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sarowwmfflmninMiK PEOPLE’S PARTY, STATE CfNVENTI©N Under the authority vested in us, as the State J?en trai Committee of the People's Party of Minnesota, we hereby give notice that a State Convention of the Peo ples Party of this state will be held at Minneapolis. [The date and hall will be announced in our next issue. The time will be as near the 10th of July as possible. The matter is in the hands of a Minne apolis committee.] To place in nomination candidates for the following of fices: Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Secretary ok State, State Auditor, State Treasurer, Clerk of tiik Supreme Court, Attorney General, Chief Justice of tiie Supreme Court, One Associate Justice of the Supreme Court And to transact all other business which may properly come before the Convention. The basis of representation will be as follows: Two delegates for each county, and one delegate for each fifty votes,or major fraction thereof, cast for Hon. I. Donnelly for Gov. in M,> 2. Arrant m nts will be made for reduced railroad fares and modern.e notel charges. We will also try to arrange for cheap accommodations for the teams of farmers who come in by the wagon-load. Announcements as to these matters will be published hereafter in The Represen tative. We would urge all friends of the People's Party to see that their section is fully represented in the Convention. A great change lias taken place in the political views of the mass of our voters, brought about by the ruin to which the whole country has been reduced, by the mis government of the two old parties. If we do our duty the People’s Party will carry Minnesota in the election fn November next. Let us meet determined to subordi nate all personal ambitions to the good of the people: let us be wise and reasonable as well as bold and consistent, AND WE MUST TRIUMPH. THOMAS J. MEIGHEN, Louis Hanson, Secy. Chairman. Robert Eckford, Ass’t Secy. C. T. Shei.lman, James Munro, J. J. Mooney, L. Montgomery, Gilbert 1- ish, C. N. Perkins. J. P. Sheppard, S. P. Rasmusson, A. Richmond, O. A.Lindberg, E. F. Clark, C. F. Graves, M. Wesenberg, C. F. Boiiall, J. T. Plant, E. E. Lommen, L. B. Cantleberry. State Central Committee, • I THE STATE CONVENTION (f Hie People's Parly of Minnesota— Tho Call Out for the Greatest Pop ulist Convention Ever Held in the State—Lctj All Hands Get Ready. In tlie foregoing will be found the call of tlie State Central Com mittee for the State Convention of the People’s party of Minnesota. The committee went straight ahead, “in the middle of the road;” and there is no doubt the convention, in the same spirit, will nominate their own ticket, without “fusion” with any one. This convention will be the great est and most important ever held in this state. It will name the winning ticket. Our advices from all parts are that the hard times are making converts for us by the thousand, every day and hour. The principles of the Omaha platform are becoming constantly more popular. There is no more talk about “calamity howl ers.” The people are all “howling” together now; and no one has any de sire to mock another. We are all in the soup in a bunch. Let us call the attention of our friends to the following item of news: “Anderson, Ind., April 26.—The Populists of this county, including Leroy Templeton, candidate for gov ernor, in 1892, are at the head of a movement to have all delegates go overland in buggies and wagons to the state convention, which will be held in Indianapolis about May 22. The movement has been kept very quiet. Letters have been sent out to all of the county central committees, asking them to interest their dele gates in the scheme. Thev propose to start three or four days ahead of time and allow time to stop and make speeches. As they gradually draw near to Indianapolis they will form into platoons. Many of the counties have been heard from and every one in favor of the scheme.” Why would this not be a good plan for the People’s party of Minnesota to imitate? It would certainly work well for the Populists living within 100 or 150 miles of Minneapolis. Ar rangements will be made for cheap etabling; and farmers could bring their own feed with them. They could gather at certain points, and have one or two speakers with each troop, and hold meetings every night “a la Coxey.” Why not? All that is needed to revolutionize this state is energy and courage. We have got the facts the arguments and the conditions to give victory.” * * ■ ' 'V e - - The Representative GREENBACKS AT PAR. Can Paper Money Be Made an Good a* Gold f—-Tlie Nation's Experience In tlie Civil War. BENSON, Minn., April 20. IS94—Hon. Ig natius Donnelly, St. Paul, Minn.