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.t » ■ I _ lof the scheme; and an attempt will he I uK Representative ,or f. We can never get free from the organ ’ll Ihe AUte^ , ce l ?XlndLtSSil B Unk>n P l 5S e * r ize d power of the combination without v the Advocate of People’s revolution. We have only to read the * Party Principle*. ‘ m ,- T history of events when Jackson fought s- published every WEDNESDAY. it in its lnciplency, and overturned it, I |dito T r h rn-C R hief- entatlVe Publ,shlnß to see what is before uS. 1 IGNATIUS DONNELLY These 331 banks, with five millions Associate Editor and Business Manager^ E. A. twitchell. capital, tells the story of what is com- Entered at the Postofflce at Minneapolis . r n Minn., as second class matter. ID B- L Address all communications to “THE REPRESENTATIVE.” No. 632 Boston REMEMBER Ot'R FRIENDS. Block, Minneapolis. Minn. „ . ..... ~~ Remember our friends, who have SUBSCRIPTION RATES. stood by us through thick and thin — Six* mouths V.V.’.V.V ‘"III* ‘.7.7 ”!!!!!!!!! through good and ill repute. Three months When you come to vote make a cross The best way in which to send your sub- „ .. . script lon money is by postofflce money or- opposite their names. the United States. Express money orders has done more than any other one man •re also cheap and convenient from the __ . , larger places. Bank bills sent In ordinary to destroy our party. He has declared «KM?asfonaiVy le ■ending that they do so at a p ar t 0 f our par ty faith. He has urged In changing the address to which a paper that we all march under the Democratic S,i%fcSteb2r , |hiSß , X I 'lsrtM« ta,u.«-U>at -e .11 think allk,. H. Well as the new address. Otherwise t • has done more to demoralize US than change cannot be made. The receipt of subscription money .s al- any Other man. Ways acknowledged by the change of ex- , , _ piration on the address label. No other Why did he not go into the Demo receipt is necessary. If this change of date cra *j c Dar *v and have done with it? is not made within two weeks from the Lrauc pariy ana nave none Wltn It 7 time the money was sent, inquiry should Vote for Mr. Hibbard, of Duluth, a then be made by the subscriber. “•topping the PAPER—The publisher true, determined man; and one who is tnust be notified in writing when the sub- w «*u us nr vintnrv t Ccrlber wishes the paper stopped. Return- wun U 8 ln defeat or Victory. I. D. fng paper or refusing to take il from your ______ postmaster will not answer. .erttJrThX'XoSr, CAMPAIGN OF OEMAL. age* are paid, ana then the paper may be The campaign of the Republicans will go Ordered discontinued. . . down into history as “the campaign of de- In order to reduce complaints to tne min* *tioi ** winiom vr.T/i_i „ . . .. . . imum in future we desire to aak the fol- y at the ba , r of lowing questions: public opinion charged with grave crimes Does your paper onme regularly? committed in the guise of “duty," and under Is your name correctly spelled on OUT the alleged Inspiration of “destiny,” but mailing list? no despot has had the assurance to masque- v?«r nft . rade in the cloak of duty. *cr this week agree with your last receipt? McKinley and his cabal have not even If not notify us and we will rectify mat- the courage of their convictions to win term. them followers. They have been accused of imperialism. ~ They deny it. _ A _ aaa - - They have been accused of militarism. POPULIST NATIONAL They deny u ” MRIW I I IVllllsi They have been accused of fostering the TIHVFT trusts. They deny it. They even go further | lIpIVL I a and deny the trusts. The plea of “not guilty” has been entered ”time and again. Escape from responsibility POR PRESIDENT 18 a PP arentl y the only hope of Hanna and his co-conspirators for the consequences of WHARTON BARKER. the indiscretions to which they have forced their presidential puppet. The indictment is too straight to be quashed; the evidence FOR VICE-PRESIDENT— to ° clear to be doubted. If the people de .... . ivAmini * vr clare for McKinley it will be because they IfiNATiyS DONNELLY* believe in imperialism, trusts and militarism with their accompanying “duty and destiny” . . treacle. President McKinley says there is no such RRin BAi|| D ADI II ICT thing as imperialism in this country. Every miU-nUAU IVI Vhlw I body who thinks knows better. Imperial ism means the government of othei-s with §T ATt I |Alf F | out their consent. McKinley is governing ™ ■ l“Swte I ■ Porto Rico today without the consent ?.nd . against the will of the Porto Ricans. This is imperialism. He is trying to govern the FOB GOVERNOR* Filipinos by military force. This is imperi- S. M Fairchild. - Minneapolis. McKinley denies, Hanna sneers at mili r tarism. In 1898 the regular army was lim .. ~„.T71 . Red to 25,000 men. In point of fact it was LIEUT.