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The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, July 24, 1895, Image 1

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11 £l£j 1 YJLjg V Y lit/ tL. lijife
VOL. 111. NO. 13. WHOLE NO. 117.
No Pretense That It Has Been Or
Is To Be Carried Out.
(From New York World.
The statement in the World last
Wednesday that the plain letter of
the contract by which the Belmont-
Morgan bond syndicate reaped a profit
of about $12,000,000 had been violated
was met with denial by the acting
head of the treasury department at
Washington. Assistant Treasurer
Hamlin said: “There has been no
modification in the contract. The
provision that one-half of the gold
for the total amount of the loan shall
be brought from abroad is to be car
ried out.”
There is no longer any pretense
that the contract has been or is to be
literally carried out. It has been
radically modified for the profit of the
When the contract was made it was
for the placing of 3,500,000 ounces of
gold in the United States treasury.
At first the receiving clerks began
weighing the gold as it was handed
in at the assay office. This was
promptly checked, as it never was the
intention of the syndicate actually to
put in that weight in gold. The
right was claimed to put in American
coin as of full weight if above the
limit of tolerance. This mean a pos
sible concession of 17,500 ounces, or
over $350,000 worth of coin, if pay
ment were made in coin at the limit
erf- tolerance.
Then the designation of banks as
coin depositors practically put the
use of millions of government money
at the disposal of favored national
banks for many months. The Ameri
can contribution of the gold pur
chased by the government was
promptly paid in, and dollar for dollar
the bonds were passed out and inter
est on them began accruing.
Less than half the foreign gold sub
scribed for the bonds was actually im
ported. Instead the Belmont-Morgan
syndicate set out to prevent exports
of gold in the ordinary trade channels
When the price of exchange ran up
close to the gold export point, or even
above it, the American bond syndi
cate furnished paper drafts on their
foreign correspondents. The higher
the rates exacted the better for the
writers of the exchange, and it was
generally understood that any export
of coin in preference to taking the of
fered paper would make matters very
unpleasant for the exporters.
As most of the banking houses that
profit by gold shipments were inter
ested in the bond syndicate profits,
and none was courageous enough to
oppose the Morgan-Belmont-Roths
cliild operations, even if they could
do so profitably, there was a practical
union of all the financial giants to
prevent gold exports. The govern
ment had made the syndicate aboso
lute master of the exchange market.
For the bonds which were sold on
the other side, gold was paid by those
who took them after the bidding
there at 112. The original plan was
to have that gold come here, but the
syndicate preferred to keep the yellow
metal in the vaults of the Rothschild
and Morgan houses in Europe and
gather up the coin for the American
treasury from American banks.
It is now admitted by the partners
in the syndicate operation that the
original plan ha 9 been modified by the
treasury department at the request
of the syndicate, and it is added that
secretary Carlisle is highly gratified
at the success of the operation.
Tiie bond syndicate’s absolute mast
ery of the foreign exchange market is
conceded, and it is equally plain that
if the bankers have it in their power
to prevent gold exports absolutely
when it is profitable to do so the enor
mous exports of gold prior to the bond
contract were not wholly uninlluenced
by their operations and interests. At
all events the practical results are
these: The bond syndicate received
$65,000,000 in government 4 per cen:
bonds at about 104, which are sellin
in the open market for about 122
They and their associates have profit
ed about $12,000,000, and, although
they have not yet brought one-lialf of
the $65,000,000 from abroad, as was in
tended they should, they have stopped
fresh exports of gold from the United
Wall street is unanimous in its ad
miration of the bond-syndicate genius
—Mr. Morgan. It is said that at the
time of the contract every outlook
was blue, and the whole business
world, and particularly the specula
tive arena, was deluged with doubt
and gloom.
The sentimental effect of the gold
drainage was immense, and, with the
stoppage of that, a boom set in which
has meant millions to Wall street and
millions more to the bettered busi
ness outlook the country over. That
is the argument which was used to
justify the bond deal when it was
made at a rate entirely at variance
with the credit of the country and
which is now used to explain away all
modifications to which the contract
has been subjected.
