Newspaper Page Text
CORRESPONDENCE. OUR FORUM. It is part of the purpose of estab lishing the Representative to af ford a forum, in which the brightest minds in the populist party and in the farmers alliance can express and confparc their views. The paper will not be responsible for the opinions set forth, but will try to give all sides of the questions at issue a fair hearing. We would suggest to our correspondents to make their letters brief and to the point; not to ex ceed one-quarter of a column, if pos sible. If you have u lengthy commun ication cut it in half and make two letters of it. Avoid personalities. Don’t write unless you have some thing to say; and let cacli letter nave a motive and teach something to the reader. Try to make your readers better and wiser by what you write. Never mind about the grammar or the spelling. The prin ter will tix all that. Good sense and an honest purpose are rarer things thau book learning.—The Editok.J sinking mom:v. O. >es! Pullman is sinking money And must raise the widow's rent, W Idle his watered stock is selling At a premium of fifty per cent. With pomp he floats to his isle, Heeding not the toiler's lament: Gives his watered stock a shaking, And takes in his fifty per cent. I.ike a lion he goes to his lair, Mid the bones lie lias tripped of content, The cries of the hungry lull him to sleep, And he dreams of his fifty per cent. Grover and Gush mount their war mules, (, n bloody war at Chicago they’re bent: Goth plumed knights are spoiling to fight For Pullman and his fifty per cent. Now this cruel war is over, < lush to the retired list is sent: His sabre is bloodstained and battered, For Pullman and his fifty per cent. E. N. I). >ll MCIP \l, ELECTIONS. Sonic Sound, Practical \ilvicc From a Veteran. To the Editor. I desire to offer some resons why the People's party should not allow national politics to mix in municipal elections. A city is a business institution, nothing more. “The officials have purely business du ties to perform. It is their duty to see that the air is unpohited, the water pure and plentiful, that sewers do not poison the dwellings, that the streets are kept in order, that life and property are protected by police and lire department, and the care and management of parks, museums, hos pitals. libraries and schools, which arc prominent factors in city life.” A well known writer says: “The Amer ican city consists of tax payers and tax eaters, and the municipal tax eater is al ways hungry." The taxes levied by mu nicipal (and county) authorities are op piessive and make life a burden to our people. The federal and state taxes are not at all oppressive. Every intelligent man knows that mixing of national poli tics with city affairs is the real source of tiie admitted misgovernment of American cities. In a city election, city affairs should only be considered (the county the same). It has no more connection with politics than a bank, insurance company or wholesale grocery house. Less national and more municipal politics is what we want. "It is local affairs tiiat is affected by city elections, and in all reason local issues ought to dominate in local elections.” We never shall have a better man to manage our municipal affairs until political par ties as such shall keep out of the local contests, and law-abiding, industrious, hon est business and workingmen combine and elect honest men to do their business. The Populists of this country, as commpn sense, practical men, will join hands with any body of citizens in an earnest en deavor to secure many needed reforms now demanded by the great body of the people. A People's party conference lately planted Itself firmly on this question by resolving that “it is vital to the attainment of good municipal government that national poli tics should be divorced from city elec tions.” The attempt of a few curbstone statesmen and fledgling lawyers to lead the Populists from the path of duty will signally fail. HECTOR JIcLEAN. Minneapolis. Aug. 9. I' Kom uiTTriir Cnpt. Smallwood Makes a Rousing Address. To the Editor: We are organizing fast up here, and we are bound to carry St. Louis county for Owen and the balance of the ticket. We are getting in our work up on the range, which has been solidly Republican. Rut the discontent arising from the strike and other troubles up there is turning the voters into our ranks as fast as we can get them or ganized. The Knights of Labor are organ izing in this county, too. Two assemblies in Duluth and one in Riwabik, and a pros pect of more lo be founded as soon as the organizer can get around again, is a good showing for the knights. We had the Y. M. C. A. Hall packed last night to listen to Cnpt. Smallwood, hither to one of the wheel horses of the Republi can party. Capt. Smallwood made a splen did address, dealing with the question of silver coinage, and showing the difference between the Republicanism of Abraham Lincoln and John Sherman. His remarks were listened to with great interest by an audience of earnest, intelligent men, and it is safe to say that the men in the hall who will vote for either of the old parties after listening to his able exposition of the finan cial policy that is the only salvation of this people,might be counted on the fingers of one hand. Capt. Smallwood was followed by- Judge Bull and Judge McGindley, the for mer once a Republican and the latter a Democrat, who ably followed up the talk of Capt. Smallwood. The intelligence anil patriotism of our vicinity is ranging itself on our side, and we have every hope of Carrying St. Louis county. I enclose herewith a clipping from the Evening Herald, of this city, an open letter addressed to Knute Nelson by Judge O. P. Stearns, one of the oldest and best known Republicans in the state. The judge has not yet placed himself in the Populist ranks, but any reader of the Representa tive can see with one eye shut that Judge Stearns can’t vote for Knute Nelson. (See another column.) Yours very truly, ALAN A. BRACKIN’REED Duluth, Aug. 9. Tlio Party Growing, To the Editor Will you kindly send me a copy of The Representative, or at least your 'subscrip tion rates. Populists are springing up all over this county, in fact, all over the state All our leading old line Democrats about here say they are going to vote for Owen this fall. There is only one thing lacking now to make a great success for the party, and that is literature. Why, I cut the platform of the party out of some paper and it has been handed round till it Is worn out. The people want to see and know tvhat the Populists are doing and what they propose to do, so send us a paper and oblige, yours truly, T. S. DUNNING. Wells, Minn., Aug. 9. Words of Prntse. To the Editor Enclosed please find $1 for The Represen tative for one year. I must say that it is the host paper of any printed with which the working man can see both sides of any work done by either of the old parlies. May the People’s party go in and win and show the old parties they have held sway long enough, and the people will not he bulldozed by them any longer. Yous respectfully. \VM. SKINNER. Fisher, Minn., Aug. 10. TQ 60VERN0R NELSON. AX OPE.V LETTER BY Jl DUE STEARNS. The Purl nf the Governor's Argyll- Speeeh Helming to the Muncy ((nestlon Is DiHseeteil. Gov. ICnute Nelson: Hear Sir—l have long had and still have a high opinion of your ability, honesty and courage. I trust I may be entirely frank with you without disturbing our friendly relations, political or personal. 