-GOVEBNOB: not s 0 large. Today the army numbers D„l..tK IhO.OOO. In 1803 the army cost about $23,- ■3* waiicnacr. " ” yufUin, 000.000 annually; the cost of the army this year is $135,000,000. But we are told that CFPV CTATF. there are not soldiers enough. What does uLv I Ur j! Aid this great increase in two years mean if not H R limrlahl . ... militarism? **• llliaucmif ” Hanna says there are no trusts. He lies, TREASURER' moment dickering with a gigantic trust to _ ___ * vaM- • stop the coal strike to save his puppets at 5* Yf* Powell, “ « Slillwaler. Washington. He himself is in control of the Bessemer Ore Producers’ association, a ttatviicv rnuert a f one of tbe most lni< l u,tous of trusts, whien ATTORNEY GENERAL? has succeeded in doubling the price of Bes- E. A Twitchell, - Minneapolis. iSCKT*—- *»» not ruipc of weakness.—Boston Traveler. _- -- . | Why does this Boston Democratic ilarrlS, - - - M. P&U1« s h e et tell one S ide only of the story and a * AJjUvIA 1E JVjIIvL p er arraign the Republicans when Dem- J. A. Temple, - Minneapolis. ocrats are guilty of the identical same ~~~~~ charges? Democrats of Kentucky pass- B. B. COMMISSIONERS: ed the infamous Goebel election law and M. B. Parks, - Lester Prairie. virtually disfranchised all but Demo- J. J. Hibbard, - - - Duluth. crats in Kentucky. This is government Moran - - Craceville ln our own country and of our own citl_ FOB CONGBESS 3D BIST* e( *' i m P er * a ii sm °f the worst • .. type, right here at home. Democrats J. K. LOWe, “ raribauu have done the same thing in Mississippi, PHD rONCOFCC QTH nTCT* N ° rth Carolina and other SoutherQ a (JU LUrlaULjj 3111 UISI. states. Half the South is disfranchised Adolph Paradis, - - SI Paul and governed without the consent of the governed. It is the work of Democrats, FOB CONGBESS 7TH BIST: who are now crying out against im- Haldor E. Bocn - Fergus Falls P erialism and government without the . [ consent of the governed. Let Demo- FOB CONGBESS 6TH BIST* crats abolish imperialism in the South n • c . e* /'i* j before they prate about imperialism in P. J. Scberger, - - 51. Cloud Porto Rico the orlent • The two worst examples of militarism INCREASE OF NATIONAL BANKS. thiS COUntry haS eVel * Seen W3S the U 3« of troops by Cleveland at Chicago to Nearly Five Hundred New Concerns help Pullma “ a and the use Anthorlxed to Start Business. ° f tr °° P Bby G ° V ' Stunenberg. of Idaho, w*«utmptov „ . . . . . to help the Rockefellers win the strike WASHINGTON, Oct. 16. —A statement prepared by the comptroller of the currency and imprison the miners in. the Idaho shows that applications have been approved bullpen. This was the work of Dem under the act of March 14, 1900, for the or- . . .. , . gnuization cf the new national banks, with ocra t s and the Democrats now pretend a total capitalization of $23,505,000. Of this to be anti-militarism, number 373 will have a capital of less than __ „ .. $50,000 each and 123 of $50,000 or more. The hen We COme to the trusts - Dem number already organized and started in ocrats are no more consistent. The business is 331, having made deposits of Hsvpitipvpin of the mizfir ... bonds amounting to $5,128,450. iiavemeyers, oi tne sugar trust, are The largest number of applications to Democrats, and the five sugar states organize national banks came from lowa, are Democratic, and the senate sugar 45 having been received. Texas comes next . . , . . , , _ with 36. Pennsylvania has 33, Illinois 31, schedule that became law under Grover Minnesota 23, Ohio 22, Nebraska 19, New Cleveland’s reign gave this sugar trust York 14, Indiana 13, Kansas 12, Indian ter- ei. aaa ma T v T ~ ritory 12 and North Dakota 11. The re- $14,000,000 protection. J. K. Jones, the maining states range down from seven to Hanna of the Democratic party, is at one, Hawaii having one and Porto Rico the hpa( » of thp round ro tton hale one. each with a capital of $500,000. 1 e rouna couon Da >e trust. No applications have yet been received and New York’s big four Democrats are t h C states and territories: members of an ice trust. Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Nevada, Utah, Arizona and Alaska. These are the men, this is the Demo- This is where the increase in money cratic party that is pretending to stand comes from. against imperialism, militarism and the _ There is, in almost every instance, a trusts. This is the party that has never transfer fund from an older and richer kept a promise. This is the party that community, or diversion of money from has fused and destroyed every reform simple usury to so-called banking. party. This is the party that has al- Every bank so established becomes ways been all promise and no perform the center of political influence in that ance - Thi s is the party that stands be locality; and so this thing spreads and tween the people and all reform. This grows, directed from Wall street or is the Party that compels the people to Washington. The small politician who continue the fight between the two old invests 31,000 in the stock becomes an frauds. E. a. T. advocate of the system and is ready to work for it secretly. sugar trust taxes. For a time all goes well. If there is a Since McKinley’s inauguration the Sugar “cramping” of the money market it is trust has raised the wholesale price of sugar ««« * , A 9 1C 13 2 cents per pound and the retail price pro easy to let out more money and so re- portionately. lieve it. The total sugar consumption of the United T 4. . States is 5,1)00,000,000 pounds a year, or 66 it Is in the power of the combine to pounds per capita. contract the currency, which consists An extra tax of 2 cents per pound on . , , , .. 