In a formal statement made yester
day, one who was in the councils of
the syndicate from the start and who
speaks with inside authority, said:
“There has been no mystery in the
transaction, nor any need for any.and
there has been no misunderstanding
about it among well-informed men in
this city. Of course, if some men in
sist on making a mystery of the mat
ter I suppose they are not to be pre
vented from doing so. The matter,
however, is very simple. The govern
ment has received payment in full in
gold for all the bonds three months
before the syndicate could have been
compelled under its contract to pay
in the gold, and as a result the treas
ury reserve stands at the close of the
financial year at more than $107,000,-
000. True, the syndicate has appar
ently paid for $15,000,000 of the Euro
pean half of the bonds ($32,800,000)
with gold that was not specially im
ported by them for the purpose as
required by the contract, but the gov
ernment, acting through their repre
sentative, accepted that domestic
gold, and in doing so it is to be pre
sumed they thought they acted for
the best interests of the country.
And who shall say to the country?
“Since tiie contract was entered in
to with the syndicate not a dollar of
gold lias been exported, although it is
well known that but for the great
skill shown by the managers of the
syndicate, in what is termed haute
finance, many millions of dollars’
worth of gold would have been ex
“The contract with the syndicate is
still in force and that they will fulfill
it like honorable men is not to be
doubted for a moment. Whether that
fulfillment will require ithe importa
tion of more gold cannot be foretold,
but apparently not.”
Amount of Gold and Silver in the
If We Must Have “Hard” Money
Let Us Get All We Can Even If
It Is “Hard to Get—Let Us
Have Some Dumped
(Milwaukee Advance.)
Mr. Leech, director of the United
States mint, in his last official table
prepared for congressional use, gives
an itemized statement of all the gold
and silver money in the world, and
here are his figures: Goldj $3,727,018,-
869; silver, $3,820,571,346; total $7,547,-
590,215. The total gold in the world
does not exceed $2.51 per person, and
the total silver does not exceed $2.58 —
a total of both metals of $5.09 per
The debts of the United States have
been estimated at $55,000,000,000 —
then there is less than one dollar of
gold and silver in the whole world to
every seven dollars of debt in the
United States alone!
These figures are enough to make
on’s hair stand on end, when it is con
sidered that the Rothschilds alone
hold bonds enough to call in all the
gold of the world.
Grover Cleveland was right for once
when he said more expressively than
elegantly that the bankers have us
(the government) by the leg.
They have us by the throat and we
as a people like a pack of infernal
fools instead of forcing them to re
lease their grip are cheering for them
and helping them all we can.
Ex-Secretary of the Treasury Bout
well, writing to a friend in Washing
ton recently, concerning the income
tax decision, said:
“I count the decision the greatest
misfortune to the country since the
days of secession, and with less pros
pect of a satisfactory outcome. The
attempt to amend the constitution
'will prove a very serious undertaking.
I have had a part in three such at
tempts, and I have the means of
estimating the magnitude of the
task. It is no easy matter to secure
for an amendment a two-thirds vote
of each house, and then a ratification
of the amendment by three-fourths of
the states.
“The power to tax through the
states is a barren power, and it must
ever remain so. Our credit in the civil
war rested upon our ability to com
mand the property of the country as
well as its manhood. In*case of a for
eign war, with our custom-houses
closed, by what means could adequate
revenues be secured? Never were
more dangerous theories offered in
argument in a court. It is possible
that the minority of the court may
yet become a majority.”
In forcasting the probable solution
of these serious problems, Justice
Brown casts a still darker shadow
over the somber picture he has drawn
of the situation. He declares that
the corrupting influence of wealth is
more powerful here than in any other
country. And he sees but one avenue
of escape from tiie dangers that
threateu government:—ownership of
all natural monopolies, of all railways
and telegraphs and other franchises
properly belonging to the public.—N.
