ture. I. D.
The Courts Again.
“If it requires a court decree to re
move a Washington letter carrier, a* 1
held by the circuit court of the Dif l
trict of Columbia last Saturday, the
headsman business in the capital city
must be a trifle dull. The decision
of the court was that the govern
ment employe appointed under civil
service rules cannot be dismissed
without just and sufficient cause, and
that the courts have the right to
pass upon the sufficiency of the cause.
The extension of this principle to
federal patronage on a large scale
would be sudden death to the profes
sional spoilsmen and a fatal blight
upon the patronage plum branch of
orchard industry.”
That’s all very well, so far as the
public patronage is concerned; but is
it not evident that this is another
usurpation of the courts? Here they
propose to administer on the whole
vast federal patronage, a function of
the Executive department of the
government; and by their arrogated
right to nullify or veto any act of
congress they have thus got the
whole power of both branches in
their own hands. And as they ob
tained their seats by the favor of
Plutocracy we can easily see the
abyss into which the nation is drift
ing. For remember they can call up
on the army and navy to enforce
their decrees, and those who resist
are rebels, to be shot down. They
have abolished the venerable com
mon law of the country, so far as our
rights as citizens of the nation are
concerned; and they have wiped out
state laws so far as they govern or
restrain their acts; and now they
claim the adminstration of the great
bulk of the patronage; and one of
their branches holds that a railroad
employe cannot leave his work,
whether the wages are satisfactory
to him or not!
What this country needs, more than
anything else , is a national constitutional
convention , to revise that instrument from
the ground up; guided by the experi
ence of a century; and the wisdom of
a population twenty times as large as
that which adopted it. I. D.
A Good Point.
The Minneapolis Union, (Populistic
after showing that the Treasury
partment at Washington had, for
years past, been paying out gold for
coin certificates, and storing up sil
ver asks this question:
When the secretary finds his goid
running low and he has an abund
ance of silver on hand why does he
not avail himself of the right which
the law gives him and pay off the
coin certificates in silver? The pow
er expressly conferred upon the sec
retary of treasury to do this is one
of the few good features of the Sher
man law, and we ask why don’t the
secretary enforce the law and also
obey it himself? The law says that
gold or silver shall be paid for these
certificates at the dicretion of the sescrer
tary. Yet the last two secretaries,
one democrat and one republican,
have both reversed the law and paid
gold or silver at the discretion of the
certificate holders.”
The solution of this problem is
very simple:—the government has
not been run in the interest of the
people, but of the Money Power; and
it will continue to be run the same
way the peoples party comes
into power, and builds a fence
around the White House and the
Capitol: and inscribes on the fence
“Wall street is requested to keep
out. Beware of the dog and the
shot-gun.” I. D.
The Pepoles Party in Germany.
The so-called Socialists of Ger
many are making tremendous strides
forward. They have increased
their vote in two years from about
125,000 to over 2,000,000, and will hold
the balance of the power in the next
Reichstag. Their platfbrm is sub
stantially the same as the platform
of the peoples party of the United
States. They propose to utilize the
powers of government for the benefit
of the people; heretofore they have
been utilized by the few for the rob
bery of the many. America, under
her daily newspaper trust, is so per
verted and darkened, that there is
really more hope of reform coming
from the more independent people
of the old world, than from our own
Mammon-worshiping, educated ig
noramuses This was shown in the
recent events in Belgium, where the
farmers and mechanics in one' cam
paign brought the aristocracy to
terms. They did in one year what
the free people of Minnesota have
not been able to accomplish in twen
ty years of effort.
Success to the gallant Germans!