—Dear Sir: I had a pretty hot discussion the other day with a lawyer of this place, by the name of T- F. Young, about the old demand notes, or greenbacks. I Insisted that the iirst $60,- 000,000 of demand notes of greenbacks is sued in 1861 and 1862 never fell below par with gold, but that the greenbacks issued later fell compared with gold on account of the fatal exception clause inserted on the backs of these. Mr. Young insisted that they were all alike in every respect, and that one fell as much as the other. Will you kindly refer me to some book or other reference which must be regarded as authentic on this matter, by which I can prove my assertion? (If you have any such book that you could dispose of I should be pleased to receive it, and if you mark price of it, I shall remit same to you on receipt of book, provided its price does not exceed 50c.) Also, does the United States at present coin any standard silver dollars? We should be pleased to hear from you on this matter, either through The Repre sentative or otherwise. The Populists are increasing in numbers every day in this section, and all indica tions point to the fact that we will carry Swift county with a great majority next fall. Yours respectfully, H. M. GILBERTSON. COMMENTS. In answer to the inquiries contained in the foregoing letter, I would say that Mr. T. F. Young Is greatly In error In the position he has taken. In proof of this, I would re fer him to the speech delivered in the United States senate by John Sherman on July 4, 1862, In which, speaking of the first $60,000,000 of demand notes he said: “The notes are now held and hoarded. The first Issue of $60,000,000 of notes were issued with their right of being converted into 6 per cent 20-year bonds, and with the prlvilegeof being paid for duties in customs. THEY ARE NOW . FAR ABOVE PAR AND HOARDED. I would also refer him to Schueker’s “Life of Salmon P. Chase,” page 225, where the following appears: “About the time of the suspension of cash payments, a wealthy New Yorker came into the possession of a large sum, approxi mating to $1,000,000, in ‘demand notes.’ He offered them for deposit in a leading bank of New York, the officers of which refused to receive them, however, In the ordinary course of business, or in any other way than as a special deposit. Having no al ternative, the gentleman reluctantly con sented. The demand notes being receivable for customs the same as coin, kept pace with the advance in the price of coin; and when the depositor withdrew his deposit demand notes were worth nearly or quite ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY PER CENT PREMIUM, MEASURED IN LEGAL TENDER. If Mr. Gilbertson desirea to Investigate this subject still further, we would refer him to the excellent little book of Casca St. John, entitled “Why Are We Poor?” published by The Nation Library, Room 56, 323 Nicollet avenue, Minneapolis, Minn. The price is 25 cents. He will find this a very complete compendium of information on all the points that are apt to arise In discussion. Mr. Young is also In error when he says that there was no difference between the first Issue of greenbacks and the subse quent issues. The difference was this: The first $60,000,000 were receivable for all debts, public and private, of every kind. The “SPEAK TO THE CHILDREN OF ISRAEL THAT THEY GO FORWARD .” MINNEAPOLIS, MINN., WjhjfcESDAY, MAY 2, 1894. other issues were receivable for all debts, publio and private, except duties on im ports and Interest on the public debt. It was these latter that were so discriminated against that fell so tremendously in value, compared with gold. The change was, made at the demand of the bankers of New York. Thaddeus Stevens, the great leader of the house during the war, and chairman of the committee on finance, resisted the change to the utmost. In a speech deliv ered in the house Feb. 20, 1862, be said: “I have a very few words to say. I ap proach this subject with more depression of spirit than I ever before approached any question. No personal motive or feeling influences me. 1 have a melancholy fore boding that we are about to consummate a cunningly devised scheme, which will carry great injury and great loss to all classes of people throughout this L'nion, except one. With my colleague, I believe that no act of legislatiQn of this govern ment was ever