Y. World.
The booming good times in Kansas
are illustrated in a letter written by
Mr. Robert Curley a Scranton,Kansas,
miner to-the State Journal of Topeka
in which he says that his earnings for
the last month were $3.90 and for
this month have been $3. Mr. Curley
adds that the coal operators now say
there is no prospect of work being any
better for four or five months. He
says the people of that community do
not want charity, but want work, but
ir there is no work they will be forced
to accept charity to live.
Denies That it is a Repul yin
Paper—Calls it an Organ o f ±
British Gold Standard J*”
Editor of the Tribune:
It has never been my habit to air either
my views or my grievances, if I bad any
of the latter, in the newspapers; and I
have not departed from my custom during
the recent discussions of my bimetallic
opinions by the press, in the course of
which I have been purposely and shame
fully misrepresented and villified by the
organs of gold monometallism, like the
Pioneer Press, the Minneapolis Journal,
and The Tribune, masquerading in the
borrowed garments of bimetallism. I
must confess that the ardor of battle has
sometimes strongly moved me, when
reading the columns of these and similar
papers of the false statements, strained
inferences, and cruel strictures, with
which the avowal of my honest opinions
was received by them, and that it has now
and then been difficult to restrain an im
pulse to chastise some particularly flag
rant violation of decency, or to expose to
deserved ridicule some especially char
acteristic weakness or unfairness of argu
Nor is my object now to make up for
past self-control. I merely desire some of
your space to comment a little upon your
editorial of today in answer to my chal
lenge in the Pioneer Press and the Trib
une to a fair discussion of the relative
merits of gold monometallism and bimet
allism, which, for reasons best known to
yourselves, you have both discreetly de
You are quite right in your charitable
surmise that I have heard of that “aspir
ing youth” of Ephesus who burned up the
temple, and who “outlives in fame the
pious fools who reared it.” But your
dictionary of quotatins misled the erudite
scribe to whom was assigned the pastime
of answering my proposal. Your meta
phor identifies the Republican party with
the Ephesian temple. Pray tell me who
were the pious fools who reared the Re
publican party? Do you mean such
statesmen as Abraham Lincoln, William
H. Seward, Horace Greeley, and James
G. Blaihe, who believed in the equal treat
ment of gojd and silver? You had no
such reference, of course. You merely
meant to accuse me, in a way that struck
you as being smart and “literary,” of be
ing a destructionist, and bent on “tear
ing down * * * * the grand. old
Republican party.”
This is not the first time that you have
impunged my Republicanism. I deny
your right to sit irf judgement on any
body’s Republicanism. You are not a Re
publican journal. You are an organ of
the British gold standard, and you belong
to a conspiracy, whether tacit or formal
I care not, to deceive the great loyal and
patriotic organization to which you false
ly proclaim allegiance, into support of the
most ruinous economic heresy of modern
times. And you will fail. You vffl! fail
wholly and ignominiously. The people
are becoming informed, and will not long
remain blind to your sham pretences for
bimetallism. If once you were to come
out openly for the single gold standard
the indignation of an outraged party
would not endure your advocacy for an
hour. The Republican hosts made a pro
tectionist of the Pioneer Press, and they
will yet either make The Tribune a bi
metallist or repudiate it.
Now, sir, what is bimetallism? Until
within a year there never has been any
doubt about it since the word was coined.
The prefix “bi” means “two,” and bimet
allism is merely two-metallism, and sig
nifies the treatment of the two metals,
gold and silver, exactly alike as money,
having equal acces to the mint and equal
right, at a proper ratio, in the satisfaction
of debts. I defy you to show any economic
authority for your absurd contention that
bimetallism is now in force in the United
States, or that the word was ever under
stood in economic or political discussion
to mean any thing substantially different
from its difinition, as above given. This
year John Sherman, in his speech before
the Ohio convention, and the gold news
papers generally since, have sought to
disguise their surrender to the British
standard by defining bimetallism as a
system where one metal is redeemed in
the other! —an unheard of, preposterous
definition, without warrant in history or
common sense. You say: “The country
now enjoys practical bimetallism.” The
statement that it is bimetallism is just as
true as that the country “enjoys” it.