1 write as a Republican to a Republican. I was pained and surprised on reading that part of your Argyle speeli relating to the money question; pained that you felt called upon to ignore a plank in the plat form on which you are a candidate for re election; surprised at the, as it seems to me, manifestly untenable positions you take on questions vitally affecting the money problem. It is not my purpose to discuss the mcney question, but only to point out two or three of the untenable positions mentioned. You in substance assert that the act of 1573 demonetizing silver was a technical rather than a practical matter. You truly state that under the operation of the Gresham law, under the law as it was betore the act of 1X73, the cheaper metal for the time being became the standard measure of values and was the only metal coined driving out for tlie time being the dearer metal. 1 nder the law as it stood prior to the act of 187:5 debtors had the option to pay their debts in either gold or silver, and had the right to buy either metal in the market, take it to the mint, have it freely coined into money with which to pay their debts. \\ hen specie payments were re sumed in 1879 under the operation of the get of 1873, all debts became payable in gold or something that represented gold It is true that at the time of the passage of the act of 1873 the bullion in a silver dollar was worth a little more than the bullion in a gold dollar, and it is on this fact mainly that you seem to rely to prove your_ statement that the effect of the act ol 1573 was technical rather than practical, ignoring the tact that silver kept gold where it was by being ready to step in and take its place as a measure of value and for coining purposes, whenever gold went up a point or silver came down a point. Silver has gone down more than uO points with reference to gold (though very little, if any, with reference to com modities); in other words, gold has gone lip with reference to silver and most other commodities. And you carry the idea that the fall of silver is not the result of its demonetization. Of course it is not, if that act was only technical. If then the law had been left as it was prior to the act of 18i... when specie payments were resumed in 1X79, silver would have become the meas ure of values and the only metal coined, giving us distressingly cheap money in place of our present distressingly dear money. And yet you say the act of 1X73 was simply technical, not practical. It does not signify for you to answer by pointing out how the poor creditor class would have suffered from such a state of affairs, how we would have been Mexican ized, or other evils that would have flown from it. The more you struggle with the problem the more patent you make it that your position that the act of 1X73 was tech nical rather than practical is untenable. The fact is. courts of equity and legis latures have long striven to establish some barriers against the powers of money loaners over their comparatively helpless debtors. V\ itness equity rules against en forcing penalties and forfeitures, usury laws, insolvency laws, laws staying execu tions, giving time for redemption, and so on. More important tnan any of these was the option that debtors had to pay their debts in either one or two metals and to have them freely coined for that purpose. This right was ruthlessly stricken down by the act of 1573. Yet this act was onlv technieal, not practical! Mind, I don't say it was not just and wise and evidence of the highest states manship in those wiio brought it about. I am not discussing that question now. I only say it wrought something more than a technical change in our monetary af fairs. I am equally surprised at your assertion that since the passage of the Bland act we have had honest, genuine bimetalism. 1 r.der the Bland act and since then, what figure has silver cut in our currency? Leaving out of consideration mere sub sidiary coin and considering for the time being that the government has correctly construed the law as requiring silver to be redeemed with gold in order to maintain parity. The government bought monthly a given amount of silver on which to stamp what were practically and in effect promises to pay gold dollars. Finding it a very cum bersome, inconvenient, easily counterfeit ed material on which to stamp such prom ises, it corded up most of the silver and stamped the promises on paper, a much better material for that purpose, and for some inscrutably wise reason the promise printed on the paper to an ordinary mind would be construed as a promise to pay silver dollars, but is treated by the gov ernment as a promise to pay gold, and in this state of affairs, when, as you truly say, every dollar in circulation is cither gold or something that represents gold, something convertible into gold, just ex actly as it would be if paper promises to pay gold took the place of our silver dol lars, when the only possible measure of values we have is gold—the only metal en titled to coinage is gold—the only second ary or quasi money is something convert ible into gold, you say we have honest, genuine bimetalism. 11 may be all right, but to call such a system honest, genuine bimetalism almost takes my breath away. Another position of yours surprises me, viz., that in order to have genuine bimet alism the two metals must actually circu late side by side as currency. I assert that in a money system based on coin as measure of values, whether monometallic or bimetallic, it is neither necessary or desirable that the coin should go into general circulation as currency. Paper promises to pay coin, amply se cured, are more convenient and more economical for that purpose. The oflice of coin in such a system is to measure values and furnish a safe basis for the issue of secondary paper money. The coin itself should mainly lie in banks and treasuries, where it will not wear out and where it is known to be on hand as reserves to re deem paper when called for. All that a successful system of bimetallism requires is free coinage of both metals at a reason able ratio, either coin being full legal ten der in satisfaction of all money obliga tions. All this wc had till the act of 1573. Trusting that you will give further and more careful study to the money problems, and finally starting from sound premises reach sound conclusions, I remain very truly