May they squeeze the arrogant, lit
tle, Lord-anninnted, emperoc Billy
between their thumb and forefinger,
and press his pretensions out xk him
as a surgeon squeezes the bloOd out
I. Dj i
The State Elevator Shows Symp
toms of Materiali
Already the coming shadow of the
State Elevator is carrying dismay
and disaster to the souls of the
Wheat-Ringsters. We find the fol
lowing in the local gossip of the Min
neapolis Tribune, —Minneapolis be
ing the head-center of the Ring:
“C. C. Evans, who is connected
with the state inspection of grain at
the Duluth elevators, was in the
city yesterday. Mr. Evans said that
it was the understanding at Duluth
that the state commission had se
cured a site for the state elevator
and were going on at once to con
struct it. The movement, he says,
is very discouraging to the elevator
people, and they are further dis
turbed at what they expect to be the
result of the new state law raising
grain inspection. This is notwith
standing the conclusion of the state
attorney general that the new law
did not apply to the other elevators.
The companies think that the at
torney general is mistaken, and they
do not see how the present rate of
15 cents per car can apply after the
new law goes into effect, and to their
view the result will be that all the
rates for inspection will become uni
form, and go up to 50 cents per car.
Thus, if this is true, the farmers
who have hitherto complained of the
rate, and been in the bottom of the
agitation which has caused the re
duction they now enjoy, will have
been the cause of raising the rate by
the new law. All this operates to
depress the elevator and grain busi
ness, adding to the effect of the ex
tremely low figures of the general
Praise God for every thing that
“depresses” the Elevator Ring! May
they be “depressed” into extinction;
and the poor plundered farmers have,
for the first time in a quarter of a
century, the great boon of free
And how disturbed they are, good,
honest gentlemen, lest the increase
of inspection-fees, on car-load lots,
of from 15 cts. to 50 cts., will impov
erish the grain-raisers! Think of it;
car-load of 1,000 bushels subject
ed to an increase of 35 cts.! A thou
sand bushels at 1 ct. per bushel
would be SIO.OO a car; at \ a cent
it would be $5.00 a car; and 50 cents
a car will be one-tenth of half-a-cent
or l-20th of a cent a bushel; and 35
cts. a car will be about two-thirds
of one-twentieth of one cent a bush
el!!! Fancy the farmer hunting
around in his pocket book for that
coin! And the poor Ring—the good,
! honest, noble-hearted gentlemen,—
who have taken from ten to forty
1 cents a bushel off the farmer for
| years past, are afraid he can’t afford
. to pay that §of l-20th of one cent
a bushel! God help us! And they
weep; indeed they do. Yes; you can
hear them sniffle. And they say—
“ Why, even the Attorney General’s
( opinion didn’t save us! That infer
| nal Donnelly exploded a ton of dyna
| mite under it, and blew it to the
moon; and he raised such an awful
hubbub that the republican admin
’ istration saw it had to build the
state elevator or retire from busi
| ness at the old stand.” All credit to
| Gov. Nelson for having had sense
( enough to realize the situation; and
, if he honestly labors to make the
state elevator effective, and does not
so administer it as to kill it, this
paper will give him due credit; for
the Representative is laboring to
’ help the people not for selfish pur
’ poses. By rising above all personal
. considerations it can do most gopd"
' to the world;—and as for the netfiti
l * s
dans—the devil will take care of
them anyhow!
But brethem,—help the Repre
i sentative. See what it has done
| for you already. Make every neigh
' bor subscribe. Get it into every
' house. If you do we will have good
government in Minnesota. Help the
Representative. It is your paper.
~ I. D.
i Honey in Samson’s Lion.
: Thank the Lord, Jim Hill with all'
! his faults, seems destined by Provi
i dence to do a good work. He is in
■ augurating a tremendous cut in rail*
: road rates to the Pacific coast: he is
i smashing the pool; he is forcing com
petition; he will squeeze the water
i out of the Northern Pacific, the
, Union Pacific, and the Southern Pa
cific, if he does not smash all three.
As Gov. Ramsey once said:
“In the language of Holy Writ,
God moves in a mysterious way
His wonders to perform.”
Go for ’em, Jim! Make the fur
fly! You have cut down rates about
one-third. Cut ’em down one-half!
More power to your elbow! Give it
to ’em. I. D.
Coming Around.