In his recent book on “Monetary Sys
tems of the Wortd,” Mr. Muhlman, dep
uty assistant United States treasurer, at
New York, himself a gold monometallist,
thus defines this term:
“By bimetallism, jstrictly defined, is
meant the free and unlimited coinage of
both gold and silver into coins of full
debt-paying power. Not the mere use
of the double standard, but the actually
open mints on the terms above given.
No country in the world is, therefore, bi
metallic today, since those conditions do
not now exist anywhere.” The Republi
can party in declaring, as it did in 1884
and in 1892, in favor of bimetallism, was
not foolishly wasting time in calling for
what we already had, but was demanding
a return to the old and tried system of
the equal treatment of both gold and sil
ver. In advocating any other system you
are “tearing down the grand old Republi
can party.” It is you and not I that ought
to get out of the party.
Let it be conceded that there are differ
ences of opinion on the method of reach
ing bimetallism. Clearly there are such
differences. But between believers in the
same object there ought to be no argu
ment except as to thet means. Why,
therefore, are you constantly employing
arguments, and citing with violent appro
val those used by others, whose only pur
pose is to glorify the single standard?
How Demonetized Silyer Builds Up
India and Bankrupts America.
Why Our Wheat Is Fifty Cents a
(The Philadelphia American.)
Working in the interest of the trad
ing classes and prompted by selfish
motives, it was, during the greater
part of the eighteenth century, the
great aim of British statesmen to se
cure to the mother country the mon
opoly of trade with her colonies. Fol
lowing the dictates of the traders she
interdicted all foreign commerce with
her colonies, it being her constant en
deavor to force the thirteen colonies
of North America to trade with Brit
ish traders and with them alone.
The only market legally opened to the
products of the colonies was the Brit
ish market and they were restricted
for their purchases. There was demand
in France for American products, and
demand in America for French pro
ducts and the products of the Orient,
but these mutual demands could only
be satisfied through the medium of
British traders,
At the same time American domes
tic manufactures were interfered
with and even trade between the dif
ferent colonies prohibited. Thus the
consumer was separated from the
producer, and all were forced to trade
through the Britih monopolist, who
taxed the producer when he bought
and the consumer when he sold.
Against this interference with trade,
this attempt to make them the sub
jects, the drudges and slaves of Eng
land, the patriots of the thirteen
colonies revolted and threw off the
British yoke.
Thus Britain failed in her effort to
rule the American people without re
gard to their own welfare and for the
benefit of British monopolists. The
effort was made openly, was seen and
was foiled. But although baffled in
their first attempt, the English mon
opolists were not disheartened; they
were not ready to surrender the rich
est harvest in the world without a
further struggle. Seeing the impos
sibility of succeeding openly and by
force they have worked slowly, care
fully and clandestinely. TheirattacL
not having been spen, has not been
met, and now tney are in the very act
of fastening their clutches on the peo
ple for all time and making their posi
tion impregnable.
Yet the American people silently
permit themselves to be led astray by
false leaders! They who pride them
selves on their vaunted freedom and
liberty, they who poured out their
blood like water for the abolition of
chattel slavery, to free 4,000,000 of
negro slaves, now submit to the ex
tortions of monopolies and trusts
that control the necessaries of life
with the result that the wage-earners
can only have access to them on the
terms of the monopolist! The same
American people bend their knees to
the worst form of slavery—slavery
much worse than negro bondage, more
heartless, more degrading than chat
tel slavery in its darkest form.
