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The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, June 22, 1898, Image 3

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Right ot Search
tit in War
NEUTRAL MERCHANT SHIPS MAY BE
HALTED ON THE HIGH SEAS.
A Blank Shot to Stop Them and a Shot
ted Gun If They Don't Stop—After
That, m May (Happen—When Shtpn
and Gooda Are Subject to Selnure by
AVarnhlpa or Prlvuteera, and When
Exempt Law* Governing; Priva
teer lug;—Steam DlNcouragea That
Unaineaa.
The Century Dictionary defines the right
of search as “the right claimed by one na
tion to authorize the commanders of thetr
lawfully commissioned cruisers to enter pri
vate merchant vessels of other nations met
with on high seas, to'examine their papers
and cargo and to search for enemies’ prop
erty. articles contraband of war, etc.”
War vessels, of course, are not searched,
one reason being that they are not engaged
in conveying merchandise, and another that
they are considered as the direct representa
tives of the governments of neutral states,
and as such their integrity is respected.
The right of search, Wharton's “Digest of
International Law” says, cannot be ques
tioned as a belligerent right, “but search
must be conducted with as much regard to
the rights and safety of the vessel detained
as is consistent with a thorough examina
tion of the character and voyage. Any de
tention of the vessel beyond what is neces
sary is unlawful, as is also any transgres
sion of the bounds within which the exam
ination should be confined.”
It is not, according to the same authority,
a right ’’wantonly to vex and harrass
neutral commerce or to indulge the idle and
mischievous curiosity of looking into neutral
trade or the assumption of a right to con
trol it. It is a right growing out of and
ancillary to the right of capture and can
never exist except as a means to that end.”
A belligerent may exercise his right to de
tain for examination over every vessel not
a national vessel which he may come upon
on the seas, that is, outside the three-mile
limit of the territory of neutral countries.
The right may of course he exercised in the
territorial waters of both belligerents. He
is within the law if he resorts to stratagem
and assumes the guise of a friend in order
to make it easier for him to exercise his
right of search; or he may appear, if ho
pleases, as an enemy. Having a government
contract for the transportation of mails, or
having mail on board, does not relieve the
commander of a merchant steamer from
the necessity of sending his papers on board
the cruiser if he is required to do so. “On
the contrary, he is bound by that circum
stance to strict performance of neutral
duties and to special respect for belligerent
rights. A cruiser of one nation has a right
to know the national character of any
strange ship he may meet at sea; but this
right is not a perfect one, and violation
cannot be punished by capture, or even by
detention.”
The inquiring commander is required first
to show his colors. If the information he
requested is refused he may fire a blank
cartridge, and if still his desire for informa
tion is ignored, he may fire a shot across
the bows of the ship he wishes to halt, but
anything he does beyond this Is at his own
peril, for the reason that a ship’s right to
Pass on her course depends on what she is,
not on what she may erroneously be taken
for or suspected of being.
Where the right to search a ship does
exist a belligerent cruiser is permitted to
enforce it with all means at command. “In
case of violent resistence to legitimate visita
tion,” according to Wharton, “the vessel so
resisting may be open to condemnation by
a prize court as a prize. But this is not
the case with mere attempt at fiight, and
there should be no condemnation of a
neutral vessel whose officers, having no rea
sonable ground to believe in the existence
of war, resisted search.” This, because the
right of search can be exercised only when
there is actual war. The search must be
under the direction of the commander of
the belligerent ship, and conducted by an
officer in uniform. Formerly the belligerent
ship was compelled by the rules of war to
lie to at the distance of a cannon shot
from the ship halted, bnt this requirement
has, under the necessity of modern condi
tions, been modified so that the belligerent
now comes to ”at a convenient distance.”
Then two or three officers put over in a
small boat to inspect the papers, etc., of the
other ship. A neutral ship isn’t ordinarily
searched if sailing between two neutral
ports. A search must be based on probable
cause, although if it prove that there was no
cause, the arrest of the ship is not held to
have been a wrongful act. “But wanton
capture without such cause subjects the
captor to damages.”