hailed with so much delight throughout the whole length and breadth of this Union, by every class of people, without any exception, as this bill which we passed and sent to the senate. Congratulations from all classes —mer- chants, traders, manufacturers, mechanics and laborers—poured upon us from all quarters. The Boards of Trades from Bos ton, New York. Cincinnati, Louisville, St. Louis, Chicago and Milwaukee approved its provisions and urged its passage as it was. I have a dispatch from the Chamber of Commerce of Cincinnati, sent to the secre tary of the treasury, and by him to me, urging the speedy passage of the bill as it passed the house. It is true there was a doleful sound came up from the caverns of bullion brokers and from the salons of associated banks. Their cashiers and agents were sqpn on the ground and persuaded the senate, with but little deliberation, to mangle and destroy what It had cost the house months to digest, consider and pass. They fell upon the bill in hot haste, and so disfigured and deformed it that its very father would not know it. Instead of be ing a beneficent and invigorating measure, it is now positively mischievous. It has all the bad qualities that its enemies charge on the original bill and none of its benefits. It now creates money and by its very terms declares it a depreciated currency. It makes two classes of money—one for the banks and brokers and another for the people. It discriminates between the rights of different classes of creditors, allowing the rich capitalist to demand gold and compelling the ordinary lender of money on individual security to receive notes which the government had purposely dis credited. But now comes the main clause. All classes of people shall take these notes at par for every article of trade or con tract, unless they have money jnough to buy United States bonds; and then they shall be paid in gold. Who is that favored class? The banks and brokers and nobody else.” Mr. Voung, like a good many other dis tinguished Republicans and Democrats, is undoubtedly very familiar with the tariff on calico and shoe strings, but knows noth ing of the financial history of his country. The facts above given show that $60,000,000 of a full legal tender greenback went all through the war at par with gold; and this proves that similab greenbacks today would, in time of peace, be worth as much; and hence that there is no necessity for gold or silver or national bank notes. The country has the power, in its own hands, to make its own money and give it to the people in sufficient quantity to insure uni versal prosperity. i. d # A Dish of Pense-Sonp, That bald-headed old sinner, and servile tool of the rings and monopolies, G. S. Pease, of Anoka, Minn.—a lick-spittle by nature and a fraud by instinct—attacks us with the feeble ferocity of a sick rat, and without the slightest provocation on our part. He says: “As a demi-god of the Alliance he wrapped that organization like a mantle around himself, and while the Alliance masses shivered in the cold, he warmed himself at the Populist fire where the Donnelly chestnuts were roasting.” That beats Sir Boyle Roach's famous metaphor: “Mr. Speaker, I smell a rat; I see him floating in the air; but with the blessing of God we will yet nip him in the bud!” Here the demi-god of the Alliance— that’s me—wraps the Alliance around him, like a mantle, gets up close to the Populist fire, and leaves the Alliance—which is wrapped around him—out in the cold—close up to the fire! Oh, Pease! Thine ears disturb the equilibrium of the spheres, and thy bray is a perpetual discord in the uni versal harmony of nature. The microbes have eaten away thy hair, and now they have attacked the periphery of that which, for courtesy, we call thy brain. And Pease grieves over the the loss of Doctor (?) Fish. Naturally enough. The election is approaching; and this time there is no hysterical, shirt-tearing, flamboyant, hifalutin, paroxysmal, God-and-humanity Populist leader to buy up—and Pease retires into the seclusion of his back yard and kicks himself, and curses the demoniac Donnelly, who, with an infinite capacity for raising the devil, refuses to make a merchandise of his faculties and sell out to the God-forsaken breed of Peases. Hence these “weeps.” •« Be quiet, oh Pease! He that approaches so near to nothing as thou dost, should imi tate the solemn speechlessness of unorgan ized, dead matter. Be quiet, or we shall wrap thee around us “like a mantle” and stand close to the Populist fire, and burn thy confounded, spindling, hind legs off. We will. And then mankind will cry— “Pease! Pease!”