Silently, Americans, men who would
willingly sacrifice life and property for
the maintenance of the mere name of
Liberty, aid the British traders and
those with alien interests in America
to fasten the yoke of slavery on their
necks. Unknowingly they play into
England’s hands. What England
coula never accomplish openly she is
accomplishing silently and with the
aid of the very Americans who pride
themselves on their patriotism.
By the destruction of our industrial
and financial independence, our politi
cal independence is being under
mined, our people are being reduced
to the condition of the English work
man who has long been preyed upon
by the English creditor classes and de
graded to a condit ion of abject slavery
through the unequal distribution of
wealth—a condition eloquently de
scribed by John Ruskin when he said:
“Though England is deafend with
spinning wheels, her people have not
clothes; though she is black from the
digging of coal, they die of cold; and
though she has sold her soul for gain,
they die of hunger.”
To this condition America is rapidly
being reduced. At the bidding of the
English creditor classes we demone
tized silver, doubled the burden of
our debts, and inaugurated a system
that has caused a ruinous fall of
prices, resulting in the reduction of
thousands of honest laborers to pau
perism that a few rich aliens might
gain—a system that has destroyed our
industrial as well as our financial in
depence by breaking down the protec
tive tariff Blind to all our true in
terests, the United States, the great
est silver producing country in the
world, discarded silver as a money
metal with the result that silver fell
59 per cent. So we sell to England
our silver at about 50 cent on the dol
lar (67 cents an ounce),—silver that
England must have to carry on her
eastern trade; silver which goes as
far in China or India to-day as it did
when England was paying us $1.29 an
ounce, with the result that the price
of American wheat and American cot
ton has been forced down with the
fall in silver. By demonetizing silver
we placed the lever in England’s
hands with which to fix the price of
our products.
“Why,” writes Mr. W. O. Peeples,of
Chattanooga, Tenn., in a recent pam
phlet, “why should England be allow
ed to come here and buy our silver
bullion at about 50 cents on the dollar
and ship it to India, and swap the 50
cents’ worth of bullion for a bushel of
wheat, and thus bring American
wheat down to 50 cents?”
Is it not clear how America would
directly gain by a rise in silver? Why
wheat and cotton rose immediately
after the recent rise in silver? Yet
we sacrifice our interests that the
creditor classes, not the producing
classes, of Great Britain may gain.
We force down the price of silver
with which England buys her food
and cotton, and, consequently, force
down the price of our wheat and cot
ton; we double the burden of our
debt; we exclude our products from
the markets of silver-using countries,
while we hold out inducements to the
same countries to sell their manufac
tured goods in our markets; we curtail
production, suffer the annihilation of
our producers, build up trusts and
monopolies and throw down our pro
tective tariff that the creditor classes
of Great Britain may reap enormous
and unearned profits. Have we not
played into England’s hands long
They Propose to Bolt Unless They
Get a Silver Candidate for
Washington telegram.—Western silver
Republicans have outlined an nteresting
program to be pursued in the next na
tional Republican convention. Today a
Western Republican of national promi
nence who arrived in Washington two
days ago disclosed the program of the
silver men in all its details, §md it is so
audacious as to startle the political
managers here. The plan, he says, was
agreed upon at a conference of western
senators held last month. The senators
and other Western Republican leaders,
who participated in the compact, repre
sent ten Western silver states and pro
fess to be able to control the delegates
to the next national Republican conven
tion from those states.
These states are Montana, Idaho, Wy
oming, Washington, Oregon, Colorado,
Nevada, Utah, California and South Da
kota. These ten states are claimed
solidly for the agreement, and the states
of North Dakota and Nebraska may yet
join in the movement. It is the purpose
of the Western silver Republcans to
meet and choose delegates to the na
tional Republican conventon in the reg
ular form, and when the convention
meets to present the name of Senator
Cameron, of Pennsplvania, for president.