yours, O. P. STEARNS. Duluth, Aug. 7. GOOD ADVICE. Populists Should Patronize Populist Pn pers. To the Editor: Dear Sir—Tn the Repreentative of Aug. 1, 1891, I read Mr Fisk's advice to Popu lists relative to supporting the plutocratic publications. I am in sympathy with Mr. Fisk on this question. I fail to see how a man claiming lo be a Populist can con sistently support such papers as use their columns to defame and hence weaken our party. As well might a man support the devil, expecting thereby to reach heaven, or strike his mother to retain her love! We meet Populists daily who say they cannot do much to help our cause. I gen erally ask such If they are taking any in dependent papers, and as a rule they an swer, "No.” What paper do you take?” "Oh, the Tribune or Journal,” is the re ply. My Populist friend, hove many Rep resentatives will you find in the offices of the s.hylocks or of the plutocrats? Not many. And if some missionary of the THE REPRESENTATIVE. WEDNESDAY, AUG. 15, 1894. Populists should mail them one, as soon as they saw the headlines it would be con signed to the waste basket, if not the stove. But you will keep their rot in your house and pay your dollar a year, and then tell us you can't do anything to help our cause. For the sake of your children, for the sake of millions yet unborn, drop those papers. Call to your minds the struggle at Pullman and Chicago, and how those papers slandered that grand man, Eugene Debs, and his noble helpers. Think of how they lauded Pullman and King C leveland, and then ask yourself if you can still support such papers and still claim to be a friend of labor. S. E. HAIGHT. Milton, N. D., Aug. 8. TIIE PILLMAX STRIKE. Logical Ciini-liiMlon* Deducted From To the Editor:— The logical conclusion flowing from the recent strike was a resort to the doctrine of self defense or is the application of the ballot to rtmedy the wrongs which caused it, and to know whether or not this is the correct conclusion, the major and minor premise must be found from the fac.s and circumstances which have hap pened and transpired. The doctrine of seif defense embraces the right to repel force by force, and if the adverse force is not apparent, but se cret, such as a conspiracy of managers and tai.roads to assist and protect the cause or causes which provoked the strike that doctrine extends to the punishment of the person or corporation which personifies that cause and directed it, and that means the destruction or abrogation of the means or instrumentalities which that personified cause, weilded—namely, the destruction of the Pullman corporation. If it is true that the courts combined by subservient judges and grand juries to prohibit and punish men from exercising the tight to quit work and to peaceably induce others to do the same, then the strikers have no remedy or redress but to rosoy to self defense and self preserva tion. If it is true that the railroads and other corporate influences secretly or otherwise assisted and conspired with the Pullman company tor the same purpose and to pro cure the action of the courts in the unlaw tui act in subverting the rights of the strikers to quit and persuade others to do the same, then these agencies are ac complices of depriving the men of their right and as the men cannot appeal to the courts to sustain their constitutional right to strike, it logically follows that they must resort to self defense. If these two facts are true, and it is as sumed that such cannot now- be doubted, then the rule of self defense should have been applied to the removal of the cause which produced this resistance and subver sion of this right which means the removal or destruction of the Pullman corporation by any means within the power of the men, because to obtain a logical remedy, the cause which required the remedy, should be abrogated, in which case the allies oi this cause, will then disentegrate and will not become an independent cause for fear of tiie same remedy. The rule of law and of right applicable to the condition of labor and capital which then and now exists is that bolli have the light to lawfully organize for lawful pur poses, and that labor has the right to work or quit work whenever the laborer, indi vidually or collectively, desires to do so. I he principle is self evident that a mail has the right to work or quit work when ever he pleases, and if he has violated any contract in quitting work when he should not have done so, he is only amenable to the civil law in an action for damages for tiie breach of his contract. This right is guaranteed to every man by the constitu tional provision of the inviolability of con tracts, and it makes no difference if the quitting work stops the interstate com merce law or the law for the transporta tion of mails, or any other law. It is a constitutional right, and no law can inter fere with it. The same rule applies when a man be longs to an organization, because the or ganization, or. as it were, the aggregation, is only the individual voice of each member consolidated. This, then, is the doctrine of force to maintain a right and prevent the subversion of that right when there ex ists no legal means to protect and enforce it. If a right is ignored by the constitu ted authorities erected to protect that right, there is no remedy but self-defense and self-preservation which is identically the principle that caused the American revolution. The men aid not carry their cause to the logical conclusion because of the alleged public sentiment which was well known to have come from the same quarters which caused the corporate influ ences to produce the strike, and on the other hand, had this matter been driven to its logical conclusion and acted upon, the men would have had little to fear from this corporate influence for some years to come. THE REMEDY The remedy now is, to send trusty and intellectual men to the legislatures to enact laws regulating and limiting the powers of corporations. The immediate and effective remedy is a law for compulsory arbitration and a law requiring skilled labor lor skilled work. The first should be framed to come within the constitutional principles govern ing the redress of wrongs, and controlling the judiciary, and the language should be so juridically precise that the court cannot render its operation abortive, because the judiciary is generally controlled by the moneyed power. The law requiring certain skilled qualifi cations to perform skilled labor, and an examination by a board directly from the people comes within the right to regulate the safety for travel, as is now done with respect to engineers and locomotive boilers. By having a skilled standard for each class, conductors, engineers, brakemen, firemen and switchmen, and a voice in making that standard and the board which directs the execution of the law, the men can have a voice in or control the source of supply from whence the railroads fill the places of the