5,000,000,000 pounds equals a total tax of mainly of bank paper, by sending a cir- $100,000,000. This is one-'Ealf the total an cular letter from headquarters, advising nual cost of schools for the whole United such a course and irivinir reasons for i* s * ateß - The People of the United States suen a course ana giving reasons for it. therefore are taxed one-half as much a The whole currency Is loaned on in- year to support the Sugar trust as to main terest-bearlng securities, and a panic ta l n , t . h f P JSJ ,b iL c Pf iS? M !?* B ' As oxery person on an average uses 66 can be created at any time which upsets pounds of sugar a year a raise of 2 cents all values P er pound means $1.32 paid every year by _ . _ ' . . each person as tribute to the Sugar trust. . This will be done whenever any course Now let every man figure out how much I i* taken which la Inimical lo the welfare famtly ’ h,B town *»is county. He ariH get some very interesting figures. And then let him consider, too, that the Sugar trust is only one of a hun dred or more trußts which are bleeding him constantly.—Broad Axs. - This is Indeed a good point against the Republicans. The Broad Axe is a Bryan organ, and it does our soul good when they show up these Republican iniquities. Such Democratic papers can roast McKinley to the queen’s taste, but when they come to Democratic sins of commission or ommission they are as silent as an oyster. The Havemeyer family are Democrats. The sugar trust is owned and controlled by the Havemeyers. The sugar trust is Democratic in its origin, its methods, its politics and its whole make-up. It was Havemeyer who said: “The pro tective tariff is the mother of trusts." Democratic newspapers are everywhere quoting this expression of Havemeyer’s. Havemeyer wants free trade in every thing but sugar. It was the Havemeyer gang who elected Grover Cleveland, on a free trade platform, and then forced through congress during his administra tion the senate sugar schedule, which gave to sugar 314,000,000 protection a year. While Republicans are guilty of all the Broad Axe charges, and not the half has been told, still, we are Inclined to think these charges are in bad taste coming from Democratic newspapers. It is a well settled rule of equity that he who charges fraud and asks relief there from must himself oome into court with clean hands. There is very little that is clean about the Democratic party. Its hands have been dirty so long that they wouldn’t be recognized if they were clean. The Broad Axe should sing small when it comes to the sugar trust, the cotton trust, the ice trust and numerous other trusts. It is a dangerous subject for Democrats to deal with, for none of their leaders can cast the first stone. E. A. T. THE swing of the pendulum. The vote of New York state is cast al ternately for the candidate of the two great parties, with the regularity of the swing of a pendulum. The history records it; To Seymour over Grant in 1868 by 10,000 plurality. " To Grant over Greeley in 1872 by 53,455 plurality. To Tilden over Hayes in 1876 by 32,742 plurality. To Garfield over Hancock in 1880 by 21,033 plurality. To Cleveland over Blaine in 1884 by 1,149 plurality. To Harrison over Cleveland in 1888 by 14,373 plurality. To Cleveland over Harrison in 1892 by 45,518 plurality. To McKinley over Bryan in 1896 by 268,469 plurality.—Broad Axe. The foregoing is argument, or suppos ed-to-be-argument, pointing to Bryan’s election in 1900. The Broad Axe is a Democratic organ and in this recital omits to state one very important fact. It was the money power of New York that thus swings from one party to the other and chang ed results in that state. The men composing this money power have no politics. They are for the win ning side and have never failed to con trol it. If the Broad Axe is dissatis fied with Republican rule because the money power controls it, it will, in the event of Bryan’s election have the same reason for being dissatisfied with Bry an’s election. The Broad Axe should be broad enough to see the logic of its own argument. Why should the Broad Axe hurrah for Bryan, when the same New York gang will control him that now controls McKinley? Isn’t