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r ■ - "Cbc Representative. FOUNDED BY IGNATIUS DONNELLY. The official paper of the State Farmers’ Al liance and Industrial Union and the advo cate of industrial, economic and political reform. PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY By the' Representative Publishing Co.. Editor-in-Chief — E. A. TWITCHELL. SPECIAL CONTRIBUTORS EX-GOV. DAVIS H. WAITE. MRS. MARY E. LEASE, MRS. MARION TODD, ELT WEED POMEROY, HON. QUITMAN BROWN. _ Entered at the Postoffice at Minneapolis, Minn., as second class matter. Address all communications to “THE REPRESENTATIVE,” No. 632 Boston Block, Minneapolis, Minn. SUBSCRIPTION RATES. One year Six months . Three months The best way in which to send your sub scription money is by postoffice money or der or bv registered letter. One or the oth er can be obtained at every postofflee in the United States. Express money orders are also cheap and convenient from the larger places. 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In order to reduce complaints to the min imum in future, we desire to ask the fol lowing questions: Does you paper come regularly? Is your name correctly spelled on our tnailing lint? ‘ Are you getting more than one copy . Does the date on the label of your paper this week agree with your last receipt? If not. notify us and we will rectify mat ters. NOT NV ANTED. Statistics gathered from 131 railroads of the country show the average term C'f service of railroad employes to be lG years. Men past 35 or 36 years of age are thrown out of employment for no other reason than their age. Youth and physical perfection are two chief quali fications required now in all the great trusts and captains of industry. When men get old in their employ they are Oxpected to crawl away to some seclud ed place and die like a dog. uncared for, neglected and alone. The best of man s life is being converted into stock and bonds owned by the few and the worn out wrecks are thrown on the scrap pile. E. A. T, HKFDKMIMi THE PRIMARIES. In his first message Governor La Follette of Wisconsin made many suggestions for reforms. His plan for improving the meth ods at primary elections is specially worthy of notice. Under the present system the political machine seems to be unavoidable. Mr. La Follette proposes that the system be changed by allowing the voters to nominate their candidates direct ly, without a caucus or convention. Under such a plan the votes might be so scatter ing that no nomination would result. To avoid this danger the governor suggests that each voter shall name a first and second choice for each office. If no candi date has a majority of flmt choice ballots, then the one having the largest number of first and- second choice votes shall be de clared nominated. It is believed that the cases would be extremely rare in which this method would fall to result in nomina tion. Governor La Follette points out the fact that under the caucus and convention sys tem, when there is a large number of candi dates. the result seldom represents the wishes of the voters. The nomination is reached by shifting, compromising, and trading among the delegates, and it fre quently happens that the candidate finally chosen is one whom the voters had scarcely considered at all. Mis La Follette be lieves his proposed system of direct nomi nation would more nearly represent the wishes of the people and would do away with the worst evils of machine rule. Minneapolis already has such a system and thus far it seems to work satisfactorily. We hope that the legislature now in session will extend law to St. Paul. The professional politicians, of course, are not in favor of such a change.—Broad Axe. The politicians of Wisconsin are mak ing every effort to defeat this law. Peti tions in remonstrance against this bill have been printed and are being indus triously circulated in all parts of the state. The movement against the measure is headed by federal officials and ap pointees. The people of many states are learning that the place to initiate self government or direct legislation is at home in the smaller subdivisions of our political system. The same is true of public ownership. The battle against private monopoly of public utilities is best waged in village or city first against some corporation not yet strong enough to buy up a national congress or a state legislature. The people see the benefits to be gained. They see the theory in practical opera tion. Their dream becomes a reality and they knock at the doors of the state legislature or national congress for more of the same sort. This