—but there shall be no Pease —nay, not a microbe. I. D. An Awful Showing. “The census of 1890 states that the total accumulated wealth of the nation is about $60,000,000,000. One-half of this is held by 31,000 persons, or one-twentieth of one per cent of our population averaging $1,000,000 each. The remainder possess an average of SSOO each. Is it any wonder with this wholesale congestion of wealth that the in dustrial system is paralyzed, and that mil lions of men are out of work. A contracted market follows in the wake of concentrated wealth, and a contracted currency.” Wouldn’t it be a good Idea to “let the molasses run for another 30 years, under the management of the two-one old party? The only difficulty is that sheol will break loose long before that time. It Is the bal lot box or bullets. If you don’t use your brains you will hava to use your guns. Which shall it be? I. D. COXEYISH. The Universal Discontent—The March on Washington—A General Upris ing. We have been furnishing our readers with some reports at the advance of Qoxey and others upon the seat of government. It Is assuming vast proportions. It Is something heretofore unheard of in the history .of our country, and a "local expression,” as the doctors would say, "of a constitutional dis ease.” It is the virus of monometallism and monopoly working Itself out in a conti nental eruption. It is terrible; itt is most dangerous: and yet it has some good fea tures. It proves that a, people, trained under free institutions, and vitalized by the public schools, will not patiently submit to die of starvation, like Russian peasants. It em phasizes the evils under which the country suffers, and enforces .he attention of even the law-making power at Washington. The individual citizen, taken separately, is now adays, in these United States, absolutely helpless. His enemies have control of nearly all the a,venuei of .public opinion. He is like a man dying with forty*doctors around him, each one assuring him that he is in magnificent health. He cannot con tradict them; he does not know as much as they do; and yet his instincts tell him he must have a change of treatment or he will perish. He gets up out of bed and goes for the doctors with a club; he breaks the spell, and the medicinal power of unassisted nature may save hini Think what an “object lesson” these tramping thousands have been to the on looking millions! Think of the vast, innu merable public meetings, some of them 10,000 strong, that have gathered together to hear the new r gospel, which had been, heretofore, with great pains, excluded from the ears of the people. The placid, torpid, rotten sur face of society is being blown into breakers a hundred feet high; and Plutocracy stands on the shore, wringing its hands and cry ing, “Where, oh where. Is this thing to end?” It is instructive to observe the efforts that have been made to suppress this peaceful insurrection of the people. First ridicule was tried, but that fafled. Then, at Alle gheny City, Coxey’s men were corralled in a fenced enclosure, and if a man went out, to go on an errand, he was instantly arrest ed and condemned to the stone pile for 60 days. Thirty-eight were thus seized upon; and when Coxey and the rest of his men attempted to pass own gate to visit a theater, to which they had been invited, tr.ey w'ere driven back by armed men. The result was the working classes rose up in indignation, and they had to permit “the commonweal” to proceed, in the midst of a vast ovation, the whole populace turning cut to cheer them, while provisions flowed In in unlimited quantities. i The same tactics r. ere employed with Kelly’s army of Californians, 1,500 strong, when they reached the lowa line at Council Bluffs. A fool of a fellow named. Jackson, the Republican governor of lowa, elected by reason of the general disgust with Cleve land, called out a large body of soldiers to stop the unarmed men. There Is a huge auditorium on the Chautauqua assembly grounds, near Council Bluffs, that will hold 10,000 people; it is open at the sides—merejy a roof. General Kelly desired to put his weary men under it, as it was raining hard. The power and dignity of the great state of lowa, represented by the governor and the troops he had called out, said “No!” The soldiers got under the roof—they could not fill one-tenth part of the covered space—but with drawn bayonets they kept the poor fellows out in the c-v.l and rain, standing all night in