it about time to turn down both the money power parties? This alternating every four years between the two old parties only to be robbed by the same gang un der a change of name is making the toiling masses exceedingly tired. E. A. T. WORSE AND WORSE. We learn that Dr. Fay, at the very time he omitted all reference to the electoral ticket of Barker and Donnelly on the official ballot, had 350 in his pocket, which would have paid for filing the name of one elector, and have given the Middle-of-the-Roaders a chance to vote for the same. Besides this, he was told by Mr. Day that he had SSO more to pay for another. And an appeal a week ahead, for half, would rave settled the balance of the 3450, and not have left us in a disgraced attitude before the whole country. It may be asked what was his motive tor turning down the party in this out rageous fashion. He wanted the vote of the state to go to Debs. He worked for this result in the Cincinnati convention. He sought revenge upon Donnelly, so that when a fair vote is announced from the Southern states there will be no re sponse from Minnesota. That is his whole policy at present. I. D. To the People of the State of Minne sota—Greeting! My nomination as candidate for gov ernor of the state, by the large referen dum vote accorded me through the bal lots sent out by the Middle-of-the-Road Populists last spring, makes it a pleas urable duty that I owe to my country and my fellow men, to accept from your hands such honors as you accord me by your manifest confidence In my ability and worthiness to dispense justice, so far as the executive power reaches, in the defense and protection of all citi zens, regardless of color, nationality, creed or condition; and as I have, as a farmer, for 50 years earned my bread by sweat and toil; and as official posi tions, by vote of the people, come only to lawyers, nabobs, corporation tools and political scavangers, I feel free to make known in this, my letter of ac ceptance, where and how I stand on matters of state. I wish, first, to call the attention of all voters in the state to the statements and general opinion of party bosses and party slaves, that all the power, in fluence. oratory and honor this side of heaven, without the predominating in fluence of money, could not secure this election of one of the 225,000 representa tives of labor that vote in this state to any prominent office; therefore, my THE REPRESENTA'ITVBIin THURSDAY, UCIUUKK 25, IWU. nomination is not eqpis&lent to an elec tion, hut leaves me free to state facta for your oonsideratlfopi, without fear or favor, since my npmipation as before, and in fancy picture tOj myself and the public what my administration of af fairs of state would bej were I elected. The policy and Wjork of the last ad ministration I needf not dwell upon. I have this to say of Lind —that which he declared he would not have, he received with open arms, both be fore and after his election; and on that principle he has conducted his adminis tration. That which he assumed to be, he has not been; and that which he has assumed not to be he has been, ln too many Instances; hut how could he expect to be elected again without the help of corporation organs and corrup tion funds? Hence his tactics. “I fa vor public ownership of railroads, but I am more in favor of private owner ship of public utilities if they will keep me in office.” This might be signed John Lind for a second term, without equivocation or mental reservation, and forwarded to Jim Hill from the orna ment of the Democratic party. Now as to my fancied election. I stand upon, indorse, and shall stand up on the Omaha platform. Demanding what that demands and working for these demands in the interests of all classes, I believe, and shall work for the truths embodied ln our national declaration of independence, and I would make the farmer and wage earner equal in his demands for justice to the prince or king. I say, and repeat it, these men are the builders, supporters and defenders of our country; and if I was placed in official position would then, as now, work for radical changes in our system of handling and market ing the grain and productions of the farm. Every man knows that it belongs to the farmer to grade and sell his own products or property, as much as it be longs to the manufacturer or merchant to grade and sell his. I do absolutely, in terms not to be misunderstood, de nounce a system that owns the masses as Serfs to produce wealth, and votes a majority, by the power of money, to continue such conditions. I see the necessity and shall, whether elected or not, continue to work for such legal, just and equitable adjustment of com mercial exchange as will leave in the hands of wage earnprs and farmers me wealth they produce, less reasonable transportation charges and taxes. It is useless for me to try to answer Governor Lind’s propositions