When I proposed that the protec
tion of the law should be withdrawn
from the property of the trusts, there
was a great howl about anarchism and
socialism. But I read in the St. Paul
Globe the following:
“No court of record should lend its
legal operations to further the inter
ests and carry out the purposes of a
trust,” are. the words of Judge Mc-
Connell, of Chicago, while rendering
a decision in a trust case. There is
a ring to this which should resound
from one end of the land to the
Yes; anything a court says is right;
but anything a populist advocates is
demagogism. But lam proud to say
I am educating even the courts, into
new views of the rights of the people.
Part of my object in the Chicago
Anti-trust Conference was to force
upon the attention of the country
certain radical ideas, which will
eventually triumph. And I did so
most effectually. The daily press
howled, but I got in my work and set
the masses thinking. There were
two ideas thus put forth:—first, that
a combine to rob the people had no
right to the protection of the laws of
the land; and the second was, that
there is no warrant in any constitu
tion, state or national, which au
thorizes the courts to set themselves
up above the congress, or the legisla
tive branches, and undo their work;
that ultimate power must rest some
where; and that it is the theory of
our government that it should rest
with the great mass of the people,
and not with a few lawyers. In other
words,—the principal object of gov
ernment is the protection of human
beings, not property. The rights of
the man are more sacred than the
the rights of the stuff the man may
accumulate. God made the farmer
and man made the latter.
One worthy lady, in our Bolting
Conference, at Chicago, Mrs. Stevens,
took exception to my proposition to
deprive the property of the trusts of
the protection of the law. She made
a beautiful and pathetic speech, and
“Why J jvould not withdraw the
protection of the law from the veri
est tramp that ever lived,” etc.
I replied:
“We are not dealing with tramps,
but with the most powerful enemies
human prosperity knows in this land.
If they can have their way we will be
the tramps. But we do withdraw the
protection of the law the tramp
if he is a criminal. The declaration
of independence assures all citizens
of “life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness;” and laws are formed to
protect men in the enjoyment of
these blessings. But let a man kill
his fellow man and forthwith we de
prive him of liberty and the pursuit
of happiness, and finally turn him
over to a man who hangs him. By
law every man in the state prison at
Stillwater is entitle I to be a free
man; but, for his crimes, we with
draw the protection of those laws
which assure his freedom, and by
virtue of other laws we shut him up
in stone walls. And if we can do
this with the body of one man who
robs one man of a few dollars, why
should we not, by law, withdraw the
protection of law from the property
of those who are robbing millions of
men, not once in a year, but every
day in the year, not of a few dollars
but of millions of dollars?
I am glad to read the above utter
ance of Judge McConnell. He should
be on the bench of the United States
Supreme Court. And if the populists
obtain power that is the kind of
judges that will sit there. I. D.
, Part of Populist History in
While I have no desire to keep up
a controversy with E. W. Fish, yet
there are certain things which are
part of the history of the peoples
party in Minnesota, and which the
members of it are entitled to know,
as a guide to the future. Assertions
count for little, but original letters,
open to Inspection, and letter-press
copies>»T letters, taken at the time
of the occurrences referred to, would
accepted as evidence in any court
'of justice. Therefore I propose to
publish, from time to time, extracts
from letters received by me and
copies of my replies. They will throw
a light upon the transactions of the
past which no amount of assertion or
denunciation could.
On Oct. 3d, 1890, my impression let
ter book shows, I wrote from Hast
ing to E. W. Fish as follows:
“I have been a good deal disturbed
by our conversation this afternoon,
and I cannot help before I go to bed,
reiterating,—if possible more strong
ly,—what I said to you. To change
front now, and take down Owens
name, when both the old parties are
admitting he has a chance of success,
would raise the greatest storm of
rage and denunciation ever seen in
the Northwest. Instead of taking
away any votes from Owen it would
send thousands to his support. It
would damn you and the Great West
beyond resurrection. 1, as your
friend, would come in for a large
share of the abuse. It would be
charged that both of us had been
bought with ’s money. I
would have to give up my candidacy
for the state senate and place mvself
at the disposal •of the Owen’s cam
paign committee until election day
I cannot go back on the principles I
have preached for a quarter of a cen
tury, just when there is a chance of
their being successful, however badly
I may have been treated by the men
who have temporary control of the
campaign. The cause is above all
personal considerations. Your course
is plain:—make each paper your is
sue, from now to election, stronger
and stronger, in defense and advo
cacy of the alliance state ticket; and
after the polls are closed labor to in
duce the alliance to reform itself.”