men when they strike, and it is not known that they ever struck for an unjust cause. The men who are in the. business at the time of the enactment of the law would not be disturbed be cause this would infringe on the doctrine of vested rights. The places of those who would strike could not be filled without an examination of the qualifications required, and this would take considerable time. In deed, if such a law were properly framed, the place of a striker could not be filled without having had the same knowledge and experience of the particular road which the striker had. and this would limit the filling of such places by promotion and apprenticeship. For instance, if the law prescribed that an engineer to be compe tent to run on a certain division must not only know how to handle an engine, but must konw the topography of that division, and all the branches, switches, stations, crossings and time tables, etc., then when that engineer struck, it would be very difficult to fill his j)lace. The same principle applies to all the classes, and the principle which governs the enact ment of such a law is that for the men to protect themselves, they must limit or con trol the source or means by which their places may be supplied. This would limit the railroads’ power to substitute in case of a strike, and the men would have but two points to watch, namely, the loyalty of their own men and that the hoard which measured the standard of employment was in close touch with themselves, which means the people. If the wage earner will concentrate to force this law in this state at the ensuing election, it is self-evi dent that you will have the railroads where they should be, towit, in a place where they can do no harm. It should be self evident that to win a strike, the adverse party’s resources must be first limited, so that the strikers can control such re sources. or that such resources are not superior to the resources of the men. GOODHIE COUNTY Tho People's Party Is on tlie Gain There. To the Editor I have been looking around the county a little within the last few days, and one of the results is the enclosed list of subscrib ers for The Representative. Goodhue has always been a strong Republican county and It Is notably too much to expect to overturn it this year, bpt I think we can reasonably expect a eohsinerable increase this year over Mr. Owen’s vote four years ago, when he received 1 J abpVit one-fifth of the vote of the county. I find some men who recently became divided Populists and many others who are tinc&tain. The un certain ones I work foy a to The Representative or’ Fafm, Stock and Home, and usually get thOn, if they are not already anil that I con sider- a long step in the right direction. I have not met a Democrat that claims to ex pect anything for their “party this year and the evident intention of the St. Paul Globe ring to secure the defeat of Owen if possi ble by electing Nelson Ys Having a whole some effect on the minds (if many of the voters. W. FULKERSON. Zumbrota, Minn. I. . / FROM ST. PAIL. Tiie People's Party |« Vp n nil D:t --i«8. To the Editor: The Central Club of the People's party meet at Stahl’s Hall tonight with a hall well filled. The First, Second, Fifth, Eighth and Ninth wards all reported from one to three clubs organized in each, and the other wards all reported that clubs were about to be organized within the coming week A plan of organization for a cen tral club to be composed of one delegate from each People's party cl»b in Ramsey county and one delegate for each '-’5 members was agreed on, and the first meeting of such delegates was called to meet on Thursday night, the 16th inst., at People’s Party Club Hall on Michigan street, near the corner of Michigan and \\ est Seventh street. To the Editor The following was brought before the meeting by President Prendergast, and at his request action on the proposition was postponed in order to give time for consid eration of the subject: "This club recom mends to the county convention of the Peo ple s party that all candidates for legisla tive offices be required to pledge themselves that they will favor a constitutional amendment to be submitted to the people of this state providing that all office hold ers and employes of the state, counties or cities who draw salaries shall not be al lowed to participate in elections or can vass the vote during their official term, or during their time of employment.” We say down here let us make public officers and employes public servants truly. They are too proud to be acting the part of masters and teachers, using the funds of the people to the detriment of public inter ests. Tiie club in the Eighth ward meets tomorrow night, in the First ward Satur day, in the Second Monday. We are not going to allow our Minneapolis People’s party brothers to give the People’s party ticket its largest majority in Hennepin county. Make way for Ramsey county. St. Paul, Aug. 9. POPULIST. CHAPTERS ON SILVER. Written for the Chii-ago Times tiy Hon. 11. G. Miller. V. The parties to the present controversy for the restoration of silver to its former position as a money metal are the owners of money and money obligations on the one side and those who use money in prose cuting our industries and giving employ ment to labor on the other side. It is the interest of the former that the value of purchasing power of money should be increased, and of the latter that the mon ey value or prices of the products of in dustry should be increased, or at least that they should not be diminished. As the prices or commodities and other forms of property are controlled by the volume of money in use or circulation, and as they accordingly occupy opposite scales in the balance, exact justice to all parties in terested requires the continuance of an oven scale; that the volume of money should be kept commensurate with the de mands of increasing trade and commerce. \\ hile this continues values created by giv ing utility to matter by changing it into forms adapted to the sustenance and en joyment of mankind will be fairly distrib uted to the agencies, labor and capital, that create them; and the burdens of in debtedness will remain unchanged; for there will be returned to the lender ot money the exact equivalent of the sum he parted with. It is said in the bullion report laid before the house of commons, England, June 10. 