the mud. drenched to the skin and shivering. Fifteen of them were taken down with pneumonia—thanks to Gov. Jackson and the state of lowa, This was a triumph of civilization. The purpose was to drive the followers of Kelly to some des perate act, and then call out all the militia of the state to shoot them down. -But It did not work. Tlie wanderers were pa tience itself. But the people of Omaha took 1 it up. Vast indignation meetings were held; immense contributions of food and clothing flowed in; the workmen dropped their work, and 39,000 stalwart men and hundreds of wor en marched across the river to Council Bluffs, ready to seize trains, bum depo s or do any other work of revenge. Motley was raised to pay the fares of the men to Chicago, but the rail road companies refused to carry them. A crowd of women seized upon a trail*- of cars and ran it out to where Kelly’s men were encamped. A railroad attorney, named Hubbard, swore that the company would ditch the train if it killed every one on board, or run a wild engine into it and smash it Into kindling wood. Kelly wisely declined the train, and is now marching across lowa. Here is what the press re port: THE SHAM FIGHT. The Great Humbag —Tariff and Pro teetton. For years past the Democrats and Re publicans have filled the heavens with their outcries over the tariff question—the clamor of the contending hosts has been terrible; the smoke of battle darkened the sun. The Democrats assured us that they were for free trade; and if they obtained power they would wipe out all “protection,” and give the West cheap goods; and the West be lieved them. The Republicans played on the other string, and told the (workmen of the East that the death of “protection” meant the end of emplbyment for them; and the workmen believed them. Two years ago the hard times gave the Democrats complete and absolute possession of power in all branches. What has been the result? The whole pretense of free trade is blown to the winds. It lo»ha as if both Republic ans and Democrats would harmoniously sup port the same bill! Ex-Senator Philetus Sawyer (Republican) of Wisconsin was in terviewed the other day in California. Saw yer is a millionaire, as all Republicans should be, and a “father in Israel;” and he said: “I don’t think the .pending Wilson bill will be a measure when it gets through the senate. By the time It gets through there and the confer ence committee I do not believe it will produce enough radical changes to essen tially disturb the present status of the man ufacturers’ Interests.” Ah! Indeed! There you are! The people fight for 25 years, over the tariff question; march and countermarch; hurrah and shout; burn rockets and blow trumpets; wrangle and fight; break each others’ heads; shoot, kill and murder one another. . And all for what-! For a bill that is satisfactory to both sides!!! Let the American people go out and kick themselves all around their back yards; let them cry out: “Humbugged! Swindled! Duped! Played for suckers! Bamboozled! Honey-f uggled! Done up by a continental confidence game, played by thimble-riggers! Where is fhe fool-killer? Bring him in. The whole country needs him.” The Populists told you in 1892 that the tariff fight was “a sham battle” to keep the people from thinking about the money question. But you knew it all. Y'ou bel lowed and roared, “Tariff! Tariff! Tariff!” like an infernal pack of unreasonable idiots. And now you have got what you deser ved wheat 45 cents a bushel and the mortgages sweeping the land out from under your feet; and the two old parties frame a bill satisfactory to both, and the tariff issue, like Macbeth’s witches, “makes itself air, thin air, in which it vanishes!” Vanishes? Not a bit of it. The scamps are getting ready to play the same old gold-brick, little-joker game over again. McKinley is to be nominated for president in the name of "protection;” and the di lapidated remnant of the Democrats—what is left after Grover gets through with them —will meet together somewhere and howl, between drinks, “Free Trade!” “Free Trade!” until their throats give out or the heavens crack. And the trumpets will blow, and the drums beat, and the orators speak, and the rockets explode; and millions of unfinished creatures, with the semblance of men, legs and arms without brains, will batter each other over the heads, shouting “Protection!” and “Free Trade!” while the sheriff seizes upon their last cow. It is really one of the great unsolved problems of this earth why the Lord should have made so many fools