is the way that will ultimately lead to a larger measure of public ownership. Every man who believes in the prin ciple of public ownership of public utili ties can do no greater service to the cause than to look well about him at home, select the nearest private monop oly in city water, electric light, private telephone or street car system, interest his neighbors by ceaseless agitation for their public ownership and stick to it till the thing is done. There is no time to be lost in these matters. The great trusts are rapidly consolidating all these little monop olies and soon they will be too powerful to be overcome. These great consolidated schemes are tn our opinion working toward final public ownership of monopolies, but the transition would be easier and more natural if, meantime, had our towns and cities already taken over their own lo cal public utilities. Let us wipe out a horde of the little monopolies and there will be less work remaining lor the big trusts to do. It is all coming. Men will finally claim tl eir own. E. A. T BRYAN OITOSED TO REDEMPTION. Tlit*re Will Be Another Enillen* Chain, He Think.«, Like That on the Greenback*. WASHINGTON, Feb. 6 —Chairman South ard, of the house committee on coinage, today received from William J. Bryan his view of the pending bills making the stand ard silver dollar redeemable In gold. Mr. Bryan says in part: “There is no necessity for redemption. The legal tender law will maintain the parity between gold coin and silver dollars so long as both can be used to an unlimited ! extent tn the payment of public revenues and private debts. I should perhaps say that the parity will be substantially main tained, for local and temporary conditions may under any law put a small premium upon any kind of money. “As soon as the silver dollar is made re deemable in gold, another endless chain will be created, and the arguments used against the greenbacks and treasury notes will then be turned against silver. Before the attempt to burden the gold reserve with this new obligation is consummated, it may be worth while to consider the opin ion expressed by Secretary Carlisle in ISP3. We are surprised that Mr. Bryan should stop short with his logic and in sist that legal tender law does away with the necessity of redemption in the case of silver, but is still necessary in the case of the greenback. In all Mr. Bryan’s talk on the money question he has always evaded this question and has never explained how the legal tender law or fiat of government could main tain the parity of the silver dollar, but would fall down in the greenback. If Mr. Bryan would contend that the force that lifts a silver dollar up to a parity with the gold is partly the in trinsic value of the silver and partly the force of the legal tender act, then we would like to have him divide these two co-ordinate forces and figure out for us just what part of this raising power is due to fiat and how much to intrinsic value. If the elevating power is all in the fiat, then it would seem sensible to ad mit that the paper could be raised to parity quite as easily as the sliver, and we could dispense with that coin re demption plank in the Chicago platform. E. A. T. SOCIALISM AN INDUSTRIAL DEMOC RACY. There is not now in any civilized coun try one statesman of note would acknowl edge that the laissez faire theory could be applied to existing conditions, nor is there a political economist of note, except Her bert Spencer, who now advocates the eco nomics of the Manchester school. Given an industrial system under which the means of production can be privately appropriated, and it follows, inveitably, that the disinherited, the propertyless class will be reduced to economic bondage. What is the remedy? There is but one. The worker must again be put in possession of the means of Droduction. How is this to be effected? We cannot go back to the small system of production, to the hand tool and individual ownership. No, the large system is here to stay. It is mani festly impossible for every weaver to own a cloth factory, but every weaver can be joint owner in one. This is the only alternative Society as a whole must own all the means for the production and distribution of wealth. This would be socialism—an in dustrial democracy. We must make it impossible for one man to live upon the labor of other men. When all own in common and are the equal benef iciaries of the enormous increase in pro ductive power made possible by the thou sands of machines and improved processes, to which we are all justly co-heirs and in heritors, involuntary poverty will be made impossible by