1810: “The most detailed knowledge of thi actual trade of the country, combined with the profound science in all the principles of money and circulation, would not enable any man or set of men to adjust and keep always adjusted the proportion of the cir culating medium in a country to the wants of trade.” This problem can only be solved by resorting to nature’s treasury. It would seem that an allwise providence has designated the two metals, gold and silver, as the circulating medium of man kind for the express purpose of accom plishing this object. During all the pre ceding centuries they have been money metals, and for this reason they have been known as “the precious metals.” The in crease in their yield has never been simul taneous. The subsidence of one of them has been accompanied or followed by an increase of the other, and their joint pro duct has been year by year enlarging and has never exceeded the wants of the com mercial world. During the excessive inflow of gold from the mines of California and Australia there was the same outcry against gold that there is now against silver, and the utter worthlessness of the yellow metal for monetary use in consequence of its im pending superabundance was freely pre dicted. The German states, including Aus tria, demonetized gold and adopted silver as their monetary standard in 1857. France was vehemently urged to also demonetize gold. But she did not listen to these ap peals, but steadily pursued her course and had the satisfaction of witnessing the vivifying effects of this shower of gold up on her own industries and the industries of other nations. VI. It is the uniform testimony of history that no single agency has contributed so much to the happiness and prosperity of our race as the enlargement of the world’s money stock by the inflow of the precious metals from its mines. The gradual ex haustion of the ancient mines was accom panied by a corresponding decline in in dustrial and commercial activity, caused by a steady and continuous fall in the val ues or prices of the products of industry. During this period the volume of the world’s money stock, reckond in our cur rency, fell from $1,800,000,000 to less than $200,000,000, and we are Informed by Dr. Adam Smith that in the year 1455 the price of wheat in England was less than 2 pence per bushel. To this agency more than any other is attributed by the historian Alison the settling down upon Europe during the middle ages of the mantle of darkness which separates the civilization of the an cient from that of the modern world. Owing to an increase of its money stock from the treasury of the new world. West ern Europe awoke from its profound leth argy and entered upon a career of industri al prosperity and industrial activity it never knew before. Jevons says, page 325. “Money and Mechanism of Exchange,” that from 1809 to 1849 gold rose in its rela tion to commodities < “in the extraordinary ration of 100 to 245, or 145 per cent, render ing government annuities and all fixed pay ments extending over this period about 2% times as valuable as they were in 1509.” Of this period Alison in his history says: “If the circulation of the worid had re mained stationary or declining, as it was from ISIS to 1819, from the effects of South American revolutions and English legisla tion, the necessary result must have been that it would become altogether inade quate to the wants of man. and not only would industry have been everywhere cramped, but the price of produce would have universally and constantly fallen. Money would have every day become more valuable, other articles measured in money less so, and debts acid taxes would have been constantly increasing in weight and oppression. The fate that crushed Rome in ancient and all but crushed Great Britain in modern times would have been that of the whole family of mankind. All these evils have been entirely obviated, and the A FARMER. opposite set of blessings introduced by the opening of the great reserve treasuries of California and Australia.” Mr. Hunter, chairman of the finance com mittee of the senate. In presenting to that body in 1852 a measure for changing the ratio in respect to our minor silver coins, by reducing the weight of pure silver in them about 8 per cent, in order that they might be kept here, and not melted down and sent abroad, said in his report; “Of ail the great effects produced upon human so ciety by the discovery of America, there were probably none so marked as those brought about by the great influx of the precious metals from the new world to the old European industry had been declining under the decreasing stock of the precious metals and an appreciating standard, of value. Human industry has grown dull un der the paralyzing influences of declining profits and capital absorbed nearly all thit should have been divided between it and labor. But an increase of the precious met als in such quantity as to check this ten dency operated as a new motive power to the machinery of commerce. “Production was stimulated by finding the advantage of a change in the standard upon its side. Instead of being repressed by having to pay more than it had stipu lated for the use of capital it was stimu lated by paying less. Capital, too, was ben efited, for new' demands were created for it by the new uses which a general move ment in industrial pursuits had developed; so that it lost a little by a change in the standard it gained much more in the greater demand for its use, which added to its capacities for reproduction and its leal value." He denounced the adoption of either one of the metals alone, saying; “The mischief would be great, indeed, if all the world were to adopt but one of the precious met als as the standard of value. To adopt gold alone w'ould diminish te specie currency moie than one-half, and the reduction the other way, should silver silver be taken as the only standard, would be large enough to prove highly disastrous to the human ra<e - HENRY G. MILLER. July 8, 1894. "HO ARE THE AXARCHISTS f Ail Address Delivered by M. W. Chunn ft Luverne, Minn If we follow definition 3 in the “Century Dictionary” and designate as an anarchist “any person who promotes disorder or ex cites revolt against an established rule, law or custom,” then it is plain that some of America’s grandest patriots were an archists. The American revolution of 1770 was a revolt against the established rule of George 111. it was as great an act of treason to dispute the right of Great Brit ain’s flag to wave over the soil of America as it was to dispute its right to wave over the soil of the mother country. Were the American patriots of 1776, who threw off the tyrannical rule of George 111. and laid the foundation of a new' and better gov ernment, real anarchists and promoters of lawlessness? Was not George 111. himself by virtue of his repeated injuries and usurpations the real anarchists? The American patriots overturned cruel and unjust law. George 111. overturned hu mane and just law. t Among other provisions of the omnibus bill passed by congress in 1850 was the fugitive slave law. This law went so far in its arrogance and barbarity as to com mand the citizens of the republic to assist in the capture and return of runaway slaves to their masters. As judged front the strictly legai standpoint, the liberty loving men and women of the North who excited revolt against the iniquitous law of 18i0 were anarchists. But who were tin real anarchists of 1850? They were the Southern