and so few sensi ble men; and then have established this republic for the majority to govern! more aggressions. Imprisoning; an Editor for Criticising a Judge—High-Handed Proceedings. We have shown repeatedly that one of the greatest dangers that threatens the life of the republic Is the disposition of the courts to assume absolute power In all pub lic affairs. The congress of the United States now has a committee at work In Milwaukee, investigating the course of Judge Jenkins, in trying to reduce railroad employes to the condition of helpless serfs. tV e saw in Kansas and Colorado the courts riding rough-shod over governors, although nothing can be plainer than that a court has no power to reverse the action of the executive department of a state, then the governor has to hear an appeal from the supreme court. In Minnesota this was set tled 35 years ago, when the owners of the old $5,000,000 swindling railroad bonds ap plied to the supreme court for a mandamus to compel Gov. Sibley to sign the bonds. The court very properly held that it had no power over the governor. But in Colorado we saw not only the supreme court of the state interfering to control the action of the governor, in removing a couple of police commissioners, appointed by him; but even a district court issued its mandamus to pre vent the governor from acting! It is true tho latter court has since taken the back track; but these arrogant assumptions of power brought the state of Colorado to the verge of a bloody civil war. But now we have a still more glaring in stance of judicial aggression. Book at this: OMAHA, March Z6.—Cunningham R. Scott, judge of the criminal branch of the dis trict court, today ordered the prosecuting attorney to tile an information and cause the arrest of Edward Rosewater, editor of the Bee, on the charge of contempt of court. This action was the result of a editorial appearing in the Sunday Bee criticising Judge Scott’s course for refusing to hear counsel in the case of W. D. Percivai, a re porter who had been brought before Judge Scott Saturday for contempt of court. As an outgrowth of Scott’s action the Bee this evening prints a double-leaded editorial call ing on the bar of Douglas county to meet and take decisive action. In a two-column ! card over his name Mr. Rosewater says: “The autocratic and un-American attempt of Judge Scott to muzzle and terrorize the press and humiliate and degrade the bar of this city under pretense of upholding the dignity of his court compels me to enter an earnest public remonstrance agaist a pro ceeding which is without a parallel either in this country or in Great Britain. I question whether the czar of the Russias would in this enlightened age undertake to punish an editor or reporter for any viola tion of the Russian press laws without giv ing him a chance to defend himself through attorneys and whether he would assume for himself the roles of prosecutor, witness and judge under the most provoking cir cumstances.’’ The daily press are bad enough, God knows. They are usually the upholders of tyranny, the supressers of knowledge and the blindfolders of the people, hue we can not stand by and see the editors <■' even these derelict sheets clapped into p at the dictum of a criminal jud.-e, any other judge. If such things are p ssible, the liberty of the press is at an end. The courts can ride over individual rights, de prive men of life and liberty, give their property to knaves and corporations, and no newspaper editor can dare to question the propriety of their proceedings. Cor ruption has reduced the daily press to a pitiable condition, and now it is proposed to add the terrors of judicial persecution and imprisonment. Does not this country need a new birth of freedom? Does it not need a new political party, devoted to the protection of human rights and nothing else? I. D. LATER—Since writing the above, we see thaj this court has actually sent Mr. Ed ward Rosewater, the editor of the Omaha Bee, the leading Republican paper of Nebraska, to prison for 30 days, for criti cising the action of the court Commenting upon this outrage, the Chicago Herald says: “The day has gone by for punishing newspaper proprietors or anybody else for contempt of court'’ in using language, ver bally or in print, criticising, censuring, or even libeling the judges. Contempt of court nowadays consists only in disturb ance of proceedings in court while in ses sion, interfering with the court’s processes, the juries or witnesses; conduct in the im mediate presence of the court