THE BEPRESgSTATTVE, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 21. '**•
Only vessels regularly commissioned by
the government can exercise the right of
search. In a volume of lectures by Dr.
Freeman Snow, formerly instructor in inter
national law at Harvard, delivered at the
Naval War College and prepared for pub
lication under Secretary Herberts’ direction
by Commander Charles H. Stockton, U. S.
N., “the usual method of summoning a
vessel for the purpose of examination and
search,” Is described as being “by hoisting
the national ensign and firing a blank
charge, which is known as the affirming
gun. The neutral vessel may also be sum
moned by signals, or by hailing through
the speaking trumpet It is the duty of the
neutral vessel to obey the summons by
heaving to to allow boarding, at the same
time displaying her national colors. Re
sistance to search made against a lawful
cruiser subjects the vessel, in time of war,
to confiscation.
“The right to visit and seach neutral ves-
sels carries with it the right to demand and
examine the ship’s papers. Chancellor
Kent says on this point: ‘A neutral is
bound not only to submit to search, but to
have his vessel duly furnished with genuine
documents requisite to support her neutral
character. The most material of these
documents are the register, muster roll,
log book, charter party, invoice, and bill
of lading. The want of some of these pa
pers is strong presumptive evidence against
the ship’s neutrality, yet the want of any
of them is not absolutely conclusive. The
concealment of papers material for the
preservation of the neutral character Justi
fies a capture and carrying into port for
adjudication, though It does not actually
require a condemnation.’ ”
In most countries the destruction or
spoliation of papers Is deemed enough to
warrant seizure, Dr. Snow says, but neither
England nor the United States holds it to
be a circumstance not open to explanation.
False papers are cause for condemnation. A
captured vessel must be sent to a prize
court, for adjudication as soon as possible.
The persons and property of neutrals cap
tured must be treated with a much re
gard as circumstances will allow. Captured
men may not be treated as prisoners of
war. Care must be taken to preserve the
neutral vessel and cargo from damage.
The property can be condemned by a court
only, but loss by unavoidable perils of the
sea does not require compensation. If a
captured vessel cannot be brought into port,
international law requires that it be re
leased.
“By the well-settled principles of na
tional law,” Wharton says, “it is made the
duty of the captor to place an adequate
force on board the captured vessel, and if,
from mistaken reliance upon the sufficiency
of the force, or from misplaced confidence,
he fails in that object, the omission is con
sidered to lie at his own peril. Contraband
goods cannot ordinarily be seized and ap
propriated by the captor. His duty is to
take the vessel into a prize court, by whom
the question is to be determined.”
Continental Europe holds that the right
of search does not extend to neutral vessels
under convoy of a warship of the same na
tion, but England docs not acquiesce in
tiiat view. “But in any view,” Wharton
says, “the commanding officer of the con
voy must give assurance that the suspected
vessel is of his nationality, under his
charge, and has no contraband articles on
board.”
The United States is on record as favoring
the exemption of convoyed ships and the
Spanish naval regulations declare that the
declartion of the convoying officer shall lie
accepted. Our naval regulations for 1576
instructed officers commanding convoying
ships not to allow ships under their pro
tection to be searched, but to be sure tiiat
no contraband goods were being carried in
them to belligerent ports. As to whether
neutral vessels placing themselves under
convoy of a belligerent cruiser render
themselves liable to capture, Dr. Snow
says: “The lords of appeal in England de
cided that sailing under the convoy of an
enemj was sufficient and conclusive
grounds for condemnation. Mr. Wheaton
maintained that, though it might be con
sidered presumptive evidence, it could not
be regarded as conclusive evidence. The
weight of opinion favors the doctrine that
such acts are sufficient to condemn the
vessel joining a belligerent convoy."