slaveholders, who dictated th( provisions of the fugitive slave law; they 'vote the cowardly members of congress who voted for the passage of that damna ble law; they' were the miserable cravens of the Northern states who endeavored to enforce that inhuman law. 1 trust that if 1 bad lived in a free-soil state in 1850 I should have had the courage to defy both state and federal authorities if they had come to demand a slave who had lied to me for refuge, and to die, if need be, in defense of the liberty of a fellow man. The test of good citizenship is not obedi ence to whatever laws the legislative branch of government may see fit to en act. It is only the tyrant who counsels absolute obedience on the part of citizens to the laws of the land, whether such laws be human or inhuman, moral or immoral. Higher than any legislative enactment yea, higher than any provision of state or federal constitution, the good citizen places the moral law. The good citizen would rather suffer fine or imprisonment or death itself as the penalty for violating the law of the land than suffer loss of conscience or manhood as the penalty of violating the moral law. To even the casual observer it is plain that there are in the United States today thousands of men, women and children whose condition is no better than that of the African slaves fifty years go. I do not wish to detract one jot or tittle from the accursed influence intemperance has had as an enslaver of mankind. Intemper ance has begotten a vast army of slaves and paupers, but an unjust land tenure and an iniquitous financial policy have begotten as vast an army of slaves and paupers as has intemperance. I am not the man to join in an indiscriminate de nunciation of capital. Capital is nothing more than labor stored up and saved. The difficulty in the problem of labor and cap ital is that the world has reversed the true relations between them. It has regarded labor as dependent on and inferior to capi tal, while in teality capital is dependent on and inferior to labor. Let us take a glance at the condition of labor in some parts of the United States in 1894—31 years after the issuing of the emancipation proclamation. We visit the coal mines of Pennsylvania, and we find, a heartless syndicate paying its men barely wages enough to keep body and soul to gether. The syndicate, not content with exacting long hours of labor from its men in exchange for the miserable pittance it offers them, establishes stores at which its men are forced to trade, or to suffer the penalty of being discharged. When you own the coal mine in which a man delves, the house that shelters himself and family, the store at which he is forced to trade, and to crown the iniquity, you are able to keep his wages at such a point that neither by hook nor crook can he get one dollar ahead, what more would it profit you if you owned the body of the man? Pet us glance briefly at the way some of the railroads treat their employes. The Suothern Pacific road had instituted the most rigid system of espionage over its employes. The company fined the employes so heavily upon the slightest pretext that the fines a man had to pay in a month often swallowed up his entire wages for the month. The courts of law, in this case at least, being owned by the railroad corpora tion, the employes could get no redress therein. The only hope of bettering their condition lay in joining in the sympathetic strike. The railroad corporation summoned to its aid state and federal troops. The backbone of the strke was broken, and the employes were forced by circumstances again to do the bidding of their overbearing masters. The state authorities, instead of sending the militia to coerce the striking employes, ought to say to the railway managers: "Gentlemen, you are public ser vants, and as such it is obligatory on vou to do your duty to the public. The people are compelled to suffer great inconvenience as the result of your suspension of railroad traffic. You must run your trains within 48 hours or forfeit vour charter. ’ There is no moral law to justify a railroad coipora tion in robbing the traveling public <f their rights as a result of the corporation’s des potic dealings with its employes. Again, it is hardly necessary to say to you what you know already, that our na tional law-making body has been for jears in secret or open partnership with trusts and monopolies that are antagonistic to the interests of the common people. Ccxey marches to Washington with a few hundred followers, and attempts to read a petition from the steps of the capital. He is ar rested in consequence. Havemeyer, the president of the sugar trust, rides to Wash ington in a palace car and virtually tells the United States senate that he is willing to pay them if they vill allow him the privilege of defrauding the American people of $49,000,000 or $50,000,000 a year. He gets what he wants in the way of a protective tariff and goes home rejoicing. If last spring the American people had marched to Washington a hundred thousand strong and ousted the senate from the legislative hall, I verily believe the shades of Thomas Jefferson and of Abraham Lincoln would have applauded their action. I have said enough to show you who are the real anarchists in the United States to day. They are the men who skulk behind the law of the land, while in all their deal ings with fellowmen they trample into the mire the moral law. I hope that the social and political revolution that must surely come in this country before many years will be ushered in without the shedding of blood. I do not wish to see a repetition of the events of 1776 or 1861. I would rather see this new revolution that every student of the times feels is not far distant effected at the polls than on the battle field. HOADS "by They Sell Higher ill the I’nlteil Stiites. To the Editor Recently the municipality of Paris offer ed a loan of $40,000,000, and the total sub scriptions of the people amounted to $3,- 920,000,000, or nearly' 100 times more than was desired. When the United States wanted $50,000,000 it had to cater to the bankers. The rate of interest to be paid in both cases was about the same. Now, why should America be humiliated by the least doubt about the bonds being taken prompt ly when Paris was surfeited w'ith offers of money-? The credit of America is certainly as good as that of Paris. There is but one answer to the question. France has a per capita circulation of money much greater than that of America. The figures given by accredited authorities are France $-16, America $24 per capita, but on account of our peculiar national banking system, the real per capita circulation is less than $6. In France the bonds are issued in small denominations and as a result are taken by the people, while in America the bonds are in large denominations and can only be subscribed for by bankers. Is it not time for the voters to wake up on this important