calculated to bring it into disrepute, or In resistance of its authority and disobedience to its lawful rules and orders. It is not contempt of court to publish a vituperative newspaper article about the judge, even criticising his judicial acts, nor to steal the judge’s pocketbook, nor to assault him on the street, unless the as sault is an actual interference purposely with his discharge of his official duties. A Judge is not a consecrated person. If he is the victim of a libel, or a larceny, or on assault and battery, the offender must be arrested on complaint, tried and punished like any other criminal of the same de gree committing a similar offense against any other individual. The judge cannot take the law into his own hands and pun ish the libeler, thief or ruffian summarily for contempt of court. The statutes in many of the states accurately define “con tempt,” and provide for - Its punishment Judge Scott should oe prosecuted for false imprisonment, and should be im peached. So should all other judges who wantonly exercise usurped power, or use the powers of their office unlawfully, vin dictively and oppressively against individ uals. Dlvlnty does not hedge about a judge. His powers and duties are pre scribed by law, and he must keep within the law while exercising and performing them.” One of the greatest dangers now threat ening the liberties of the American people is the usurpation of the courts. A few examples are needed to let them know that they are not the people nor the ultimate power in this country. __ X. IX L D. '' c* * -V *■ ' - WHOLE NO. 53. SPM?ronTOM?!f?!nts Za fl CONVENTION a OR THE GRAIN GROWERS OF THE NORTH-WEST Will be held in Minneapolis, Minn., in the .... 33 Convention”’ C * ose the People's Party State All the farmers of Minnesota, and the Northwest, 3 are cordially invited to meet together at that time, to !3>2 take council how they can, by co-operation, release 332 THEMSELVES FROM THE GRIP OF TnE GIANT COMHINA •kz-vr- TI WHICH ARE NOW DESTROYING THEIR INDUSTRY _|S and driving millions of them into bankruptcy. Members 332 Ofc’ss- of the National Alliance or of the F. A. and I. U., from a P Parte of the Union, will be cordially welcomed. two days, ahd the Grain Growers Convention v : ” then ~ - held in the same h all. It will have no co n s :tion 332 Wlth the People’s Party, but will be a purely no., oarti- 332 san meeting. * As our enemies may try to pack the convention all 332 parties who propose to attend are requested to pro- cure a written statement, from the President or Secre- T tary of the local alliance, in their neighborhood, or from 332 other well known citizen, to the effect that they arc act- 33 2 Hal farmers and in sympathy with the purposes of the ~ convention. All those who believe that the farmers 332 should quietly submit to injustice, without making any 2 effort to defend themselves, are respectfully requested to stay away. . „ We do oof expect to put up the price of wheat to two 332 dollars a bushel, or even to one dollar a bushel, rut to ' •k/v. 6ET AS MUCH OUT OF IT AS TnE WORLD’S MARKET WILL 332 justify; and to get clear of as many middle-men as - POSSIBLE. would represent a saving of TEN MILLION DOLLARS TO THE NORTHWEST: while a rise of five cents a bushel would put half that 332 9^ — vast sum into the farmers pockets, of this section. 332 It will certainly do no harm for the grain-growers to get together, for one day, to talk over the situation, 332 and see if they can improve their condition. - We are told: “ Who would be free themselves must strike the blow ” 332 And it will not do for American freemen, representing 2 9*~~ our country’s greatest and most honorable, though most ~ impoverished industry, to fold their hands and give up 332 the great battle of life without a struggle. Every other 2 interest is combined against the farmers. » Are the farmers the only Americans who are incapable of organizing for self-de- 332 tense? Our enemies say so. Shall we undeceive them 5 332 9*~- _ Arrangements will be made, and announced in the Representative, for cheap railroad fares and reduced 332 hotel charges. Let the farmers also imitate the example 332 set us by the brethren of Ohio, and come in by the wag- on-load, from all directions, with their wives, and chil- 332 dren and neighbors. Cheap stabling will be arranged for. 332 9 Cease, for a day or two, raising crops for others to steal; AND COME together and see if we can t 332 9* — DO something to st op the STEALING. 