In Bowen’s statement of the principles
of international law, it is put forth tnat “a
belligerent out of comity, or because of
treaty stipulations, generally abstains from
vlsting and searching the merchant ships
of neturals under convoy of their public
(war) vessels, provided the commanders of
such public vessels satisfy the belligerent
that the merchant ships do not belong to
the enemy and do not carry goods that
may be properly siezed • . Privateers
j are not allowed to send a visiting party to
or to molest, a convoy.”
Tht sarre work says: “Piratical ships,
! or shi PS suspected of being piratical, may
'at any time be visited, but procedings
; against them must cease at once if it is
; discovered that they are not piratical. Any
act of supererogation on the part of the
searchers justifies a demand for redress."
1 Of the rules to goods on the high seas
prizes and salvage, it says: “The general
rule of international law as to property on
, the high seas i s that each belligerent has
the right to seize all the enemy’s property
of every kind except such property as is
protected by a special permit, but that
prizes may not be made of the property
of neutrals unless it is contraband. There-
J the goods of an enemy on the ship of a
TORPEDO BOAT WATCHINGT'IEB& BUILDING OFFORTIFIOATIONS ON THE COAST OF CUBA.
neutral may be taken (but the ship is en
titled to freight), and the non-eontraband
goods of a neutral on an enemy's ship
ought to be restored. Contraband goods
going to the enemy may always be taken,
no matter to whom they belong. The In
convenience and delay caused by these
rules have led many of the nations to sitp
ulate with each other in their treaties that
free ships make free goods (except contra
band of war), and that enemy’s ships make
epemy’g goods. The rules that are now
binding on all the maritime powers except
the United States (who, however, observer
them during the civil war) are the two em
bodied in the declaration of Paris. 1856: 1.
The neutral flag covers enemy’s goods ex
cept contraband of war; 2. Neutral goods,
except contraband of war, are not liable
to capture under the enemy’s flag.”
The right to take prizes is given both to
a belligerent's public ships and to pri
vateers. The United States statutes pro
vide that the net proceeds of all property
condemned as prize shall, where the prize
was of equal or superior force to the cap
turing vessel, go to the captors, and where
of inferior force, one-half to the captors
and one-half to the United States, except
that where a capture Is made under letters
of marque everything goes to the captor
unless in his commission It is specified
otherwise.
Contraband of war is any property Intend
ed for the enemy of actual use in conduct
ing war. “The government of a neutral is
not bound to orevent its citizens or sub
jects from exporting contraband goods to
a belligerent," according to Bowen; * “if
such goods are exported bona fide by one
neutral to another neutrad. they may not
be cons dered contraband; otherwise" they
may be. Often treaties are made between
nations in which are specified the articles
that are to be considered by therp as con
traband in case of war. Furthermore, the
belligerents usually issue a list of articles
they will treat as contraband. When no
such lists are Issued and when there is no
treaty aplicable to seizures, the courts may
take into consideration the character and
use of the articles, and the peculiar circum
stances and conditions in which the bel
ligerents find themselves * * * Coal and
provisions, and other articles used In time
of peace may lawfully be seized if they are
intended to supply the army and navy Of
the enemy, or if they will prevent the
enemy from sueing for peace * * * but
generally provisions should not be regard
ed as contraband, unless it is intended to
send them to a besieged or blockaded place
occupied by the enemy.’ ’
PRIVATEERING; LETTERS OF
MARQUE.
The Century Dictionary’s definition of let
ters or letter of marque is: “Originally a
commission granted by the supreme author
ity of a state to a subject, empowering him
to enter an enemy’s territory and capture
the goods or persons of an enemy in return
for goods or persons taken by him. In pres
ent usage, a license or extraordinary com
mission granted by a sovereign or the
supreme power of a state to its citizens to
make reprisals at sea on the subjects of an
other, under pretence of indemnification for
injuries received—that is, a license to en
gage in privateering.”
These commissions are frequently spoken
of as letters of marque and reprisal.