If Cameron is not acceptable to the
Republicans, the convention will be
asked to agree upon some other repre
sentative free-silver Republican. If it
refuse to act upon the suggestion, the
delegates from these ten Western states
say they wll march out of the conven
tion in a body, carrying with them as
many other free-silver delegates from
other states as they can command. They
will wait upon the Democratic conven
tion, not as delegates, because they can
not be admitted as such, but as a com
mission knocking at the doors and ask
ing for the nomination of a free-silver
Democrat Senator Morgan, of Alabama,
If the Democratic convention fails to
act upon the demand, the silver men
will abandon both old parties. It is not
now the intention of the managers of
this independent political movement to
nominate a standard bearer for 1896. on
an independent silver platform, but their
efforts will be directed toward choosing
electors pledged to the election of a free
silver president, regardless of personal
preferences. The idea of nominating an
independent, free-silver candidate pre
vailed until quite recently, but was
abandoned as a piece of bad political
policy, and, failing to secure recognition
from either of the national conventions,
the silver men say they will seek to hold
the balance of power in the next elec
toral college, and prepare one of the old
parties to bring forward a silver man, in
order to secure the election.
The movement outlined is at present
confined to the Republican party. The
Democrate declare that they fear that a
similar insurrection may break out in
their own party, led by Southern Demo
crats, allied with Western men, on the
money question. This is considered as
very likely to happen should the Demo
crats call their national convention first,
and for that reason there was much
talk today of postponng. the Demo
cratic convention until very late, in or
der to give the free-silver men an oppor
tunity to work in the national Republican
convention first.
Prominent Republican leaders today
assert that if it be shown conclusively
in the next national Republican conven
tion that the Western Republicans have
arranged any such for bolting
the convention as that disclosed today,
the committee on credentials will refuse
to seat the delegates until they pledge
themselves to abide by the work of the
“Yes,” said the man who travels a ,
great deal, “my interview with highway
men in the west cost me some money.
But I believe I got even with the vil
“I let them rob me of some moonshine
whisky that was presented to me in Ten
nessee.” —Washington Star.
How bright, how sweet this world would be,
If men could live for others:
How sweet, how bright,
How full of light.
This life, if justice, truth and right
Were once enthroned; if men were free;
If men would all be brothers!
And is this nothing but a dream?
Must wrong go on forever?
Must poverty
Forever be.
And selfish greed and tyranny?
Must hate and strife be still supreme.
And love and peace come never?
No; I will not believe it. No.
God still reigns supreme, my brother;
Somewhere, sometime.
The race will climb
Above its selfishness and crime—
Will gentler, nobler, happier grow.
And men will love each other.
The morn is rising soft and bright.
The way grows light before us.
Chew brother, cheer!
Through doubt, through fear—
The world gyows better, year by
And fast and bright a day of light,
Will spread its white wings o'er us.
—J. A. Edgerton.
Oracles in the Past and in the
A .Comparison of the Prophets of
the Olden Times and of Today.
Not a Very Flattering the
Wisdom of the Present.
(Milwaukee Advance.) Btyar-aj
In ancient Rome they had augurs
as they called them—men who were
supposed to know more than the com
mon herd and who pretended they
could foretell things about to happen
as well as to give advice in all the af
fairs of life, for all of which services
rendered to their fellow men they
were well paid.
The story is told that when two of
these augurs met In the street, they
could not help laughing at their fel
low men who believed in their non
Our modern augurs are the politi
cians in whom the masses of the peo
ple have implicit confidence and
whose advice they blindly follow to
their injury and ruin.
Did it ever occur to the reader that
in nearly every law firm one partner
is a Republican and the other a
Heretofore the idea has prevailed
that our legal friends arrange their
partnership with that end in view so
as to catch clients of all parties, but
Gen. Sam Thomas, who is the law
partner of Senator Cal. Brice tiie Ohio
boodler tells a story on himself and
his partner that throws a different
light on the law partnership business;
as Thomas tells it the story runs like
this: “When Brice and I started
partnership in Lima we were both
Democrats. We hadn't a dollar, and it
was advisable to catch all comers. So
we tossed up a cent one day to see
which would be the Democrat and
which would be the Republican mem
ber of the firm. Unhappily. I lost,
and I had to be the Republican, while
Brice carried off all the glories as the
Democratic member of the shebang.”