subject? We want congressmen and senators who will repeal the present unjust national banking system (a system devised wholly in the interest of the money powers) and substitute in its place some thing like the equitable banking system outlined in the Representative of July 11, a system which will give the common peo ple and those with limited means a chance to get a government bond bearing 3 per cent interest. If those bonds are good for the bankers and capitalists, I guess they are not too good for the work woman, la borer or farmer who happens to have SIOO to invest. This country has been legislat ing long enough in the interest of privi leged classes—corporations and bankers— and the tabooed classes—farmers and la boring men—are getting tired of the thing and are bound to kick themselves to the top. With Hon. S. M. Owen in the gover nor’s chair, backed by- a Populist legislat ure, I predict a. great change would come over the dreams of the Washburns, Pillsburvs, Merriams, Bier mans, Winstons, Hills and the "bosses” generally. Government ownerships of rail roads and telegraphs, with a high standard freight rate of $1.50 a ton regardless of distance to be carried, together with a flexible, safe, convenient and abundant cir culating medium of exchange, would give this country- such an era of prosperity as it has never seen. If the People’s Party is successful the “water” will be squeezed out of coriKiration stocks, transportation will be equalized and greatly- lowered, prices of farm produce increased and the cost of coal, oil, groceries, corn, beef, fruits, etc., cheapened. How can the pro ducers and consumers hesitate which wav to vote. C. B. MABEN. Minneapolis, Aug. 10. TO SOLDIERS. (let Dmvii Off tlio Fence and Vote ns You Shoot. To the Editor I am a Republican, or rather have been, for 30 years. I gave over four years of the prime of my life to the cause of Re publican principles. I don’t mean four years in office. Oh, no! But in carrying a knapsack and musket, fighting and win ning battles alongside of my other private comrades that crowned the heads of such men as Grant, Sherman. Sheridan anti others with laurels and glory and the highest civil offices in the land, to all of which they are welcome. But when I read if how our beloved Senator Washburn sneaked a bill through congress that robbed several hundred poor squatters on the Mississippi bottoms of valuable land and appropriated it to his own selfish use then 1 say: "Come, general; come down off your high horse. You, too, C. K. Davis, take your place in the rear rank.” Now come the Pillsburys and threaten to stop the city from getting water out of the river. Now, if Jim Hill or some other high roller will just rise up and shut off our wind all we can do will be to gasp and die. Shall they- do it? I say. no. Now, comrades, I have got down off the fence, where 1 have been for about six weeks looking back at my dear old Republican party, and thinking about our God-blessed old leaders—Lincoln, Trumbull, Thad Stevens, O. P. Morton and others like them. But, Lord, boys, they are not our leaders now. Harrison and Blaine were good felows; but Blaine is dead, and Har rison is also, politically. Yes, 1 am down off the fence on the Populist side, but with my hand on the top rail, waiting to see if it is fusion with the Democrats or not. If it is fusion, then back on top of the fence 1 go, and there I’ll sit and vote for the best man, regardless of party. Don’t be uneasy about your pensions, boys. Re member, they are vested rights now; be sides we have worlds of friends among the People's party. But keep your hands on the fence in case of fusion. As for me, I will never vote for any man or set of men that claims to have a better right to the waters that flow in the rivers of Min nesota than I or my children have. Just as well say that it is by their grace that we are allowed to breathe. No, give me the liberty for which we fought and won, or give me a life in the spirit realm. C'ome on. boys, and let’s fight it out on this new line. if it takes all summer. Minneapolis, Aug. 9. PRICES OP WHEAT. A Comparative Statement Issued l»y the Railroad Commission ST. PAUL, Aug. 6.—The following state ment has ben issued by the railroad and warehouse commission showing the price of No. 1 hard wheat at Duluth as compared with the actual sale of 16,000 bushels of the same in Liverpool on July 24, 1894, for delivery "c. i. f.” in London: Cents. July 24 —Price per bushel No 1 hard in Duluth 57.25 Duluth elevator charges, weighing and inspection 01.30 Lake freight and insurance, Duluth to Buffalo 01.85 Buffalo elevator charges, commissions, etc ,01.00 Canal freight and insurance, Buffalo to New York 03.00 New York elevator charges, etc-., viz. weighing, transferring, demurrage, towing, trimming, etc 01.50 Ocean freight and insurance, New York to London 05.25 Loss in weight, Duluth to London 00.50 Cost in London, e. i. f 71.65 July 24—2,000 quarters (16,000 bushels) sold in Liverpool for London' delivery c i. f. (cost, freight and insurance) at 24 shillings per quarter (or 72 cents _ per bushel) 72.00 Gain per bushel in transaction about 1-3 cent 00.35 lloen Made a Kick WASHINGTON, I). C., Aug. 12.—Attorney J. A. Kellogg, of Minneapolis, about a week ago secured the passage of a bill through congress authorizing the secretary of the interior to approve the lease made by an old Chippewa chief, Mon-Si-Moh, to a mill-site at Thief River Falls. The lease was made to Ray W. Jones, one of the young lumber men of Minneapolis. The land is in Con gressman Boen’s district, but the bill was introduced and passed through the house by Congressman Hopkins, of Illinois. This made lloen mad and he went to the Indian office and asked that the whole matter be held up. Boen says he has learned that Mon-Si-Moh was drunk at the time the lease was signed, and further that the no tary public who appears on the lease is a saloon keeper who furnished the Indian with drink before he signed the lease. Boen has made formal protest, and as the matter of approving of the lease is discretionary with the secretary of the interior it may be held up for investigation. THE RAILWAY PROBLEM. Renolntionii Looking Toiviiimln Gov- WASHINGTON, D. C., Aug. 12.