Formerly they were often issued in ad
vance of war, as well as when on the sur
face there was r.o war in prospect. Their
issue was not considered necessarily to lie
a declaration or an act of war, but a means
of enabling citizens of one state to obtain
justice or redress to citizens of
another, or from another stato
for wrongs, grievances of injustice
suffered individually and net of suf
ficient importance to go to -war oyer. One
of the quotations in the Century Dictionary,
Irom Howell’s Letters, bears oh this point;
“Divers Letters of Mart (an old form' of
the word) are granted our Merchants, and
Letters of Mart are commonly the Fore
runners of a War.”
They were sometimes made us of in old
times to strike an advance blow before the
enemy could begin a war, or to get an
early advantage of a prospective enemy in
the beginning, as appears from another cita
tion by the dictionary editors from Dray
ton's "Battle of Agineourt:”
All men of war, with scripts of mart that
went,
And had command the coasts of France to
keep, the coming of a navy to prevent.
The issue of letters of marque by a coun
try about to begin a naval attack on an
other developed the practice of commission
ing citizens of neutral governments for the
same purpose. Then it came to be resorted
to by states having no navy, and so in th®
sixteenth century it came to be possible for
a government not supporting a navy of its
own to harass the commerce of a maritime
state without itself doing any sea fighting.
This practice, however, has fallen Into dis
repute, although Bowen says:
“The citizens or subjects of a neutral, if
Its municipal laws or treaties do not forbid,
may serve in the army or navy of a friend
ly belligerent, and may accept letters of
marque authorizing them to undertake pri
vateering expeditions. The present ten
dency of the nations, however, is to forbid
these privilegs to thir citizens or subjects.
"All private individuals attacETng others
at sea unless empowered by letters of
marque, are to be considered pirates,” ac
cording to McCulloch’s commercial direc
tory, published in London in 1882. If they
have the letters they are “privateering.”
Bowen says: “Privateers are private ves
sels commisisoned for war. They carry let
ters of marque and reprisal, and they ar®
authorized to capture or destroy the prop
erty of the enemy on the htgh seas and in
the enemy's territory, but not within the
three-mile limit of the territory of neutral®.
The private shlpe of neutrals may thus be
commissioned by belligerents. In the ab
sence of treaties forbidding (hem or the
neutrals so to do. Generally, bonds are re
quired of the owners of privateers, In order
that the belligerent may reimburse itself
for any indemnities it rriay hay,e to pay for
their unauthorised and illegal acts. If pri
vate vessels are used as privateers with
out being commisisoned. their crews may
not strictly be regarded as entitled to claim
prize money for the captures they make;
and while they may not be considered pi
rates if they belong to a belligerent,' they
may be treated with rather more severity
by the enemy than if they acted under a
commission.
"Privateering is principally plundering.
The parties to the declaration of Paris,
1856, agreed to abolish it, and all other
principal powers acceded to that provision
except the United States, Mexico and Spain.
The United States has not been willing tc
abolish privateering except the con
dition that the private property (not
contraband of war) of all nations and at
all times be exempted from seizure on the
high seas. So long as it Is not thus ex
empted nations with a small navy are at a
great disadvantage, and may properly re
serve to themselves the right to rely on
the aid of merchant or private vessels to
decrease their inferiority to their enemies
as commerce destroyers."
He says also: “Prize money is generally
allowed by belligerents to captors, even if
they are not commissioned."
Secretary of Slate Marcy said: “The
right to resort to privateers is as clear as
the right to use public armed ships, and as
incontestable as any other right appertain
ing to belligerents.”
The United States, however, has held to
the position that privateers should be duly
commissioned and their crews made up In
the regular, modern way. Mr. Buchanan,
as secretary of state, in 1847, had something
interesting to say concerning this question
and involving Spain. “The issuing of let
ters of marque,” he wrote, "is an act of
high sovereign authority. Under the con
stitution of the United States this power
is intrusted alone to congress. A declara
tion of war, without a special provision for
the purpose contained in the act, does m»t
confer upon the president this authority.