a scientific system of co operation which we choose to call socialism. —W. H. Stuart. The foregoing is a fair sample of So cialist literaturs. Thousands of men just as sincere in their desire for re form as Mr. Stuart will indorse his statement that “We must make it im possible for one man to live upon the labor of other men.” The Omaha plat form declared that "Wealth belongs to him who creates it.” These are senti ments just and reasonable. All reform ers are substantially agreed upon this demand of Mr. Stuart's. It is the goal sought by seven to ten million American voters, and a very small per cent of these voters are Socialists. Why do so many seek the same end with Mr. Stuart but repudiate Socialism? It is because most Socialists exhibit the same ex travagance in both their statements of conditions and their demands. Mr. Stuart extravagantly says: “We cannot go back to the small system of production, to the hand tool and in dividual ownership.” Such wild and reckless statements as this hurt Socialism and retard rather than promote reform. One would think that Mr. Stuart never stepped outside j the four walls of some mammoth fac- ! tory where improved machines do nearly j all the work once done by the hand of man. One would have a right to assume that Mr. Stuart was ignorant of the fact that the tools used by every carpenter, every blacksmith, every bricklayer, e\ery stone mason, every plasterer, every plumber, every painter, every miner, every woodsman and most of the tools used by the farmers of the nation are hand tools and are today subjects ol individual ownership. Whole groups of states like our New England states and our Pacific states are farmed almost entirely with hand tools and this must always continue to be the case owing to the rocky and uneven surface of the country. The same is true of tools used in mining and in the builders' trades. Has it ever oc curred to Mr. Stuart that the men en gaged in these various industries where hand tools are used almost exclusively and must always be used, far out number the employes of factories and those whose places in the productive industries would have been usurped by the great machine? Because a comparatively few men in large manufactories have been displac ed by improved machinery Mr. Stuart would make the ridiculous demand that >he public at once assume ownership of all the hand tools in sight. Mr. Stuart assumes that all wealth is produced by some great machine that displaces labor and does away with hand tools. Nothing could be greater error. He assumes that all wealth is distributed by means of railroad trains and here again he is reckless in state ment. He forgets that the noble horse the patient ox, the ass and the mule, yes, even the man with the wheelbar- row, are still industriously engaged in the distribution of the world’s products. We would expect such extravagance would prescribe green apples as a cure for belly-ache. E. A. T. PROMISE OP REFORM. There is today no movement in the reform field that promises as much as the second meeting of what has been called the Buffalo conference. This meeting is already called for June 28 to July 4, next, to meet at Buffalo, N. Y. The convention is nearer non-partisan than any other reform gathering that has ever assembled in this country. It is not a delegate convention of men chosen by party machines. It is a body of men drawn, together by instinct, as it were, actuated by a common desire and purpose, and the brainest gathering of men and women to be found in this country. They command the respect of the common people. The first con ference of these same men was held at Buffalo two years ago to discuss the question “What to Do Next.” The question to be considered at this conference is “How Can Reforms Be Accomplished?” These are the reform men and women of the nation who hold lightly party lines. They are not politicians. There are among them a large number of emi nent scholars. Strike the names of these people from the rolls of the reform movement and we have very little left beyond a few intensely partisan politicians struggl ing for the offices. This conference is called by special letters of invitation sent out to per sons known to be interested in reform, and at the last conference over 600 re formers responded to the invitation. Here are the names of the general com mittee who are sending out the invita tions: GENERAL COMMITTEE. Willis J. Abbott, Ann Arbor, Mich. Henry Carter Adams, Prof. Political Econ omy, University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Mich. Miss Jane Addams, Hull House, Chicago, 