—THE] TRIBUNE several days ago noted the fact that Congressman Haugen, of Wisconsin, had prepared a resolution instructing the house committee on interstate and foreign commerce to look into the matter of regu lating the railway business of the country. Mr. Haugen says the time is at hand when something must be done with the railway problem. Personally, he inclines to tha views of A. B. Stiekney, of St. Paul, who in his work on “The Railway Problem,” takes an advanced position, considering that he is not a theoretical reformer, though a great practical railway manager. Mr. Haugen believes the transportation business to be a public business, and as such the public has a right and the gov ernment has a duty to see that no quarrel between the managers of the roads and their employes is permitted to delay or hinder the road in its public function. The resolution which Mr. Haugen has introduced recites the several arguments against the railways as at present man aged and in his preamble a strong argu ment for an investigation is made. Whereas, The railway system of the country is an indispensable factor in the progress of our civilization and its unin terrupted activity necesary to the very ex istence of life itself; and Whereas, Frequent strikes and conse quent interruption of traffic on the rail ways of the country offer conclusive proof of the absolute inability of unassisted pri vate enterprise to control the immense forces necesary to render the service to which the public is at all times entitled and which by their public charters and the exercise of the right of eminent do main the railways have bound themselves to perform; and Whereas, The suspension of interstate commerce recurring with alarming fre quency, entails untold losses upon all classes of the population in the lowering of prices and destruction of tlie property of the producer, and in enhancing prices, if not absolutely cutting off the supply, to the consumer, besides ttie direct danger ta life and health; and Whereas, Transportation is essentially a public and not a private business, and so acknowledged by railway managers, when ever they are beset with difficulties which compel them to ask for piotection from the public authorities; and Whereas, The railway service is contin ually becoming more and more demorai lized by the want of good faith on the pari of railway managers towaids each other, towards investors in their stocks, towards the public and towards their employes, to an extent that it has become notorious that American railways are being operated for the personal aggrandizement of the men engaged in their active management without reference to the interests of in vestors or the legal rights of communities and individuals, to fair and equitable rates, that agreemnts between railway officials as to rates carry no moral weight for their fulfillment, and that deception and evasion of law and of their own agree ments have become the highest recom mendation for preferment in the service; and Whereas, Discriminations in rates be tween shippers have in the past taken the place of honest competition and business ability, and industry and economy hava been compelled to yield to railway favorit ism; and Wheieas, Discriminating rates in favor of particular localities have set at naught natural advantages and have built up cities and congested population in a few’ great centers in violation of the natural health ful development of manufacturing and business in the smaller cities and towns and thus depriving large agricultural com munities of that immediate home market to which under natural development they would be entitled; therefore. Be it Resolved, That the committee on interstate and foreign commerce be in structed to investigate the causes of the evils now surrounding the question of in terstate commerce and to report to this house by bill or otherwise such amend ments to the present law or such new leg islation as will in their opinion tend to remove or ameliorate the evils now sur rounding this vital question, and to reisirt as to whether control by legislation snort of government ownership will suffice, and as to the advisability of enrollment into the public service of the United States of the officers and employes of the railways engaged in interstate commerce, in the same manner as officers and enlisted men are now’ enrolled and sworn into the mili tary service of the United States, and placing them under similar penalties for violation of their duties, and as to whether the powers necessary to be conferred upon officers of the Fnited States can be exer cised advantageously to the public by the war department as at present constituted, or through the interstate commerce com mission, or through the war department with the interstate commerce < ommissiorj as a legal advisory counsel, or whether a railway department shall be organized having the same general powers as similar departments exercise in many European countries, ami to report such other matte* as said committee may deem necessary td carry into effect any legislation proposed by it. These resolutions will lead of course to no immediate results, but may be an en tering wedge for important legislation. Provisions of tlie Measure as It \ou WASHINGTON, D. C., Aug. 13,-The sen ate bill, which the caucus action today (barring a presidential veto), insures as the law of the land in place of the Mc- Kinley bill, provides the following rates of duty upon the great staples which have been the bones of contention: All raw sugars, 40 per cent ad valorem; sugars above No. 16 (refined), % per cent aditionali sugars produced in bounty-paying coun tries, 1-10 per cent additional to these ratei, Hawaiian sugar is still free under tht reciprocity treaty. CCmPORA L. Iron ore, 40 cents per ton; pigs, $4 pel ton; iron or steel rails, 7-20 of 1 per cent per pound. Lead ore and dross, -14 of 1 per cent per pound; silver, lead bearinj ore, the same duty on the lead contained therein. Tobacco for wrappers, $1.50 pei pound unstemmed. $2.25 stemmed; eigarj and cigarettes, $4 per pound and 25 pei cent ad valorem. Coal, bituminous and large slack, 13 cents per ton. I’recioul stones, cut and unset, 25 per cent ad va lorem; set, 30 per cent; uncut, 10 per cent| glaziers’ and miners’ diamonds, free. Log! and sawed lumber and timber (save tropi cal woods), and wool are free. Tin plate, 1 1-15 cents per pound after Oct. 1. Marble, rough, 50 cents; dressed. S 5 cents per foot (cubic.) White and red lead, U-i cents per pound. Under the internal revenue sec tions of the bill, playing cards are taxed 2 cents a package. An income tax of 2 per cent on incomes above SI,OOO is provided for; also a tax on corporations of 2 per cent. Whisky is taxed sl.lO per gallon, and the bonded period is fixed at eight years. If I Should Lose Yon If I should lose you. sweetheart. And alone be doomed to tread The bleak and gloomy highway. With its flowers drooped and dead— I would feel one sweet emotion, That would quicken love anew. It would be that God’s own hlessinj Made me happy once, with you! If I should lose you, sweetheart. And the songs you sang to me Were but the faintest echo From the land of memory— They would cling and be my music. As in days when loving grew— I would listen, and in dreaming. Once more, sweetheart, be with yon' If I should lose you, sweetheart. And the touch of tefider lips Be denied me in the future As the weary waiting slips— I would kiss tlie rose you gave me. Gave me, crowned with spatkling dew, And its fragrance would forever Bring sweet thoughts to me of you! —Atlanta Constitution eminent Control THE RESOLUTIONS. TIIE TARIFF HILL. Stands, am