Whenever civilized governments resort to
this expedient to annoy their enemies, they
adopt the regulations and restrictions
necessary to prevent or punish abuses al
most necessarily arising from the grant to
private indivudals of the authority to make
war on the ocean. * * * These precaut
ions are necessary to prevent such commis
sions from falling into the hands of free
booters, slave traders, and pirates prepared
to violate all laws, human and divine, in
the pursuit of plunder. * * •
“This government cannot recognize the
lawful existence of the Mexican privateers
in the Mediterranean. Those assuming this
name have not received their commissions
in Mexico, but in friendly countries, where
to grant or to accept them was a violation
of neutral rights; they do not belong to
Mexican citizens and their crews are com
posed chiefly of Spanish subjects who, by
the act of accepting such commissions, be
come pirates. These corsairs take to the
seas under colors of commissions issued in
blank and tilled tip in a Spanish port by
some inferior agent, from whom they have
purchased the privilege to plunder Amer
ican vessels. ♦ * * our vessels of war in
the Mediterranean will be ordered to seize
and send home for trial as pirates all
Spanish subjects who have accepted and
acted under such Mexican commissions.”
Armed merchantmen are not privateers in
the view of the United States. Hamilton
In 1793 wrote: “The term privateer is un
derstood by us not to extend to vessels
armed for merchandise and war.” And
Jefferson, as secretary of state, said:
“Though a merchant vessel has arms to
defend herself in time of war, in the course
of her regular commerce, this no more
makes her a privateer, than a husbandman
following his plow in time of war with a
knife or a pistol in his pocket is thereby
made a soldier.”
Wharton, under the general term
privateers, enumerates the following:
“Naval officers taking charge of merchant
vessels and cruising under the direction bt
their sovereign in time of war; officers o#
merchant vessels, subjects of a belligerent
stato, cruising under commissions from
their sovereign in time of war; volunteer
oflicers of merchant vessels cruising
against the enemy of their sovereign but
without any commission from their
sovereign; subjects of neutral states taking
out, for the purpose of preying on the ce®fi
merce of one belligerent, commissions fen
this purpose from the other belligerent."
He points out that the first two classes do
not fall under the head of privateers ao
cording to the position taken by the British
government in 1870, and says that privateers
of the class named as fourth in the fore
going enumeration “must be regarded as
mere adventurers in search of plunder, and
the recognition of such as belligerents, if
not prohibited by the law of nations, is
prohibited by distinctive laws of the United
States.”
Attention has been directed to the position
of the United States in favor of privateer
ing. and the chief reason actuating this gov
ernment in holding to that view, namely,
our small navy and the national policy which
has been against the maintenance of such a
naval force as some of the European states
good reasons of their own, to Induce us to
MUre frost this position, as wen as to get
all nations to sign the declaration of Paris,
maintain. Boron of these have striven, for
According to Wharton’s Digest, “a main ob
ject which the two allied powers in the war
of 1854 against Russia had in view was to
end the practice of belligerents issuing let
ters of marque and reprisals to subjects of
neutral states."
Quoting from a letter of the then French
minister of foreign affairs, the Digest con
tinues: “What influenced especially the
English government was the fear of Amer
ica Inclining against us and lending to our
enemies the co-operation of her hardy vol
unteers. The maritime population of the
United States, thetr enterprising marine,
might furnish to Russia the elements of a
fleet of privateers which, attracted to its
service by letters of marque and covering
the seas with a network, would harass and
pursue our commerce even in remote
waters.”
Dr. Snow. In his War College lectures,
after pointing out that the United States
had in fact taken a somewhat varying
course toward privateering, making treaties
for its abolition after the revolution, prac
ticing it in 1812, refraining from doing so in
the Mexican war, then refusing to sign the
declaraton of Paris 10 years later, ahd dur
ing the civil war putting a law on the
statute books authorizing it, but failing to
act under that law. said: “It can be stated
without hesitation, howevt r, that the United
States still maintain the right to issue letters
of marque and reprisal to the fullest extent,
and it is only a question of policy which
would prevent its exercise in any war in
which they might be engaged in the future."