to reduce railroad charges for transportaing grain and other products' from the farms of Minnesota to the market places; the answer is written upon the farmer’s re ceipt for freight charges, on his mort gages, his labor-worn form and features, his farm buildings and other improve ments. I know our friend, Dr. John son, who has posed as Populist, Bryan Demo-fusionist, etc., returning again to his Republican vomit, without the smell of reform on his political garments at any time, says that a farmer in his lo cality is paying off his mortgage; but compare the dividends of a hundred thousand farmers of this state with those of one railroad. Compare rates for transportation with prices. How far west or north of Min neapolis do you have to go to find the cost of shipping grain to the city one third of its price? One hundred and fifty miles northwest you can buy hard wood for what it costs to ship it to the city. Not one farm in 50, of 160 acres or less in the state, with buildings, stock and all wealth of the farm would sell for enough to build the residence of one of the schemers for office, city bred, ap pointed on the state board of grain in spectors, grain commission, etc. With railroad commissioners, fair-minded and honorable, freight rates might be re duced; but the only national, permanent method of procedure is to secure govern ment ownership of all transportation lines. I iv ant to ask Lawyer Lind and Law yer Van Zant on what legal proposition they base the right of any state to take control of all grain produced by the farmers, inspect, grade, weigh and sell it; charging all this expense to the grain and returning the balance, if there is any left, to the farmer. I am not a practicing lawyer (for I want to escape hell), but I have some knowledge of law, and I do not know of anything in our code justifying such procedure by the state authorities. Truly, just here the words of Christ do well apply: “Woe unto you also, ye lawyers; for ye lade men with burdens grievous to be borne, and ye yourselves touch not the burdens with one of your fingers.” A collusion of office seekers and money grabbers, to confiscate the property of this class of men asi a penalty for being farmers. Through the old party press Lawyer Van Zant charges Lawyer Lind with using more of the state s funds to care for its charitable institutions than was used under Repußlican management during the years wkeA conditions were such as made paupers' and lunatics as fast as they are tuhned 1 out under the present administration ’' But the oi wnich I am candidate governor, would change conditions so fKat tnere would be less of these unfortunates to De cared for. Tax payers should well consider this, before casting their votes. But just now the tax payer nas a nard prob lem to solve. Men once votea tneir con victions, but now one man at the head of a trust dictates from ouu to 3,0 w bal lots with the promise to the dinner pail brigade of another day’s work and the privilege of eating coarse, cneap food, sitting on a log, lumber pile, coal heap or wooden bench, while the few men that thus feed and vote these millions of wage slaves ride about in carriages and coaches that cost from 3500 to 3200,- 000, eating the most precious viands the world affords. This is gold standard, sound- money prosperity in a Christian land, where the home of the rich costs a million dol lars and millions of poor laborers can have no expectation of a home this side of heaven, and possibly may lose that for cursing in the name of God condi tions their votes might change. Take the power from private control of money and divide its billions of profits among all the people through government own ership of the production and distribu tion of the exchange for all labor and its productions. My influence and vote aro not given for the support of simply a party of men, but for a change of conditions that would make money serve the people Instead of compelling the people to serve money. Somehow the people fail to recognize the fact, that private money on the throne, like the soulless king, has within its grasp the wealth, the liberties and the lives of all the people. The true picture of gold supremacy is appalling. To gold we, the government, owe billons of dollars in bonds, prin cipal and premium, besides the billions we have paid, and the end is not yet. From measuring all wealth by the gold standard, combined money may and does abridge the rights of ail citizens, as is evidenced by the oppressive power of money in our own state of Minnesota, refusing Middle-of-the-Road Populists the constitutional power to vote for the electors of their choice for president and vice-president of the United States, because they were unable to put up $450 to get their electors on the ticket The greatest crime of the ages was putting the exception clause on the peo ple’s treasury note, or money; a legal and