111. Hon. Wm. V. Allen, U. S. Senator, Madison, Neb. Dr. E. Benjamin Andrews, Chancellor the University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb. Joseph Barcndess, New York. Hon. James H. Barry, Editor The Star, Sail Francisco, Cal. A. J. Boulton, Secretary District Assembly No. 220, K. or L., Brooklyn, N. Y. George A. Bellamy, Hiram House, Cleve land, O. Prof. E. W. Bemis, Bureau of Economic Research, New York. Victor L. Berger, Editor of “Vorwaats,” Milwaukee, Wis. Rev. W. I). P. Bliss, Pres. Social Reform Union, New York. Hon. John W. Briedenlhai, Bank Commis sioner, Topeka, Kan. Mrs. Copinne S. Brown, Chicago, 111. Hon. J. P. Buchanan, Wayside, Tenn. Joseph R. Buchanan, American Press Ass'n, New York. Hon, Marion Butler, U. S. Senator, Elliott, N. C. Starr Cadwallader, Head Worker, Goodrich Social Settlement, Cleveland, O. Daniel J. Campau, Detroit, Mich. Herbert N. Casson, of the N. Y. World, New York. Mrs. Lydia K. Commander, Editor of the Bellamy Review, New York. Prof. John R. Commons, Bureau of Econo mical Research, New York. • Ernest H. Crosby, New York. John S. Crosby, New York. Hon. R. A. Hague. Alameda, Cal. Eugene V. Debs, Terre Haute, Ind. Hen. Frank Doster, Supreme Court Judge, Topeka, Kan. Garrett Droppers. President University South Dakota, Vermillion, S. D. Ed. F. Farrell, Pres. Typographical Union No. 6, New York. James H. Ferriss, Editor Daily News, Joliet, 111. M. J. Flaherty, Sec. Cent. Labor Union, Brooklyn. * Mrs. Susannah M. D. Fry, Cor. See’y Na th nal W. C. T. U., Evanston, 111. l)r. George A. Gates, Grinnell, la. Samuel Gompers, Pre3. A. F. of L., Wash ington. Henry A. Goulden, President People’s Insti tute Club, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dr. George D. Herron, Grinnell, la. Archibald A. Hill, Settlement House, New York. William Dean Howells, New York. Rt. Rev. F. D. Huntington, Bishop Central New York, Syracuse, N. Y. Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jones, Chicago, 111. Hon. Samuel M. Jones, Mayor Toledo, O. James Kilbourue, Columbus, O. Henry W. Lawrence, Salt Lake City, Utah. John B. Lennon, Treas. A. F. of L., Gen'l Sec’y Journeymen Tailors’ Union, Bloom ington, 111. Hon. John J. Lentz, Congressman, Colum bus, O. Hon. James H. Lewis, Congressman, Seattle. Wash. Hon. John Lind, Gov’r Minnesota, St. Paul, Minn. Henry D. Lloyd, Boston, Mass. Mrs. Charles Russell Lowell, New York. Hon. John Mae Vicar, Mayor lies Moines, la. Hon. Thcmas Mc.Ewan, Jr., Jersey City, X. J. Hon. James G. Maguire, San Francisco, Cal. Edwin Markham, New York. Edwin D. Mead, Editor New England Maga zine, Boston, Mass. George Gluyas Mercer, Pres. American League of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, Pa. Rev. Benjamin Fay Mills. Oakland, Cal. W. S. Morgan. Editor Buzz Saw, Hardy, Ark. N. O. Nelson, N. O. Nelson Mfg. Co., St. Louis, Mo. Hon. S. M. Owen. Editrr Farm, Stock and Home, Minneapolis, Minn Jo. A. Parker. National Ohirman Mid-Read Populist Party, Louisville, Ky. Prof. Frank Parsons, Law University, Boston. Charles Brodie Patterson, Pres, the Inter national Metaphysical League, New York. John H. Patterson. Pres. The National Cash Register Co., Dayton, Ohio. Hon. Richard F. Pettigrew, U. S. Senator for South Dakota. Washington, D. C. Eltweed Pomeroy, Pres. National Direct Legislation League, Seabreeze, Fla. Hon. C. C. Post, Seabreeze. N. J. James B. Reynolds, University Settlement, New York. Hon. John P. St. John. Olathe, Kansas. Miss Vida D. Scudder, Boston Mass. E. R. A. Seligman, Columbia College, New York. Rev. Charles M. Sheldon, Topeka, Kansas. Mrs. Vladirimr Simkhovitch, Friendly Aid Settlement, New York. Hon. Jerry Simpson, Medicine Ledge, Kan. J. Allen Smith, Prof. Political Economy, Washington University, Seattle, Wash. Charles B. Spahr, Associated Editor The Outlook, New York. J. W. Sullivan, Author “Direct Legisla tion,” Typographical Union, New York. Dr. C. F. Taylor, Editor of the Medical World, Philadelphia ,Pa. Prof. Graham Taylor, The Commons, Chi cago. 111. Rev. H. W. Thomas, D. D., Chicago, 111. Hon. A. M. Tcdd, Congressman. Kalamazoo, Mich. John Brisbane Walker, Editor Cosmopolitan. Irvington, N. Y. Booker T. Washington, Tuskegee, Ala. E. J. Wheeler, Editor The Literary Digest, New York. Henry White, Secretary United Garment Workers of America, New York. Miss Elizabeth S. Williams, The College Settlement, New York. Hon. George Fred Williams, Dedham. Mas 3. Prof. Charles Zeublin, Chicago University, Chicago, 111. McKinley, Hanna, Gorman, Dave Hill, Cleveland and the leading old party politicians and great captains of in dustry are not expected to be present. It is a meeting of the other fellows. E. A. T. THE REPRESENTATIVE: THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 14,. 