He remarked that the conditions of mod
ern naval warfare had lessened the desira
bility of privateering from the standpoint
both of a privateer and a government. “The
prizes worth capturing now would be
steamers,” he said, “and for this reason
privateers would necessarily be steamers
also. The cost of steamers, of their main
tenance, and the difficulty of obtaining
coal aboard would render privateering very
expensive and uncertain, especially as the
remunerative prizes would be the large,
fast, and probably partially armed mer
chant steamers without convoy. The dif
ficulty of capturing these and of getting
them into port after capture would render
privateering a very doubtful financial ven
ture, especially as without some proper ad
judication and sale, which could only be
done in a home port, the privateer would
have no recompense.
“Moreover, from a national point ol view,
seafaring men thrown out of employment
in war time would be needed in the naval
service and would be readily absorbed by
the regular men-of-war. As privateers
would at first offer hopes of plunder with
short terms of service, the absorption of
seafaring men by this class of vessels
would cerainly cause a scarcity of men
for ships of war, especially as the crews
of the privateers would, when capttrred, be
retained as prisoner •> of war, and this scar
city of seafaring men would become, in
stead of a temporary evil, a permanent one.
“It wouid be much wiser from a national
policy to take vessels fit for this kind of
work into the. navy from the merchant ser
vice and commission their officers with
acting appointments in the navy from the
national authority, as was done tat ring the
late civil war.”
As to captures by a private vessel not
eommisisoned in any way by the national
government. Dr. Snow' quoted Hail, an
English authority, as follows: “Non-com
missioned vessels have a right to resist
when summoned to surrender to public
ships or privateers of the enemy. The
crews, therefore, which make such resist
ance have belligerent privileges, and it is
a natural consequence of the legitimate
ness of their acts that if they succeed in
capturing their asailants the capture is a
good one for the purpose of changing the
ownership of the property taken and of
making the enemy prisoners of war”
Let your children find a new annual
subscriber for The Representative, and
get Cram’s War Atlas free. Soliciting
a subscription will help develop their
business abilities, and the Atlas is a
beautiful reward for the little effort
required.
We offer Crain’s War Atlas free to
any subscriber who will send us one
new annual cash subscription. We
give you this book containing 1G large
pages of beautifully colored maps for
finding for us among your neighbors
one new annual cash subscriber.
Coax your neighbor to subscribe one
year for The Representative, send us
his dollar, and we will send you free
Cram’s War Atlas, containing 16 beau
tifully colored maps. You need the
Atlas and he needs The Representative
The Initiative and referendum will be
the national Issue in 1900. “Bond and
Industrial Slavery” will be the compaign
text book. Price 25 cents.
;;Our General Catalogue;
: land Buyers' Guide, i
!! PALL 1 tS?^I"“ R !
]| to ready for dtotrtbztloa. It kaa over 800 *
i , 14.000 illustrations, and more thaa ’
I 140,000 descriptions with prices. In ordering I
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jjYOUR MONEY REFUNDED! i
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■, of oar General Catalogue and Buyers* , .
I I Guide.
ii MONTGOMERY WARD & CO. j
< i Tie Great Mail Order Hone, •
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optichan!*
REMOVID TO
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WHEAT
LANDS
There is more money
raising wheat at the pres
ent time than you can dig
out of the ground in Alas
ka. The Great Northern
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of the choicest wheat lands
in the United States. These
lands are situated in the
Red River Valley of Min
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Norman, Polk, Marshall
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will average about SIO.OO
per acre in price. For
maps and terms address
Land Commissioner, Great
Northern Railway, St.
Paul, Minn., or the Land
Agents named below:
GEORGE PURVIS,
Crnokston, Minn.
C H. CAREY,
IJreckenrldge, Minn.
O. A. ROBERTSON,
Campbell, Minn.
C.J. WRIGHT,
Fergus Falls, Minn.
•MAT If Oft THE Rif RAILWAY.