332 Ignatius Donnelly, Pres’t State Farmers Alliance, Minn. ~^9 ORGANIZING. The Grain Growers’ Convention—The Farmers Will Defend Themselves Against Their Oppressors. In the foregoing will be found a call for a Grain Growers' Convention, to be held shortly in Minneapolis. This is the most important move ment for the farmers ever made in the Northwest. It will, we hope, constitute 'the beginning of a new epoch. Heretofore the agricultural class has been at the mercy of those who prey upon it. The farmers were scattered, isolated, divided; while their enemies were united in a solid phalanx. Let us get together and see what can be done to put a stop to this condition of things. It may be we will be able to do nothing. But at least the cause is worth an effort. What can be done? Many valuable suggestions have been made by correspondents of the Representative. Suppose some thing like this ishould be attempted? The Representative has an of fice in the Boston Block, Minne apolis. We could give desk room in it, free of charge, until the ex periment proved a success. Then at our Convention let all who attend chip in what they can afford, from ten cents to five dollars:—that money to be used to pay the expen ses of an agent —a Secretary—who will stay in Minneapolis; also to pay for stationery, printing, and postage. Let the Secretary agree to work for a month or two without charge, save his expenses, and after that to have a reasonable salary. Then let the convention elect a Board of Man agers, under whose orders the Secre tary should work. Then let the Secretary send out circulars to every local alliance, and ask it to assemble and report: 1. Are its members willing to or ganize for self-protection? 2. Will they agree to sell their wheat through the Association, if the price is satisfactory? 3. Give the names and postoffice of members, and the amount of acres each one will have in wheat; and the dates at which they will probably de sire to sell; and what proportion of their crop they will want to sell at those dates. 4. Are they willing to pay J cent per bushel, on the amount sold through the Association, if it is evi- tifl VOL. 11. NO. 1. dent that tlie price lias been raised at least that mucli, through the ef-' forts of the Association; the money to be expended in paying tlie expen ses of the society; and, if any is left, In renting or building an elevator or warehouse at Duluth. The parent association could es tablish branches in other states, where desired. It could also designate, upon the recommendation of county alliances, an agent in each county, as suggest ed by one of our correspondents, who might sell the entire crop of that county. Now the farmers rush their wheat in and compete witli each oth er to break down prices. Then all such competition would cease, and the buyers would have to compete with each other to get the wheat or go without. If tlie buyers >in any county combined and refused to bid, the central society at Minneapolis would have been negotiating with Minneapolis, St. Paul, Duluth, Buf falo, New York and Liverpool, to find the highest prices obtainable; and could ship accordingly, leaving the local buyers in the lurch. If the movement was made general we could smash all the “bears” and “op tion dealers” in the United States, by flooding the market or starving it, as might seem best. Two things would be necessary. 1. Honesty in agents. 2. Common sense in the grain growers. If we attempted to put wheat too high wre would smash the movement. Get together, bretheren, in conven tion and let us talk these things all over. Come by trains, and teams and on foot—but come. Carlyle’s Prophecy. More than fifty years ago Carlyle wrote: —“The republic west of us will here its trial period, its darkest of all hours. It Is traveling the high road to that direful day. And this scourge will not come amid famine's horrid stride, nor will It come by, ordinary punitive judgments. It will como as a hiatus in statecraft, a murderous bungle in policy. It will be when health is Intact, crops abundant, and the munificent hand open. Then so-called statesman will cry ‘over-production,’ the people will go to the ballot-box amid hunger and destitution but surrounded by the glitter of self-rule, and ratify by their ballots the monstrous falsehood, over-production, uttered- by inls statesmen, and vindicate by the sams ballot the dgfamous lie, over-production, thrown upon the breeze by servile editors through a corrupt press. And this brings ruin upon his country, serfdom upon himself, and op pression upon his children.” s -o m vo -n m o CD mi