And so both went out on the stump
as political prophets and oracles to
preach political salvation to the peo
ple. And the great big fool public
took it and takes it for gospel truth
whild our moderu augurs are playing
the voters for suckers.
It is just the same with the newspa
pers. Look at the little list:
In Minneapolis tiie Journal, Rep.,
and the Times, Dem., are published
by the same company.
In Cincinnati one concern own the
Commercial Gazette, Rep., and the
Enquirer, Dem.
In Detroit the two leading dailies,
the Post-Tribune, Rep., and the Free
Press, Dem., are owned by one com
pany, and similar cases exist in other
Have we any right to ridicule the
old Romans who were humbugged by
their augurs.
The Springfield Republican is of the
opinion that tiie constitution of the
United States, as it has been left by
the income tax decision of the Su
preme court, cannot safely be permit
ted to stand. There are two good and
sufficient reasons for amending it, in
the absence of any certainty that the
court’s interpretation will be reversed
at an early day. One is that the fed
eral tax power has been crippled to a
dangerous degree,and that tlie ability
of the national government to main
tain its dignity and authority in
times of emergency, which may come
at any moment, has been seriously im
Another reason for amending the
constitution is that the organic laws
of this nation cannot afford to set up
the principle that taxation should be
levied according to population rather
than according to wealth.
A constitution that makes such a
rule of taxation the only one is wrong
and must be amended, it must be
amended in order to restore to the
government the non-cripplcd power
to maintain its position and author
ity in all emergencies. It must be
amended in order that, if need be,
the burdens of this government can
be distributed in some measure ac
cording to ability to bear them and
benefits received. Metropolitan self
ishness and greed may fiDd cause for
triumph over this maiming of the
power of the government and this
denial of the federal authority to tax
wealth. But it will be but a momen
tary triumph. Every consideration of
justice and the national well-being de
mands that the limitations now set
upon the tax power be stricken down.
A radical and unadulterated gospel
knocks on the head a lot of unmean
ing talk about the Christian nations.
There is not a Christian nation in the
world to-day. A Christian nation
would be a nation composed wholly or
chiefly of Christians. Where is there
such a nation? We sometimes hear
men talking about England and
America sending rum and ruin to oth
er countries, and then winding up
with, “and these are Christian na
tions.” Fiddlesticks! Because na
tions formally recognizes the Bible,
does that make it Christian? Not at
all. England a Christian nation! Ger
many a Christian nationl America a
Christian nation! They are flooded
with drink of hell’s own brewing;
they are reeking with iniquity; they
are crimson with blood; and men dare
to call them Christian nations. Could
it legalize prostitution? Could it fill
the high seas with ships of war?
Could it keep men armed to the
teeth.—-Ram’s Horn.
Did the Bank of England Pay Con.
grcss $500,000 to Demonetize
Silver in 1873?
Where is Congressman McCleary,
Who Lied Himself Into Con
. gress Last Fall.
(From Our Nation’s Crisis, by Gov. Davis
H. Waite.)
On the affirmative we have the following
affidavit, made in May, 1592, by Frederick
A. Luckenbach, before the clerk of the su
preme court of Colorado:
State of Colorado,
County of Arapahoe, ss:
Frederick A. Luckenbach, being first
duly sworn, on oath deposes and says: I
am G 2 years of age. I was born in Buck’s
county, Pennsylvania. I removed to the
city of Philadelphia in 1846, and resided
there till IS6G, when I removed to the city
of New York. In Philadelphia I was in
the furniture business; in New York I
branched into machinery and inventions,
and am the patentee of Luckenbach’s
pneumatic pulverizer, which machines are
now in use generally in the eastern part
of the United States and Europe. I now
reside in Denver, having removed from
New York two years ago. I am well
known in New York. I have been a
member of the Produce Exchange and am
well acquainted with many members of.
that body. lam well known by Mr. 1 I
Erastus Wyman. / 1
In 1865 I visited London, England, for’ 1
the purpose of placing there Pennsylvania '
oil properties, in which I was interested.