BtMTI; m Niooiltt Avt and Union PnA
T I4tr> IMlnqAapolU Union D»pot-| AMtA
Will mar, iforria, Brownsl
b I:4* a m /Valley and Br*ck«nri<J*«.|b » ■
Ferine Falla, Fargo. (Adi
Mfen Forks lb l:M » m
b 4iM p m Qeeeo, Clearwater, St. Cloud b 11 :|0 a n
b 4IM p m Anoka, St. Cloud, Wlllmar b 10:21 a ea
b CIS p m Excelsior and Hutohinsonb 11:11 aas
xßrsoklnrldge, Fargo, Q'd|
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Falls, Crookston. Grand
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Sioux Falla, Yankton and
k «:40 aas Sioux City b p ■
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MONEY!
The Populist Standard Authority.
OUR MONET WARS
By SAfIUEL LEAVITT,
Author of '‘DICTATOR GRANT"and "PEACEMAKER
GRANGE;" and Editor of Pater Cooper's Advocate.
A monument of learning. . One cannot but
be more than pleased with the history, and ad
mire the immense industry.—.V. 0. Picayune.
Valuable for purposes of reference. . He is not
unknown to us. for we happen to have read bia
"Peacemaker Grange,” etc. . Quite worth care
ful perusal. . Gives us good reading matter.—
AT Y. Herald. There is no question of the value
of the fac's that he has digested and arranged.
— SanF. Chronicle. An epitome of information..
Leaves none of his facts unverified. . Ex
ceedingly useful. . TTnquestionably right in
many of his arraignments San F. Call. Mr.
(Coin) Harvey wae Joined in his denial by an
other financial oracle who was visiting him at
the time; Mr. Samuel Leavitt, author of "Money
Wars." an encyclopedia on the money ques
tion -Chicago Inter-Ocean. The financier of
financiers.- W. H. Ilarrey. The benefit that
this work will be to the scientific student of
value, will be enormous.—A'. Y. World. The
must remarkable book on finance of the cen
tury. — Arena. Thiabook contains much very
valuable matter that was in danger of being
lost— Oen.A.J. Warner. It Isa valuable com
pendium of just the kind of information that !•
being needed today. I have constant inquiries
for such information from correspondents of
mine, and will take gre»t pleasure in calling
tbelr attention to your work.— Henry I). Lloyd,
No romance of Hugo, no tragedy of Shakespear.
ever stirred the blood as doea this infamous
record.—7V)/rt Wat von of Georgia. It is acknowl
edged the Ultima Thule of the finance ques
tion, and must stand undisputed In the fore
front for years to come —Chicago Searchlight.
Just the book we have been awaiting for twenty
five years . Henry Carey Baird. Has created
considerable discussion.— Chicago ’limet. Does
not hesitate to place the blame where. In bis
opinion. It properly belongs.— Philadelphia
Daily Item. The American system of money
rises, like Solomon's temple, without the blow
of a hammer, in the magnificent sequences of
this history.— H. E. Baldwin, in Arena. The
book is a great one. Entitles him to the grati
tude of every searcher after economic truth.-
Editor of Nonconformiet.. It will be the stand
ard tor quotation and author’ty.— J. 11. Ferries,
The most Important volume yet issued
for the cause of the people.— Junc
tion City Tribune. The most valuable
financial work that has come to our notice.—
Farmer'e Tnlce. The most complete, accurate
and valuable work issued on the subject it
treats.— A. C. Fiek, Free. Pan-Am. Jiinietallie
Ase'n. Comprehensive, exhaustive, systematio,
clear and condensed.— San Francisco Star. No
one of our acquaintance is more competent to
write an Intelligent,truthful and Impartial work
on the actual occurrences connected with
finances. — Western Rural. Will be of incalculable
value to speakers and writers. —Chicago Ex
pirees. Your book is a whooper and no mis
take.— C. C. Poet. I will positively affirm that
no man in this whole country is so well quali
fied to write such a book, — F. O. Ball, Editor
Few City, N. Y.
For sale at this offlee. Post-paid. Clotla
•1.23. Paper, 50 cents.
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