Fish replied protesting against my
course, but agreeing to stand by the
ticket until after election. And now
he charges that he was always kept
busy trying to prevent me from fus
ing with one or the other of the old
And as late as January 17tli, 1892,
right after his election as State Lec
turer, Dr. Fish wrote me, “I took •
steps at once to correspond with par
ties with a view to liberating me from
the Great West, and apparently with
success. * * * I fully agree that
your course has been honorable in the
highest degree” [this from the man
who is now covering me with abuse,]
“I trust you will still follow your po
litical course to its higest fulfillment,
though I do want to say, very badly,
that you would win your constituency
closer by driving your enemies farth
er,” etc.
To this I replied, Jan. 19th, J 892:
“ Don't sell out the Great West. Why
should you? If it goes into the
hands of third parties who can tell
what they will do? They might go
back on the alliance, and then the
alliance woidd insist on establishing an
organ of its own , and there would be the
devil to pay; and the organization
would be torn to pieces.’*
To this Fish replied, Jan’y 20th:
“I will undoubtedly dispose of the
Great West during February or
March, continuing to edit one page
while in the state, or for one year.”
Now, the originals of these letters
from Fish are open to the inspection
of any doubting Thomases; as are
my letter books.
I am inclined to think that at this
very time Fish had already made his
trade with the republicans. It was
at first intended that he should sell
them the paper, and so spike our
guns for the campaign of 1892, but
my suggestion that the alliance
would start an organ of its own,
showed the Ring-masters that that
would not be good policy; and so Fish
remained, to ostensibly work for us,
but in reality to slaughter us.
One of his games was to call public
meetings, as the Rev. Mr. Holloway
pointed out, in the midst of harvest;
and then make a terrible hubbut
about the small audiences he had
and the republican papers took up
these outcries and republished them
to show that the reform sentiment
was dying out. I remember how, in
passing through St. Paul, I called at
the executive committee room of our
party, and said: “Why don’t you ad
vertise Dr Fish’s meetings better?
It is a shame to leave him without
official notice, and it is bad for the
cause. “Why,” they replied, “we
have nothing whatever to do with his
meetings, and never have had. He
advertises them himself; and if suffi
cient notice is not given it is his oicn
fault.” And there I began to “smell
a mice” a foot long! I saw that the
small audiences, and the harvest
meetings, and the great uproar, were
all part and parcel of a game to ar
rest and discourage the popular
movement. Any man with the
tenth part of the shrewdness and
cunning possed by E. W. Fish would
know that the farmers would not
leave their binders in the field to go
and hear, not political stump speak
ing even, for that is always attrac
tive, but songs and discussions on
recondite questions of finance. I
had begged him not to attempt to
hold meetings during the harvest
season, but he persisted. He knew
what he was about.
I do not say all this to keep up a
controversy with this wretched man,
but to show that secretly Dr. Fish
and I have been pulling at cross-pur
poses for three years past. At one
time for three months I refused to
enter his office. But what could I
do? The alliance had its head in the
lion’s mouth. It could not quarrel
with this dangerous and unscrupu
lous man without>a newspaper to de
fend itself, and answer the false
hoods that were sure to follow. But
when he withdrew from the alliance
movement and resigned his state lec
tureship, we thought we had gotten
through with him; and that we
would be permitted to continue the
reform movement without interfer
ence. But, as Mr. VermUya’s letter
shows, he is determined he will
neither be true to the cause himself,
nor permit anyone else to be.
I. D.

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