I took with me letters of introduction to
many gentlemen in London—among them
one to Mr. Ernest Seyd, from Robert M.
Foust, ex-treasurer of Philadelphia. I
became well acquainted with Mr. Ernest
Seyd and with his brother, Richard Seyd,
who, I understand is still living. I visited
London thereafter every year, and with
each visit renewed my acquaintance with
Mr. Seyd, upon each occasion became his
guest—at one or more times joining his
family at dinner or other meals.
In February, 1874, while on one of these
visits, and while his guest for dinner, I,
among other things, alluded to rumors
afloat of parliamentary corruption, and
expressed astonishment that such corrup
tion should exist. In reply to this, he
told me that he could relate facts about
the corruption of the American congress
that would place it far ahead of the Eng
lish partliament in that line. So far, the
conversation was at the dinner table, be
tween us. His brother Richard, and
others, were there also, but this was ta
ble talk between Mr. Ernest Seyd and my
self. After dinner ended, he invited me
to another room, where he resumed the
conversation about legislative corruption.
He said: “If you will pledge me your hon
or as a gentleman not to divulge, what I
am now about to tell you, while I live, I
will convince you that what. I said about
the corruption of the American congress
is true.” I gave him the promises and
he then continued: “I went to America
in the winter of 1572-3, authorized to se
cure if I could a bill demonetizing silver.
It was to the interest of those I represent
ed—the governors of the Bank of England
—to have it done. I took with me £IOO,-
000 sterling, with instructions that if it -
was not sufficient to accomplish the ob
ject to draw for another £IOO,OOO, or 33
much more as was necessary.” He told
me German bankers were also interested
in having it accomplished. He said he
was the financial adviser of the
bank. Ho said: “I saw the committee of
the house and senate and paid the money,
and stayed in America until I know the
measure was safe. I asked him if he
would give me the names of the members
to whom he paid the money—but this he
declined to do. He said: "Your people
will not now comprehend the far-reaching
extent of that measure, but they will in
after years. Whatever you may think
of corruption in thf English parliament,
I assure you I would not have dared to
make such an attempt here as I did in
your country.” I expressed my shame
to him for my countrymen in our legisla
tive bodies. The conversation drifted
into other subjects, and after that, though
I met him many times —'the matter was
never again referred to.
Subscribed and sworn to before me at
Denver, this 9th day of May, A. D., 1892.
Clerk Supreme Court, State of Colo
What is there in opposition to this spe
cial and complete statement?
1. The following letter from Ernest
Seyd’s son, and Richard Seyd, his brother:
‘‘Sir —Our attention having been direct
ed to statements that have been made in
the American press with regard to the ac
tion of the late Ernest Seyd, in 1872, re
specting the coinage act, then pending,
you wil oblige us much by giving an un
qualified! contradiction to .these state
ments. Ernest Seyd was not in the Uni
ted States at that date for the purpose of
bribing members of congress to vote for
the demonetization of silver, never hav
ing been there since 1856. The state
ment is the more absurd as he was the first
to take up the cause of silver in England
against the prevailing doctrine here, and
remained a.consistent supporter of sil
ver, as his numerous works on the subject
will show. We remain, yours truly,
In addition to the above statements,
Mr. Alfred T. Story, a special correspond
ent of the New York Voice, the gold-bug
organ cf the prohibitionists, was sent by
the Voice to Europe to procure proof to
invalidate the above affidavit of Mr.
Luckenbach. In the Voice of May 30,
1895, Mr. Story writes that he has seen <
and talked with the Seyds—Ernest, the

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