lawful medium or exchange, made receivable of all public dues. And to meet this particular offense previously committed, ex post facto laws that are prohibited by the United States consti tution have been forced upon the peo ple: Such as bonds for gold, national banks, resumption of specia payments, demonetization of silver, repeal of the Sherman act and the infamous finance bill passed by the last congress giving the right to a few men to own all banks of issue, control the per capita circula tion, own all the bonds, retire all green backs and measure all values by 25 8-10 grains of private gold. The above written financial code in the interests of money adventurers, has not only corrupted the ballot, but has prostituted the manhood, honor and vir tue once found in halls of state and on 1 judges’ benches, to the base and soulless demands of money, legalized every money combine and trust, against which there is no remedy but the repeal of the above written ex post facto laws, which are mallum in se. Place in the hands of the people the right to buy gold as other commodities and pay gov ernment debts with government money, treasury notes that exchange so readily for gold and all productions of all na tions on the face of the earth. Private ownership and control of money will vote a majority of 14,000,000 men with only a dinner pail in their hands, and 25,000,000 wives and children reaching into these dinner pails for bread, or mines and factories and mill 3 will be closed and these millions of my fellow laborers with their families will be turned into the streets to beg or to starve. How quickly the full dinner pail and full belly, by the power of com bined money, can be changed to empty dinner pails, empty stomachs and empty hands. With myself and family these wealth producers are reduced to the lowest type of human slavery, by ownership and control through the power of moneyed corporations and trusts we have no rights that our masters, or the courts which they own, are bound to respect. One case of thousands, robbed of home and liberty, is my own. Beside the rip pling waters of that beautiful lake, in Dickinson county, lowa, are possessions that are mine, by laws of equity anu justice, and every legal proposition laid down in our jurisprudence. In the gov ernment’s own records of nearly 1,000 pages, for a word or sentence of evi dence or law against my legal rights of possession to that home, I will give my right arm. I copy from one section: “The claim of S. M. Fairchild, which was initiated in 1805, was prima facia a valid one in its inception, subject omy to the invalid selection of the state, and it being shown by the record that he was still persisting in the assertion of title, or right to acquire title to the land covered thereby, at the date of the pas sage of the act of March 3, 1871, supra his claim was expressly protected by the proviso of said act, under which alone the state or the railroad company can assert any legal right to the land and that neither the state nor the railroad company took anything thereunder. “JOHN W. NOBLE, “Secretary of the Interior.” A patent was issued but was called back from the local land office before it came into my hands. Corporation money dogged my steps from 1871 to 1895, when the millionaire grantee of the railroad company, oy tne pientnui use of his money, secured a decision against the government in suit brought by itself in its own court, to set aside the railroad company’s claim. Eight railroad lawyers in the pit, one on the bench and the attorney general, since i lost possession in 1895, have locked the door of the United States supreme court against my right of appeal virtually say ing to me, no industrial slave has any rights which this court is bound to re spect. ’Twas lawyers made Dred Scott a slave, His wife and children, you and I, But when the people want a judge No laborer need appiy. S. M. FAIRCHILD. A CARD FROM MR. BARKER. Philadelphia, Pa., Oct. 20, 1900. Hon Ignatius Donnelly. My Dear Mr. Donnelly: I have today read your signed editorial, “A Great Wrong.” In it I find a statement of error and one that I ask you to correct in the next issue of the Representative. You say “Dr. Fay promptly notified Wharton Barker that he would not be voted for in Minnesota, but he omitted to notify Mr. Donnelly." -1 have had ho such notification from Dr. Fay, of from any other person and such a statement is false. It is as great a disappointment to me as it can be to you that Minnesota Popu lists have been denied the right to vote for the Cincinnati ticket. Yours very truly, WHARTON BARKER. (We gave Dr. Fay too much credit. He notified no one—Ed. Representative. Health for 10 cents. Cascarets make the bowels and kidneys act naturally, destroy microbes, cure headache, bili ousness and constipation. All druggists. BRYAN’S MISSION To Destroy the People’s Party—Old Democratic