1901. OUR RpRUn Legal Statu* of Moaey Abbreviated. The constitution*)? Ihe United States, article first, sectni fight, says: “Congress shall"haVe power to coin money and regulate the values thereof, and of foreign coin.” Tiffany, on constitutional law, chapter 12, section 400, page 221, says: “That upon whif£ jjie stamp is placed id called coin; the coin may be metal, parchment or papar. > The value is in the stamp and not in the metal or ma terial.” Citations of the sureme court: Wal lace reports, vol. 12, page 548, says: “Contracts for the payment of money are subject to the authority of they are engagements to pay with law ful money of the United States and congress is empowered to regulate the money. * * * The constitution does not ordain what metals may be coined. Nor does it prescribe that the legal value shall correspond at all with its intrinsic value in the market.” * * * In the case of D. Juillard vs. Thomas S. Greenman, in supreme court, 1884, court says in conclusion: “Congress, as the legislature of a sov ereign nation, being expressly im powered by the constitution * * * to coin money, and regulate the value thei’eof, and of foreign coins, and being clearly authorized to coin, as incidental to the exercise of those great powers, to emit bills of credit, to charter nation al banks, and to provide a national cur rency for the whole people, in the form of coin, treasury notes * * * and the power to make notes of the government, a legal tender in the payment of private debts, being one of the powers, belong ing to sovereignty * * * we are irresist ably impelled to the conclusion that im pressing upon treasury notes of the United States the quality of being a legal tender in payment of private debts, is an appropriate means, con ductive and plainly adapted to the ex ecution of undoubted power of congress, consistant with the letter and spirit of the constitution; therefore, within the meaning of that instrument, necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by this constitution, of the government of the United States. It follows that the act of May 31, 1878, is constitutional and valid, and that the circuit epurt rightly held that a tender in treasury notes, reissued and kept in circulation under that act, was a tender of lawful money, in payment of the defendant’s debt to plaintiff.” Many more supreme court decisions could be cited to prove that congress has the power to create money out of any material it pleases. The decisions were caused by power, which caused suits to be brought to prevent the government fponji issuing legal ten der notes. Even daring tne civil wiu this same power had its agents in con gress, on the supreme bench, its corrupt ing influence was fslt to that extent that it was absolutely necessary for the president to remove some of the judges of the supreme court of the Unit ed States during the civil war, in order to get the plain, honest monetary deci sions above referred to. If the court had adhered to its first decisions, it would have been disastrous to the union cause, but what did the money mongers care? They never had any patriotism, or tender feelings for suffering humanity; they will have their per cent—like Shylock, must have their pound of flesh. Judge Warwick Martain, author of “The Money of Nations Historically and Legally Considered,” says: “Money is made by laws of the several nations, therefore it is national, never cosmopolitan, and very rarely interna tional. . The laws of nations make money, and the laws of the several na tions within their boundary lines un make money.” To illustrate, he quotes acts of con gress, coinage laws of April 2, 1792, which made foreign coins legal tender in the United States, as well as define and regulate the mints in the United States. This law was changed in 1834, putting \ less pure gold and silver in coins of the j United States, but the coins of what- j ever denomination or date, were full legal tender for what was stamped on their face. By the law of Feb. 21, 1857, all foreign coins were demonetized in the United States. Since that date, says Martain no foreign coins have been money in the ! United States. The law made and the law unmade this money; its being gold did not protect it. Up to 1853 all subsidarv coins were a full legal tender for any amount. The act of 1853 made dimes, quarters and halves 7 per cent light, and legal tender for $5 only, up to $5 they were made equal to gold and silver dollars, but. above that sum. they were bullion 7 per