Chiefs Back ia the Saddle. Capt. John H. Cherry, of Little Rock, an Old Greenhacker, Makes the Caae Plain. (From the Missouri World.) In the early part of the year when Bryan posing as a reformer or the only friend of the toiling poor, also in some unexplained manner securing the sup port of Tammany and Boss Croker and other representatives of the Demo cratic wing of the money power, some of us said “There is something dead up the creek.” But now that he has Cleveland’s running mate for his run ning mate and Cleveland and his former cabinet minister, and Dave Hill and the ice trust, and Van Wycks and, in fact, all the corrupt plutocratic chiefs of the party are openly supporting him, it must be apparent to the most stupid that the old time Democracy is openly in control again. A brief glance over that party’s play in the few years last past seems to make it clear what Bryan’s mission at the front has been. In 1866-’6B, when the Republican par ty, following the advice of Secretary McCulloch, was rapidly burning up the greenbacks and other treasury notes —the war money—and issuing bonds instead, pulling down prices and building a bond aristocracy, some of us old Lincoln boys viewed the pro ceedings with alarm; and when in 1868 Grant was being nominated on a plat form declaring that the 5-20 bonds should be paid in coin, changing the contract from a greenback debt to a coin debt, many of us left the party and espoused the cause of Pendleton and greenbacks. The West and Mid dle West were afire for “Pendleton and Greenbacks.” Wall street’was alarmed. Pendleton mu6t be headed off, so Sey mour of Wall street was set up to oppose Wall street’s other candidate. Next came Greeley of Wall street with “shak ing hands across the bloody chasm” as the diversion. Then came Tilden, Han cock, Cleveland and Cleveland, all from the Wall street nest, set up in seeming opposition to Wall street’s Republican candidates. Thus Wall street played the toiling masses a game of “heads I win, tails you lose.” In 1876 the Greenbackers began a vig orous organization and elected some half a dozen brainy, earnest congress men and threatened to break up the game. To head them off, to stop the stampede to their ranks, Wall street eased up a little. In February, 1878, congress passed the Bland-Allison act, restoring the partial coinage of silver —giving the people a “half-loaf;” and on May 31, 1878, another act prohibit ing the further destruction of green backs. And to more effectually head off the greenback movement the Demo cratic state conventions of the West and South especially, declared very strongly for greenbacks. The Demo ciatic platform of Arkansas was as good a greenback platform as the Greenbackers themselves had pro claimed. Thus they held their voters from flocking to our standard. But after that election we heard no more of their greenbackism. On the con trary, we see them in 1882 uniting their votes with the Republicans in re chartering the national banks, and in 1893, .under the leadership of Dan Voorhees, giving the final death blow to silver. In 1892 the Greenbackers rallied again under the name of People’s party and developed enormous strength. To op pose them with two Wall street candi dates again might not stop the stampede of the voters to their ranks. It was deemed a better play to let Bryan have the nomination and load him down with Sewell and elect McKinley— Bryan to play the goody-goody among the Pop ulists and dissolve their organization. Believing that he has accomplished his mission Wall street's chosen leaders are resuming their control of the party. Why can’t everybody see that for the past 32 years the money power has dominated both the old parties; that, in fact, the twain have been one in the flesh, how they have contrived to keep the people nearly equally divided be tween two gangs of unscrupulous politi cians; and how, when the Democratic wing being kept out so long they were becoming discouraged, were allowed to belly up to the pie counter for two terms under “rugged honesty Grover.” “Reform Democracy!” Old Green backers will not be deceived by the pre tense. A few of our old comrades, worn out with battling so long against such odds, went over to where there was a campaign fund. But very few of these wil remain when they view their political bed-fellows. Cyclone Davis and Grover Cleveland, under the same cover, caressing and billing and cooing likd sucking doves, is a spectacle for gods and men. Was the temptation to sell oratory for campaign funds too much for Cyclone? And my beloved and honored spouse, Hairy Tracy, too. BUckenederfcr *• *• •* •* Typewriters. No. 5, $40.00. No. 7, $50.00. Full keyboard, visible writing, interchange- * able type, direct printing and inking, excel lent manifolder, portable and durable. Ad*Write for catalogue and particulars.^^ HARGER & BLISH, ..GENERAL AGENTS.. 