cent light, the law makes the money. But in 1879 these same subsidary coins were made a full legal tender for S2O. ..othing but law jnakes this money. Martain "next refers to the coinage of cents to show ttyit law makes money, act of 1792, authorizing the coinage of a cent, containing 260 gains of puce cop per or 26.000 graips in one dollar, they were a full legal'tender in any amount, same as gold or pjlver dollars or coins. Feb. 21, 1857, provided for a much lighter cent, still full legal tender. In 1864 a new cent and two-cent pieces were created, containing 48 grains of copper, tin and zinc. One hundred of j these contain only 4,800 grains, instead ! of 26,000, as under the law of 1792. A j pound of this metal costs only 20 cents. ! It coins 160 cent pieces. The commer- j cial value of the metal is only 20 cents. ! the legal vaiue of the money is $1.60: the law here makes a clear gain of $1.40 Nickel coins are composed of 75 parts copper and 25 parts nickel. A pound of this metal costs about 70 cents; it coins 100 flve-cent pieces, which make $5 — take 70 cents from $5 and $4.30 remains, all made, by law. Kellogg, in his monetary Bystem, which we think one of the soundest on the money question of any work we have found yet, says: “Money is » legal existence, made a national representative of property.” With the foregoing we close our legal status of money, and this article. Paste it in your hat. A. H. NELSON. Thy (iod 1* My God. Willow City, Feb. 4, 1901. Mr. E. A. Twitchell: Dear Sir —Your letter at hand and in reply will say it seems that in old times the children of Israel could not live without their mamma, also I am an Israelite and cannot live without your paper, as I like the policy of it, so be compassionate and send it along, and where thou goest I will go, and where thou lodgest 1 will lodge. Thy people will be my people, and thy God my God. Inclosed find sl. Your truly, PETER HARDENBERG. Willow City, N. D. Hiit Work Will Live. Cylon, Wis., Feb. 5, 1901. Editor Representative: Since the death of that good and great man, Hon. Ignatius Donnelly, I have oft tried to add my humble tribute to his memory, but when I would ponder upon the terrible blow which humanity received by his death, I was constrained to drop my pen in sorrow, but it is folly to give way to useless mourning, for his life’s work was nobly done, and its influence will be a potent factor in shap ing the destinies of the world. As the past ages were the reign of the divine right of kings, and the pres ent the divine right of the $, the fu ture will be the reign of true Democracy as expounded by Mr. Donnelly. This may come about peaceably through the ballot or oceans of blood may yet be spilt for it but truth and justice will ul timately triumph. While some of his admirers have fired some tremendous volleys at those who labored all their lives to impede the progress of his work and belittle him before the American people, let all true reformers cease this and let us now get to work and spread his doctrine, and when the world is ripe for true De mocracy the man will arise to lead us. Mr. Donnelly, though not professing any set form of religion, was a pro foundly religious man. This can De proved by his many writings, and child ish innocence was one of his character istic traits. Sincerely yours, W. J. DUNBAR. Single Tax Falla Down. San Francisco, Cal., Feb. 4, 1901. Editor Representative: Dear Sir—As an introductory to what will follow I wish to state that there are tens of thousands of good and ear nest reformers in this country, Known as single taxers who firmly believe the inequalities of fortune which makes one man an arsitocrat and another a pauper arise solely from the private ownership of land. A # nd the “Populists,” who as a rule are the most progressive and enlighten ed people of this or any other age, are looked upon by these reformers witn feelings akin to pity, because they will not indorse their land theory. But in sist the ills complained of had their primitive cause ana continuous duu ef fects from an insufficient amount in ac tual circulation of irredeemable money. If agreeable to you, sir, I propose to discuss this subject in this and sudsc quent articles in a manner quite differ ent from the old and established theo retical talk. And will show by practical every day business arguments the ut ter impossibility of ever attaining the one single tax, and the reason why. First, I assert it is the monopoly of money and not the monopoly of land that is the cause of poverty, want, crime and suffering everywhere throughout civilization. And.if it were not tor the monopoly of money there could not oe a monopoly of land. The absorption by rent of the rewards or industry through the monopolization o f land is the base or foundation upon which is erected the whole grand super structure. of the single tax reform. If this premise can be shown to be not founded on facts that it is merely an effect produced from a cause, which the great single tax leader and his en thusiastic disciples have entirely over looked. If I can prove this, then the foundation being removed, the grand edifice erected upon it must topple and fall. I think it can be clearly shown in tne course of this article that although the presence, industry and thrift of the peo ple everywhere do give value to not only land, but to all other things. Yet it is only in the sense that it requires two or more people to give a commercial value to anything. Yet they are not the controlling factor, and the rise and fall of rents and of land values, as well as all of the products of labor both in cities and in country, take place from a cause over which the people througn their ignorance of the subject have no control. It is high interest on scarce money that is the cause and the only cause of the unequal distribution of the rewards of industry and of the monopolization of land. And the more dense the popu lation, and the greater the industry and thrift of the people, the greater is the demand for this indispensible medium of exchange. And the greater the de mand the higher the rent or interest asked for the use of this medium by those who own or control it. For as Mr. Kellogg says: “The cen tralizing power of money increases in geometrical proportion to the rate of inteiest. This is practical as well as a mathmetical truth or law, which is con dstgiven FREE To persons getting up dubs we make the following offer: One new subscription entitles the sender to two books, !; ; two new subcriptions entitles the sender to four books, three ! 1 ; new subscriptions entitles the sender to six books and for a <! ! club of ten new cash subscribers we will send the entire list of |! ! twenty-three books. . ! Each subscriber receives The Representative one year ! | and also "Farm and Home" and "Home-made Contrivances" j | as advertised on our front page. j These books are printed in large, clear type, on good pa- !; per, are well bound, have handsome paper covers in two col- !; j ors, and are sold by newsdealers everywhere at 25 cents. The whole list of twenty-three volumes makes a library of ;! ; standard works, a rich and rare treasure in any home. No dime novels or sensational literature in the list. Best ;! ! works only of the best authors. ;! ; Autocrat of the Breakfast Tab!e Oliver Wendell Holmes 25c A Study in Scarlet A. Conan Doyle 25c ;! 1 Jane Eyre Charlotte Bronte 25c < | ! The Last of the Mohicans Jas. Fenimore Cooper 25c !| ! The Last Days of Pompeii Bulwer Lytton 25c > | John Halifax M ss Mulock 25c ;! ; The House of the Ssven Gables Nathaniel Hawthorne 25c ! » The Hunchback of Notre Dame Victor Hugo 25c ![ ! Ivanhoe Sir Walter Scott 25c ! ; | The Deer Slayer James Fenimore Cooper 25c |i ; Beside the Bonnie Brier Bush lan Madaren 25c ;! » Mosses from an Old Manse Nathaniel Hawthorne 25c J I Quo Vadis Sienkiewicr 25c !; I Samantha at Saratoga Holley 25c !> | The Scottish Chiefs Miss Jane Porter 25c ;! | The Toilers of the Sea Victor Hugo 25c ;! ' Uncle Tom's Cabin Harriet Beecher Stowe 25c | ! Doctor Jekyll and Mr. Hyde Robert L. Stevenson 25c j | Hypatia Charles Kingsley 25c ; Ships That Pass in the Night Beatrice Harraden 25c |! Black Beauty Anna Sewell 25c <! ! Poe's Tales.. Edgar A. Poe .25c !j ! In His Steps Chas. M. Sheldon 25c !; stantly operating to centralize the wealth of the nation into the hands of the few'.” Suppose the single tax in operation not only in one state but throughout the Union. Confidence is now restored, justice has been done, there is an im mense revival in trade, hoarded money goes into circulation, burdensome taxes have all been done away with, each and every one can pursue any legitimate business or employment he choose with out let or hindrance or fear of the tax collector. All we are now expected and required by law to pay'in the way of taxes is a small tax on the value of the land we may occupy. Labor is in great demand, the employers in fact cannot get all the help they require, and are continually seeking more help. The w r orking man is at last independent, he demands his price and gets it; wages have risen from a dollar a day to five, ten and fif teen dollars a day. But in this imagi nary prosperity I have attempted to pic ture, we