6C5-607 Sykes Block, Minneapolis, Minn. Minnessta, X. and So. j lowa aud Nebraska. Dakota and West Wia. | Dubuque, lowa. BBOONIA, VULCAN; FAVORITE ASTERS. MIXED; SWEET PEAS, ORANDIFLORA PANSY. DEEP RED. Cultural directions and cata logue tor 150 and three names of flower lovers. MENDENHALL, Florist... Bax 088, MteaeapelU, Mlaa. MQI W Specialist in dissases of we _ HL ■ meat all menstrual troubles * * corrected; home fer lad lee during and before confinement. Collora Block, Xt Fourth St. So., rooms 8 and 9, third floor. J. W. MAHONEY’S Distributing Agenoy. Distributes Dodgers, Samples, Etc. Labor Lyceum, 36 Washington Av. So. or 1907 6th SL So. MINNEAPOLIS, - MINNESOTA. Distributes Sample Copits of The Hsprssulstlva. dßfehfcE. D. BEST, „ * —OPTICIAN. 1 Removed to i 407 Mioollmt Avm» Eves Examined FREE. | If your head aches, eyes burn or water slplA blur, you should consult me. I test eyes and *l*s?, toflt. Satisfaction guaranteed. PRICES THE LOWEST. < I CINCINNATI PLATFORM j! | —s: ♦ The People’s party of the United ♦ ♦ States, assembled in national eonven- ♦ ♦ tion this 10th day of May, 1000, af- ♦ ♦ firming our unshaken belief in the 6 ♦ cardinal tenets of the People’s ♦ ♦ party, as set forth in the Omaha ♦ ♦ platform, and pledging ourselves ♦ ♦ anew to continued advocacy of those ♦ ♦ grand principles of human liberty ♦ ♦ until right shall triumph over might ♦ ♦ and love over greed, do adopt and ♦ ♦ proclaim this declaration of faith: ♦ ♦ 1. We demand the initiative and ♦ ♦ referendum and the Imperative man- ♦ ♦ date, or such changes of existing ♦ ♦ and fundamental and 6taiute law as ♦ ♦ will enable the people in their sover- ♦ ♦ elgn capacity to propose and compel ♦ ♦ the enactment of such laws as they ♦ ♦ desire; to reject such as they deem ♦ ♦ injurious to their interests, and to ♦ ♦ recall unfaithful public servants. ♦ ♦ 2. We demand the public owner- ♦ ♦ ship and operation of those means of 4 ♦ communication, transportation and ♦ ♦ production which the people may ♦ ♦ elect, such as railroads, telegraph ♦ ♦ an ', telephone lines, coal mines, etc. & ♦ 3. The land, including all nat- ♦ ♦ ural sources of wealth, Is a heritage ♦ ♦ of the people, and should not be ♦ ♦ monopolized for speculative purposes ♦ ♦ and alien ownership of land should ♦ ♦ be prohibited. All land now held by ♦ ♦ railroads and other corporations in ♦ ♦ excess of their actual needs, and all 4 ♦ lands now owned by aliens should be ♦ ♦ reclaimed by the government and ♦ ♦ held for actual settlers only. + ♦ 4. A scientific and absolute paper ♦ ♦ money, based upon the entire wealth ♦ ♦ and population of the nation, not re- ♦ v ♦ deemable In any specific commodity, ♦ ♦ but made a full legal tender for all ♦ ♦ debts, and receivable for all taxes ♦ ♦ and public dues, and issued by the 4 ♦ government only, wltnout the Inter- ♦ ♦ ventlon of banks, and In sufficient ♦ ♦ quantity to meet the demands of ♦ ♦ commerce, Is the best currency that ♦ ♦ can be devised; but until such a ♦ ♦ financial system Is secured, which we ♦ ♦ shall press for adoption, we will fa- ♦ ♦ vor the free and unlimited coinage of ♦ ♦ both silver and gold at the legal ra- ♦ ♦ tio of 16 to 1. 6 ♦ 6. We demand the levy and col- ♦ ♦ lection of a graduated tax on In- + ♦ comes and Inheritancea, and a con- ♦ » ♦ stitutional amendment to secure the 4 ♦ same, if necessary. + ♦ 6. We demand the election of pres- ♦ ♦ ident, vice-president, federal Judges ♦ ♦ and United States senators by direct ♦ ♦ vote of the people. ♦ ♦ 7. We are opposed to trusts, aud ♦ ♦ declare the contention between the ♦ ♦ old parties on the trust and monop- ♦ ♦ oly question is a sham battle, and ♦ ♦ that no solution of this mighty prob- ♦ ♦ lem is possible without the adoption ♦ ♦ of the principles of public ownership ♦ ♦ of public utilities. ♦ iniiniiimimit i went wrong. Come out of that mess, Harry! You see Democrats are not is near us now as they were in 1892. Then they declared for greenbacks; now they are for redemption money with both gold and silver for redeemer, the sys tem that we had In 1857, when we had the great panic in which it was demon strated that one dollar back of the coun ter can’t redeem three or five other dol lars at par on demand. This occurred three years before Bryan was born, and he has been so busy talking ever sines that he has never had time to study it. But all old Greenbackers know what a consummate fake, what a three-card monte trick and panic-machine the re demption money scheme is. They know that Bryan is being used merely as a decoy duck to draw off Populists from their party that the plans of the money < power may not be thwarted; that Bryan ism is merely a repetition of 1878. JOHN H. CHERRY, Little Rock, Ark. Dead Shot Remedy Co.— I am using your Dead Shot at present for Deafness and Stomkeh trouble, caused by catarrh, and find it helping me; and I would like the agency for It. GEORGE TBBGARDBN. Orange. Wia.