have left out of consideration the national medium by and througn which our debts are paid, and our vari ous exchanges must be effected. We now have the single tax and last ing prosperity but not a sufficiency of money, it is scarce and the demand for it is great, and in consequence the rent or interest for its use must go up and up; and the w r ealtli of the nation then, as now, is centralized into the hands of the few. Single taxers consider money a sec ondary consideration and believe that after the adoption of this great reform, the money question can be settled to the satisfaction of all without any fric tion or trouble. But in this thought they are greatly mistaken. Their whole cry is against the land monopolizing landlord; but in the money monopoliz ing lords they have the mightiest pow'er on earth to contend with: a power that controls the political management or na tions, their destinies and revenues. More powerful than any of the nominal rulers of the earth, for they are the real rulers. And in the mighty grasp of this pow'- er the single taxers, like all others, art, perfectly helpless, and for this reason. They wield this power over rulers and people on account of the people them selves believing in the material value of money. While the people believe in the pre cious metals as making the only real money, the money power will remain in control, and instead of a single tax on land values we will have a multiplicity of taxes to pay on an immense per manent national debt, which they, the money power, through their henchman, Gage, have succeeded in rushing through congress. Do not the great majority of single taxers share in this hard money be-'ief? I think they do. And as long as they do you may rest assured they wall nevei have even freedom and independence, much less the single tax. Very respect fully, J. J. PATTERSON. San Francisco, Cal. Health for 10 cents. Cascarets make the bowels and kidneys act naturally, destroy microbes, cure headache, bili ousness and constipation. All druggists, WE WILL COXTIME THE GAGE OF BATTLE AM) XEVER TAKE ll* THE GACXTLET WHICH WE HAVE THKOAVX lIOW.X. The immortal Donnelly, with his gi gantic intellect and keen perception, was able to foresee the scheme of the money power from the first, and being unwilling unlike most politicians to sac rifice his honor and the people's rights for position and money, he found him self directly opposing the great horde of political scavengers, thinking that the people would indorse and support lead ers that demanded justice for all class es, found the deceptive power of gold had so blinded the masses that friends, defenders, home, family, property, lib erty and life were freely sacrificed to their destroyer, but all honor to his memory. Ignatius died with man hood, honor and the equitable rights Given Away; <| To persona getting up clubs 1 we make the following offer: 5 !; For one new annual cash |! !; subscription we will give any ;! j' three of ths following list of < <! books. I |! For two new annual cash !; |! supscriptions we will give any | !| seven of the following list and ; ior three new cash subscript- j! J> ions we will send post paid to j! the person sending in the !| <| names the entire list. In this list are books that !| i[ have sold everywhere for 25 I; I; cents and 10 cents and are the |! !> best reform books printed. I; Each subscriber receives the ;! ;! Representative one year and *lso “Farm and Home” and !| “Home Made Contrivances” as !| !; advertised on our front page. j! 1 1 Seven Financial Conspiracies. !; |; Ten Men of Money Island. ]! Imprudent Marriages. j! New Zealand in a Nutshell. ![ 1 1 Poems for the People. ![ !; The Man Under the Machine. j Direct Legislation. ;! |! Socialism and Farmers. 1 1 ;! Municipal Socialism. '; ; Utopia. i • I Liberty. |! ' Govt. Ownership of Railways. ;! i Land, Machinery and Inheritance 1 50 YEARS' EXPERIENCE vH^K3BmSBBapKkK^H!ISS| H I L J J * L j m^& ™ /ill j ■ & %C| 1 1I■ k ■ j *, v y I Trade Marks Designs r Copyrights Ac. Anvnne sending a sketch and description may quickly ascertain our opinion free whether nu invention is probably patentable. Communica tions strictly confidential. Handbook on Patent* sent free. Oldest agency for securing patents. Patents taken through Munn & Co. receive special notice, without charge, in the Scientific American. A handsomely illustrated weeklv. Largest, cir culation of any scientific journal. Terms, t'i a j year: four months, 11. Sold byal’ newsdealers. | IBUNN & Co. 36,8 r» New York - Branch Office. 024 F 8*.., Washington, I). 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